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Introduction In society, dental professionals, including orthodontists, are often viewed as being solely motivated by money. Nevertheless, numerous orthodontists volunteer for community initiatives where they provide free or heavily subsidized treatment for underserved populations. This study explores the motivations of a group of New Zealand orthodontists who volunteered for one of these initiatives, Wish For A Smile (WFAS), as well as the high and low points of this work. Methods Qualitative telephone interviews were conducted with 11 orthodontists who volunteer for WFAS. An inductive data analysis of the data was undertaken and a descriptive qualitative method was chosen. Results Most participants volunteered for WFAS because they desired to give back to the community. High points of their voluntary work were seeing patients' self-esteem, happiness, and future life chances increase as a result of treatment. Low points included seeing the challenging life circumstances of some WFAS patients and treating some adolescents who appeared not to qualify. A number of participants said WFAS patients were more grateful and cooperative than fee-paying patients, whereas others reported the opposite. Conclusions There are many reasons why orthodontists volunteer for orthodontic community initiatives, although many may be motivated by a sense of social responsibility to give back to the community.

Background It is reported that in New Zealand financially disadvantaged adolescents are less likely to access orthodontic treatment than the more affluent in society. Objectives The aim of the study was to investigate the attitudes of a group of New Zealand orthodontists towards the current fee-for-service model of treatment funding. A second aim was to explore orthodontists’ perceptions of how the affordability of orthodontic treatment affects low socio-economic families. Methods As part of the project, 11 volunteer orthodontists were interviewed. A subsequent content analysis of the collected data was performed. Results Most participants reported that parents would feel inadequate if they were unable to secure orthodontic treatment for their child; however, some participants also indicated that it was common for parents to ‘go without’ to fund their child’s treatment. Most participants maintained that the government should only fund treatment for severely disabling malocclusions but not other treatments due to the limited health budget and orthodontic treatment being primarily considered for aesthetic reasons. Some participants reported that if the government funded orthodontic treatment, it would result in over subscription and compromised standards of care. Conclusion Despite some low socio-economic families being unable to access orthodontic treatment because of the expense, the current fee-for-service model may be the best method for delivering high standards of orthodontic care.

Background Numerous studies have indicated that a malocclusion possibly affects young people’s well-being and oral health-related quality of life (OHRQoL). Dento-facial aesthetics may influence how people are judged and may elicit social consequences such as bullying and negative comments. The present study aimed to explore the impact of a malocclusion on young New Zealanders who sought subsidised treatment from the Wish for a Smile (WFAS) organisation and to determine their motivation for seeking care. Method A qualitative thematic analysis of 151 application letters to WFAS from young people (aged 11–18 years) and their caregivers was supplemented by telephone interviews of nine successful and nine unsuccessful applicants to explore their experiences through their own words. Results In both the letters and the interviews, young people most commonly reported psychological impacts, followed by social and emotional effects associated with their malocclusion. Physical impacts were less commonly reported. In their application letters, caregivers, although at lower frequencies, reported that the young people experienced the same impacts. One caregiver referred to the young person’s malocclusion as a temporary disability. Conclusion For some young people, a malocclusion may lead to social consequences that are disabling. When considering funding options, it is important to note the individual experience and the impact that a malocclusion might have upon the young person’s well-being.

In this article, we consider how mobility, immobility, embodiment and affect appeared in research with 13 beginning teachers who were ‘bonded’ graduates of a twinned (Malaysia-New Zealand) teacher education programme. We discuss the teachers' accounts of moving place, and being placed in new schools; ‘moving selves’, or experiencing a changed sense of self as new teachers; ‘moving students’, or seeing shifts in students' educational outcomes; and being moved by (responding affectively to) student learning and behaviour. Our study highlights the need in internationalised teacher (and higher) education to pre-empt challenges inherent in moving ‘home’ or to new places to work.

We argue that Garrett and Segall’s concepts of ‘doing school’ and ‘pushing back’ are valuable tools for analysing pre-service teachers’ political views of neoliberal education reforms such as the introduction of charter schools. We extend Garrett and Segall’s conceptualization by hybridizing ‘doing school’ and ‘pushing back’ in order to move beyond a simplistic celebration of student resistance, which often overlooks forms of resistance that are compliant with the status quo, in this case the neoliberal status quo. We analyse participants’ political views as they emerged in a debate about charter schools in New Zealand. Garrett and Segall’s concepts, in conjunction with poststructuralist theories of subjectivity, are deployed as analytical tools for understanding the complexity of students’ political subjectivities in a debate conducted on a Facebook page set up for that purpose.

This paper draws on interviews with five beginning teachers, who were part of a larger qualitative study, to consider the implications of national standards for teachers, parents and students in New Zealand. Twice a year, New Zealand primary and intermediate (Year 1–8) schools must report on students' learning against national standards in reading, writing and mathematics, positioning students as ‘above’, ‘at’, ‘below’ or ‘well below’ the relevant standard. The teachers in our study described enacting the standards as a key challenge and/or an area where they needed professional development, noting a tension between accountability and care imperatives.

The focus of this chapter is how young people craft their identities in digital spaces in ways that embody their offline identities. Digital spaces are created through interrelations-between (Massey 2005). While sites such as Facebook may appear to be a place and space in their own right, Facebook can also be understood as a multiplicity of spaces-between created through interrelations (Massey 2005). On Facebook, young people present and perform their identities to multiple audiences, including online “Friends” (where “Friends” indicate digitally mediated online connections), offline “friends” (materially-based offline “friends”; see Boyd and Ellison Journal of Computer-Mediated Communication, 13(1), 210–230, 2007), family, employers, and extended social K. Blanch (*) College of Education, University of Otago, Dunedin, New Zealand e-mail: keely.blanch@otago.ac.nz # Springer Science+Business Media Singapore 2015 K. Nairn et al. (eds.), Space, Place and Environment, Geographies of Children and Young People 3, DOI 10.1007/978-981-4585-90-3_20-1 1 networks of acquaintances. Many of these audience members will have expectations of the young person’s performance based on offline interactions (Boyd, Why youth (heart) social networking sites: The role of networked publics in teenage social life. In D. Buckingham (Ed.), Youth, identity and digital media (pp. 119–1442). Cambridge: MIT Press, 2008; Goffman, The presentation of self in everyday life. Garden City: Doubleday, 1959). With both online and offline interrelational spaces, young people negotiate blurred public/private boundaries, multiple performative spaces, blended audiences, and relationships anchored by offline connections (Blanch et al. International Journal of Social Media and Interactive Learning Environments, 2(1), 70–84, 2014; Boyd, Why youth (heart) social networking sites: The role of networked publics in teenage social life. In D. Buckingham (Ed.), Youth, identity and digital media (pp. 119–1442). Cambridge: MIT Press, 2008; Marwick and Boyd New Media & Society. doi: ▶ 10.1177/1461444810365313, 2010; Zhao et al. Computers in Human Behavior, 24(5), 1816–1836, 2008). This chapter explores the way a group of young women negotiated the tensions created by merged educational and social spaces when Facebook was used for formal educational purposes. These young women were senior students at an urban high school in New Zealand. During group and individual interviews, these students described how they adapted their online identity presentations to multiple audiences. For these young women, Facebook was not a separate place/ space. Instead, Facebook was a continuation of materially-located spaces and interrelations-between.