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Étrange pays que cet État chiite qui n'a jamais rompu avec son passé préislamique et qui, malgré son particularisme, a toujours exercé un rayonnement culturel bien au-delà de ses frontières. Curieux destin que celui de ce vieil empire aujourd'hui entouré de jeunes États, objet, pendant le XIXe siècle et le début du XXe, de rivalités entre puissances russe et britannique, et qui est aussi la première nation du Moyen-Orient à s'être dotée d'une Constitution moderne à la suite d'une révolution dès 1906.Précurseur dans la nationalisation de ses ressources pétro-lières, l'Iran est également le premier pays à avoir connu une révolution islamique qui a provoqué un séisme politique à tra-vers le monde musulman et au-delà. Aujourd'hui, les Iraniens et les Iraniennes cherchent la voie pour sortir d'un régime despo-tique et misogyne qui refuse d'entendre leurs revendications. L'histoire contemporaine de l'Iran, laboratoire politique et nation à part, du point de vue identitaire et historique, vaut d'être connue. Le présent ouvrage a pour ambition d'initier le lecteur à cette histoire foisonnante de l'Iran des deux derniers siècles (1796-2023)., info:eu-repo/semantics/published, 3

La mort du président de la République islamique d’Iran ne devrait avoir d’incidence sur la ligne politique du pays, puisque le Guide de larévolution et le corps des gardiens détiennent l’essentiel des pouvoirs. Analyse...., info:eu-repo/semantics/published

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La guerre en Ukraine offre à l'Iran un contexte favorable pour relancer des relations à la traîne avec les Républiques centrasiatiques. Si ces dernières semblent demandeuses et s'il existe d'importants intérêts communs, les obstacles n'en sont pas moins nombreux à commencer par l'isolement de Téhéran sur la scène internationale et les sanctions qui pèsent sur son économie. Les alignements anti-occidentaux de l'Iran, sa proximité avec Vladimir Poutine, ainsi que les turbulences internes que connaît le pays depuis septembre 2022 invitent également ses voisins d'Asie centrale à la prudence. Il n'empêche, une coopération multiforme s'est récemment intensifiée dans divers secteurs. Un développement dont le régime iranien cherche à tirer le meilleur parti., info:eu-repo/semantics/published

This thesis explores why the Chinese government allows Hui Muslims comparatively broad discretion in their religious practice, despite the Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP) distrust of religion. In order to reveal the preferential treatment secured by Hui Muslims, particularly in comparison with their Uyghur compatriots, I illustrate the CCP’s ability to use and control Hui Islam for its own benefit, namely to strengthen Muslim support for the CCP. The primary reason for the Chinese government to allow Hui Muslims greater freedom of practice is the successful and ongoing Sinicization of Hui Muslims and the corresponding otherization of Uyghur culture and religious practice as dangerous and foreign. What role does the Islamic Association of China (IAC) play in shaping statist interpretations of religion? I answer this question by looking at the development of a religious bureaucracy in China. My main focus is on the IAC as a significant actor. Located between the Chinese state and Muslim communities, the IAC plays a vital role in securitizing “non-compliant” Islamic practices. My study explores the CCP’s definition of “Chinese Muslims” and “lawful Islam” as well as the centrality of the IAC for these processes of meaning-making, otherization and securitization. I trace the emergence of Hui Islam as the compliant and thus less securitized model for Chinese Islam with Chinese characteristics and the association of Uyghur religious practice with the “Three Evil Forces” (Separatism, Terrorism and Extremism)., Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales, info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Le 17 septembre 2021, la candidature de l'Iran pour devenir le neuvième membre de l'Organisation de coopération de Shanghai (OCS) a été officiellement approuvée lors du 20ème sommet qui s'est tenu à Douchanbé, au Tadjikistan. Cet événement, salué comme une victoire diplomatique majeure pour Téhéran, symbolise le rapprochement que le nouveau gouvernement iranien opère avec ses voisins orientaux, principalement la Chine et la Russie. L'approbation de l'adhésion de l'Iran à l'OCS en 2021, loin d'être un virage, et même si le contexte régional et mondial a considérablement changé, s'inscrit dans la continuité de la politique étrangère menée par Téhéran depuis plusieurs décennies, une politique par laquelle la République islamique cherche à « contourner les alliances » pour mieux résister aux États-Unis et à leurs alliés. Devenir un membre à part entière de l'OCS ouvrirait, selon certains observateurs, des perspectives importantes pour Téhéran. Mais quelle est la situation réelle ?La guerre russe en Ukraine, qui a débuté en février 2022 et qui pèse désormais sur le contexte mondial, ne vient-elle pas également bouleverser les calculs ?, info:eu-repo/semantics/published

Depuis septembre 2022, le corset taillé par le régime des mollahs menace d’exploser :ceux qui ont détrôné le chah en 1979 pourraient à leur tour se voir évincés par la rue. L’Iran connaîtra-t-il, maintenant ou plus tard, une révolution dont l’un des moteurs principaux ne soit pas, comme c’est le cas depuis 1906, son clergé chiite ?, info:eu-repo/semantics/published

The EU continues to be a formidable power through trade, concluding trade agreements with countries of the Global North and South, including with formerly colonised countries. In the context of the latter group, the EU's problematic colonial past has increasingly been recognised as influencing perceptions of the EU as a trading partner. Specific for the EU's normative trade agreements are attempts to combine economic interests with soft dialogue seeking cooperation in the field of labour and environment through specific chapters in its trade agreements. Depending on where one stands, this mechanism can be viewed as benevolent friend- or predatory foe. This research dissertation steps into this debate by analysing perceptions of the EU in the context of its trade agreements with two formerly colonised countries: Indonesia and Vietnam. For this, the project adopts a hermeneutic discourse analysis to uncloak how latent embedments of the colonial experience in Vietnam's and Indonesia's post-colonial national identities influence perceptions of trade agreement negotiations with the EU on the EU-Vietnam Free Trade Agreement (concluded in 2018) and EU-Indonesia Free Trade Agreement (continuously negotiated).For the EU's internal audience, the trade-labour-environment nexus has been a crucial legitimizing aspect for the continued pursuit of a neoliberal trade agenda. This performative narrative builds on a distinction between the EU and the Member States' past colonial ambitions. The EU now acts benevolently, i.e. the EU acts responsibly and ethically, to peacefully ensure the world's well-being and promote human rights and democracy. The EU's external audience has presented more scepticism towards the EU as a friend in its trade relations, i.e. the benevolence of the EU's trade identity. Building on memories of colonialism enshrined in their national identity, the EU's trade-labour-environment nexus has also been viewed as a foe or predatory. From the viewpoint of the trad, Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales, info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

This book examines how the young in Northeast Asia engage with the political, especially in terms of the production, reformulation, or contestation of their national identities.Through case studies covering China, Japan, South Korea, North Korea and Taiwan, the contributions provide a study of the online spaces where youth engage with current debates regarding national identities. The book also unpacks the distinctive forms of expression and negotiation of national identities favoured by younger generations across Northeast Asia and asks questions specifically raised by their political mobilisation. For example, how their public mobilisation for a given cause has forced them to rethink their place in national and global communities.This book will be a valuable resource for scholars and students of East Asian culture and politics, media studies and youth studies.The Introduction of this book is freely available as a downloadable Open Access PDF at https://www.taylorfrancis.com under a Creative Commons Attribution-Non Commercial-No Derivatives (CC-BY-NC-ND) 4.0 license., 0, info:eu-repo/semantics/published, 1

This book examines how the young in Northeast Asia engage with the political, especially in terms of the production, reformulation, or contestation of their national identities.Through case studies covering China, Japan, South Korea, North Korea and Taiwan, the contributions provide a study of the online spaces where youth engage with current debates regarding national identities. The book also unpacks the distinctive forms of expression and negotiation of national identities favoured by younger generations across Northeast Asia and asks questions specifically raised by their political mobilisation. For example, how their public mobilisation for a given cause has forced them to rethink their place in national and global communities.This book will be a valuable resource for scholars and students of East Asian culture and politics, media studies and youth studies.The Introduction of this book is freely available as a downloadable Open Access PDF at https://www.taylorfrancis.com under a Creative Commons Attribution-Non Commercial-No Derivatives (CC-BY-NC-ND) 4.0 license., 0, info:eu-repo/semantics/published

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Depuis 2017, le sous-continent latino-américain est associé par la République populaire de Chine (RPC) à son initiative des routes de la soie (Belt and Road Initiative ou BRI). Dans le cas du Panama, l’expansion chinoise a débuté plus tôt. En 2017, l’administration de Juan Carlos Varela a soudainement rompu les relations diplomatiques entretenues de longue date avec Taïwan au profit de la RPC. En deux ans (2017-2019), les relations bilatérales se sont développées tous azimuts. Toutefois, le changement d’administration à la tête du Panama à l’été 2019 suivi de la crise de la covid-19 ont provoqué des turbulences dans les rapports bilatéraux. Leur futur est aujourd’hui incertain, illustrant les difficultés rencontrées par la Chine dans son expansion en Amérique latine., info:eu-repo/semantics/published

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La guerre en Ukraine a rapproché le président russe Vladimir Poutine et son homologue iranien Ibrahim Raïssi au nom d’un même anti- occidentalisme..., info:eu-repo/semantics/published

Qui sont les Perses ?Pourquoi l'Iran est-il devenu chiite ?Quelles sont les causes de la révolution islamique ?L'Iran et Israël sont-ils des ennemis irréconciliables ?Qui est Hassan Rohani ?L'Iran souhaite-t-il normaliser ses relations avec les états-Unis ?Iran-Arabie Saoudite :une nouvelle guerre froide ?Des splendeurs de Persépolis au raffinement d'Ispahan, l'Iran fascine depuis trois mille ans par sa tradition ancestrale et son patrimoine culturel. Mais, depuis la révolution islamique, le régime inquiète, mêlant étroitement le politique et le religieux sans répondre aux aspirations de la société civile en matière de développement économique et de libertés. En 100 questions didactiques, Mohammad-Reza Djalili et Thierry Kellner donnent les clés pour comprendre ce pays incontournable de l'échiquier géopolitique moyen-oriental., info:eu-repo/semantics/published, 4

The brutal ousting during the « Egyptian Spring » of President Mubarak, who has played a key role in the strengthening of bilateral Sino-Egyptian relations, has greatly worried the PRC. Against all expectations, his two successors have not only preserved their country’s links with Beijing, but have extended them for in spite of their utter opposition, both of them have perceived the PRC as a very useful political and economic alternative. Beijing, for its part, has also seized the new openings which were much in line with its own interests. Constantly abiding by its non-interference rhetoric, it has reached out to the regimes that have succeeded each other at the helm of Egypt since 2011. This strategy has turned China into one of the rare powers -if not the only one- to succeed in consolidating its ties with a turbulent Egypt. This article ambitions to examine and analyze the cross interests of both countries that have strongly contributed to the all-round expansion of their bilateral relations since 2011.

Le retour des talibans au pouvoir et les nouvelles menaces djihadistes attisent les luttes d'influence entre les puissances de la région. Une lecture géopolitique de la situation à l'été 2021., info:eu-repo/semantics/published

L’Union européenne, les Etats-Unis, le Canada et le Royaume-Uni se coordonnent pour sanctionner les responsables de la répression contre les musulmans du Xinjiang. Un tournant dans les relations avec Pékin., info:eu-repo/semantics/published

This book assesses the political, economic and geopolitical dynamics that China’s presence has initiated throughout Latin America and the Caribbean between 2008 and 2020. Written by experts across three continents, contributions to this edited volume explore the bilateral relations that China has developed with almost all Latin American and Caribbean countries, charting both the benefits they have brought and the problems that these relations have created for local actors. The book analyses the emergence of new forms of “dependence”, considers issues such as the existence of a deindustrialization phenomenon throughout Latin America and ultimately questions whether China and the United States are engaged in a zero-sum game in the region. It also investigates challenges that the densification of the web of China’s relations and exchanges with Latin America and the Caribbean countries pose; not only to the United States and European countries, as traditional partners of these states, but also to Latin American regionalism. Including an extensive set of case studies and local, regional and global-level analysis, China-Latin America and the Caribbean provides an empirically rich resource for students and scholars of Chinese foreign and economic policy, Latin America, the Caribbean and wider geopolitics., SCOPUS: bk.b, info:eu-repo/semantics/published

Chinese expansion into Panama has taken place in stages. In the 1990s, the PRC and Panama established trade ties. In the decades that followed, trade increased turning Beijing into a major trading partner of Panama and one of the most important users of its canal. In 2017, to everyone’s surprise, Varela’s administration broke off the long-standing diplomatic relations with Taiwan in favour of the PRC. Within two years, under President Varela, in the context of the BRI, bilateral relations have expanded across the board. The existence of significant cross-interests, as well as the dynamics at work since 2017, suggest that Panama could play a major or even ‘pivotal’ role for the BRI in Latin America. However, despite these interests and the significant achievements under Varela’s administration, the bilateral relationship faces substantial obstacles both within Panama and internationally. The significant expansion of Sino-Panamanian bilateral relations may therefore have been a simple “tour de valse”., SCOPUS: ch.b, info:eu-repo/semantics/published