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Background Population mental health in the United Kingdom (UK) has deteriorated, alongside worsening socioeconomic conditions, over the last decade. Policies such as Universal Basic Income (UBI) have been suggested as an alternative economic approach to improve population mental health and reduce health inequalities. UBI may improve mental health (MH), but to our knowledge, no studies have trialled or modelled UBI in whole populations. We aimed to estimate the short-term effects of introducing UBI on mental health in the UK working-age population. Methods and findings Adults aged 25 to 64 years were simulated across a 4-year period from 2022 to 2026 with the SimPaths microsimulation model, which models the effects of UK tax/benefit policies on mental health via income, poverty, and employment transitions. Data from the nationally representative UK Household Longitudinal Study were used to generate the simulated population (n = 25,000) and causal effect estimates. Three counterfactual UBI scenarios were modelled from 2023: 'Partial' (value equivalent to existing benefits), 'Full' (equivalent to the UK Minimum Income Standard), and 'Full+' (retaining means-tested benefits for disability, housing, and childcare). Likely common mental disorder (CMD) was measured using the General Health Questionnaire (GHQ-12, score [greater than or equal to]4). Relative and slope indices of inequality were calculated, and outcomes stratified by gender, age, education, and household structure. Simulations were run 1,000 times to generate 95% uncertainty intervals (UIs). Sensitivity analyses relaxed SimPaths assumptions about reduced employment resulting from Full/Full+ UBI. Partial UBI had little impact on poverty, employment, or mental health. Full UBI scenarios practically eradicated poverty but decreased employment (for Full+ from 78.9% [95% UI 77.9, 79.9] to 74.1% [95% UI 72.6, 75.4]). Full+ UBI increased absolute CMD prevalence by 0.38% (percentage points; 95% UI 0.13, 0.69) in 2023, equivalent to 157,951 additional CMD cases (95% UI 54,036, 286,805); effects were largest for men (0.63% [95% UI 0.31, 1.01]) and those with children (0.64% [95% UI 0.18, 1.14]). In our sensitivity analysis assuming minimal UBI-related employment impacts, CMD prevalence instead fell by 0.27% (95% UI -0.49, -0.05), a reduction of 112,228 cases (95% UI 20,783, 203,673); effects were largest for women (-0.32% [95% UI -0.65, 0.00]), those without children (-0.40% [95% UI -0.68, -0.15]), and those with least education (-0.42% [95% UI -0.97, 0.15]). There was no effect on educational mental health inequalities in any scenario, and effects waned by 2026. The main limitations of our methods are the model's short time horizon and focus on pathways from UBI to mental health solely via income, poverty, and employment, as well as the inability to integrate macroeconomic consequences of UBI; future iterations of the model will address these limitations. Conclusions UBI has potential to improve short-term population mental health by reducing poverty, particularly for women, but impacts are highly dependent on whether individuals choose to remain in employment following its introduction. Future research modelling additional causal pathways between UBI and mental health would be beneficial., Author(s): Rachel M. Thomson 1,*, Daniel Kopasker 1, Patryk Bronka 2, Matteo Richiardi 2, Vladimir Khodygo 1, Andrew J. Baxter 1, Erik Igelström 1, Anna Pearce 1, Alastair H. Leyland [...]

Background To estimate the effect of social media use in 14 year olds on risk of and inequalities in alcohol use and binge drinking at 17 years. Methods Using the UK-representative Millennium Cohort Study, the relationship between time spent on social media (assessed using questionnaires [ n  = 8987] and time-use-diaries [ n  = 2520]) with frequency of alcohol use in the past month and binge drinking was estimated using adjusted odds ratios (AORs) or adjusted relative risk ratios (ARRRs). Associations within low and high parental education groups were compared to examine effect modification. Analyses accounted for pre-specified confounders, baseline outcome measures (to address reverse causality), sample design, attrition and item-missingness (through multiple imputation). Results Questionnaire-reported time spent on social media was associated with increased risk of alcohol use and binge drinking in a dose–response manner. Compared to 1-< 30 min/day social media users, 30 min-<1 h/day users were more likely to report alcohol use ≥6 times/month (ARRR 1.62 [95% confidence interval 1.20 to 2.20]) and binge drinking (AOR 1.51 [1.22 to 1.87]), as were 1–<2 h/day users (ARRR 2.61 [1.90 to 3.58]; AOR 2.06 [1.69 to 2.52]) and ≥2 h/day users (ARRR 4.80 [3.65 to 6.32]; AOR 3.07 [2.54 to 3.70]). Social media measured by time-use-diary was associated with higher risks, although not always demonstrating a dose–response relationship. The effect of social media use (vs no-use) on binge drinking was larger in the higher (vs lower) parental education groups. Analyses repeated in complete case samples, and with adjustment for baseline outcome measures revealed consistent findings. Conclusions Findings suggest social media use may increase risk of alcohol use and binge drinking. Regulatory action protecting adolescents from harmful alcohol-related social media content is necessary. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Employment and income are important determinants of mental health (MH), but the extent that unemployment effects are mediated by reduced income is unclear. We estimated the total effect (TE) of unemployment on MH and the controlled direct effect (CDE) not acting via income. Methods: We included adults 25–64 years from nine waves of the UK Household Longitudinal Study (n = 45 497/ obs = 202 297). Unemployment was defined as not being in paid employment; common mental disorder (CMD) was defined as General Health Questionnaire-12 score ≥4. We conducted causal mediation analysis using double-robust marginal structural modelling, estimating odds ratios (OR) and absolute differences for effects of unemployment on CMD in the same year, before (TE) and after (CDE) blocking the income pathway. We calculated percentage mediation by income, with bootstrapped standard errors. Results: The TE of unemployment on CMD risk was OR 1.66 (95% CI 1.57–1.76), with 7.09% (6.21–7.97) absolute difference in prevalence; equivalent CDEs were OR 1.55 (1.46–1.66) and 6.08% (5.13–7.03). Income mediated 14.22% (8.04–20.40) of the TE. Percentage mediation was higher for job losses [15.10% (6.81–23.39)] than gains [8.77% (0.36–17.19)]; it was lowest for those 25–40 years [7.99% (−2.57 to 18.51)] and in poverty [2.63% (−2.22 to 7.49)]. Conclusions: A high proportion of the short-term effect of unemployment on MH is not explained by income, particularly for younger people and those in poverty. Population attributable fractions suggested 16.49% of CMD burden was due to unemployment, with 13.90% directly attributable to job loss rather than resultant income changes. Similar analytical approaches could explore how this differs across contexts, by other factors, and consider longer-term effects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background Addressing poverty through taxation or welfare policies is likely important for public mental health; however, few studies assess poverty's effects using causal epidemiology. We estimated the effect of poverty on mental health. Methods We used data on working-age adults (25–64 years) from nine waves of the UK Household Longitudinal Survey (2009–19; n  = 45 497/observations = 202 207 following multiple imputation). We defined poverty as a household equivalized income <60% median, and the outcome likely common mental disorder (CMD) as a General Health Questionnaire-12 score ≥4. We used double-robust marginal structural modelling with inverse probability of treatment weights to generate absolute and relative effects. Supplementary analyses separated transitions into/out of poverty, and stratified by gender, education, and age. We quantified potential impact through population attributable fractions (PAFs) with bootstrapped standard errors. Results Good balance of confounders was achieved between exposure groups, with 45 830 observations (22.65%) reporting poverty. The absolute effect of poverty on CMD prevalence was 2.15% [%-point change; 95% confidence interval (CI) 1.45, 2.84]; prevalence in those unexposed was 20.59% (95% CI 20.29%, 20.88%), and the odds ratio was 1.17 (95% CI 1.12, 1.24). There was a larger absolute effect for transitions into poverty [2.46% (95% CI 1.56, 3.36)] than transitions out of poverty [–1.49% (95% CI –2.46, –0.53)]. Effects were also slightly larger in women than men [2.34% (95% CI 1.41, 3.26) versus 1.73% (95% CI 0.72, 2.74)]. The PAF for moving into poverty was 6.34% (95% CI 4.23, 8.45). Conclusions PAFs derived from our causal estimates suggest moves into poverty account for just over 6% of the burden of CMD in the UK working-age population, with larger effects in women. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores the potential mechanisms of social media as a determinant of health. It considers the role of social media in improving the flow of health information and in strengthening social connections and interpersonal relations. It discusses the association of social media to self-esteem, social comparison and obsessive-compulsive behavior, adverse effects of digital marketing on health behaviors, health consequences of dis/misinformation, and distortion of public health discourse.

Background Migrant and ethnic minority groups are often assumed to have poor health relative to the majority population. Few countries have the capacity to study a key indicator, mortality, by ethnicity and country of birth. We hypothesized at least 10% differences in mortality by ethnic group in Scotland that would not be wholly attenuated by adjustment for socio-economic factors or country of birth. Methods and findings We linked the Scottish 2001 Census to mortality data (2001-2013) in 4.62 million people (91% of estimated population), calculating age-adjusted mortality rate ratios (RRs; multiplied by 100 as percentages) with 95% confidence intervals (CIs) for 13 ethnic groups, with the White Scottish group as reference (ethnic group classification follows the Scottish 2001 Census). The Scottish Index of Multiple Deprivation, education status, and household tenure were socio-economic status (SES) confounding variables and born in the UK or Republic of Ireland (UK/RoI) an interacting and confounding variable. Smoking and diabetes data were from a primary care sub-sample (about 53,000 people). Males and females in most minority groups had lower age-adjusted mortality RRs than the White Scottish group. The 95% CIs provided good evidence that the RR was more than 10% lower in the following ethnic groups: Other White British (72.3 [95% CI 64.2, 81.3] in males and 75.2 [68.0, 83.2] in females); Other White (80.8 [72.8, 89.8] in males and 76.2 [68.6, 84.7] in females); Indian (62.6 [51.6, 76.0] in males and 60.7 [50.4, 73.1] in females); Pakistani (66.1 [57.4, 76.2] in males and 73.8 [63.7, 85.5] in females); Bangladeshi males (50.7 [32.5, 79.1]); Caribbean females (57.5 [38.5, 85.9]); and Chinese (52.2 [43.7, 62.5] in males and 65.8 [55.3, 78.2] in females). The differences were diminished but not eliminated after adjusting for UK/RoI birth and SES variables. A mortality advantage was evident in all 12 minority groups for those born abroad, but in only 6/12 male groups and 5/12 female groups of those born in the UK/RoI. In the primary care sub-sample, after adjustment for age, UK/RoI born, SES, smoking, and diabetes, the RR was not lower in Indian males (114.7 [95% CI 78.3, 167.9]) and Pakistani females (103.9 [73.9, 145.9]) than in White Scottish males and females, respectively. The main limitations were the inability to include deaths abroad and the small number of deaths in some ethnic minority groups, especially for people born in the UK/RoI. Conclusions There was relatively low mortality for many ethnic minority groups compared to the White Scottish majority. The mortality advantage was less clear in UK/RoI-born minority group offspring than in immigrants. These differences need explaining, and health-related behaviours seem important. Similar analyses are required internationally to fulfil agreed goals for monitoring, understanding, and improving health in ethnically diverse societies and to apply to health policy, especially on health inequalities and inequities., Author(s): Raj S. Bhopal 1,*, Laurence Gruer 1, Genevieve Cezard 1, Anne Douglas 1, Markus F. C. Steiner 2,3, Andrew Millard 4, Duncan Buchanan 5, S. Vittal Katikireddi 6, Aziz [...]