Search

This article examines the coverage of Sun Yatsen's pan-Asianism speech in November 1924 by three colonial-era Korean daily newspapers (Dong-A Ilbo, Chosun Ilbo and Mai-Il Shinpo), in the context of the events immediately before and after the speech. My interest lies in illuminating how Sun's message was interpreted differently by these dailies. On the one hand, the Dong-A Ilbo, as a nationalist newspaper, sought to evoke anti-Japanese sentiments and the desire for national independence in its readers through Sun's voice. For the Dong-A's Korean readers, Sun was a symbol of anti-colonial nationalism. On the other, the Mai-Il Shinpo, which was published by the Japanese colonial government, reported enthusiastically on Sun's pan-Asianism speech to promote the idea of Japan–China cooperation and a Japan-centred regional order in East Asia. A closer examination of Sun's anti-colonial and pro-Japanese political stance and how these newspapers interpreted his pan-Asian vision provides an opportunity to reconsider how political East Asia was envisioned differently from the Korean, Japanese and Chinese perspectives. In addition, analysing Sun's speech, in which a Sinocentric mindset was incorporated into the newly conceptualised trans-national vision, deepens our understanding of the complicated relationship between nationalist and internationalist thinking in East Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After the South Korean men's soccer team beat its Japanese counterpart in the bronze-medal match at the 2012 London Olympics, South Korean player Park Jung-Woo celebrated with a banner that displayed Dokdo is our land. Dokdo is called the Liancourt Rocks in English, the sovereignty over which has been an ongoing point of contention between South Korea and Japan. This study conducts a critical discourse analysis to examine media representations of Park's banner celebration, as well as the ensuing discussion in major Korean and Japanese newspapers. The analysis reveals a contrastive picture: The Korean media vocally approached Park's behavior as an emotional response of self-righteous indignation and quickly enacted memories of Korea's victimhood in World War II to make justifications, whereas the Japanese media participated in a relatively disengaged absence. Japan's silence disclosed a glimpse into its rich postwar history of social conflict and political resistance. Such contrast is also indicative of how sport media can be engaged in nuanced social contexts, generating representations that serve nation-state regimes situated in different political dynamics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Estudios sobre el Mensaje Periodistico is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Despite the prominence of Britain in the Korean diplomatic and academic traditions, the popular perception of Britain has received little scholarly attention. This article attempts to reconstruct Korean perceptions of Britain by analysing a total of 565 articles from six major daily newspapers from between 1920 and 1999 that address British materials, merchandise, brands, consumption patterns and related aspects. The image of Britain embedded in material culture as portrayed in Korean newspapers reflected aspects of Korean-British dynamics that were far more diverse and multivalent than indicated by common diplomatic concepts or textbooks. This study has shown that while Britain was largely viewed as a role model for modernisation in Korea, its image underwent a series of transformations in which its authority as an influential country was often challenged. From the late nineteenth century onwards, British goods were circulated in Korean markets. These goods enjoyed considerable popularity among Korean consumers throughout the twentieth century. Burberry especially stands as an exceptional case as it penetrated deeply into Korean daily life. Burberry was often used as a generic pronoun, and acquired unique prestige as a royal-approved British brand, a favourite target for counterfeit manufacturers and a symbol of high social status. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract What makes the rich verbal inflection system in Korean grammar even more tangled is the reported presence of formal and casual endings. Many scholars have traditionally categorized them in terms of formality or the level of deference and affection. This approach, however, has paid little attention to how Korean speakers actually 'code-switch' between the two forms in a rather dynamic manner at each turn at talk. More recent studies from a more functional perspective mainly focus on the speaker's side of the interaction. In this study, two separate episodes from a Korean news interview show were analyzed. I first transcribed the data following the conventions in Conversation Analysis, then marked all the endings employed in 1st pair part questions and 2nd pair part answers by who issued it, and in which pair part and with what local context it was issued. It has been argued that different languages employ different linguistic devices to project and reshape identities of the other(s) present in real-time interaction. My analyses show that in the Korean news interview, speakers use the two endings in a highly selective manner to achieve the interactional goal of negotiating the moment-by-moment identities of the listener through ongoing talk. Highlights • Korean speakers use two 'formality' endings to do social actions in interaction. • 'Deviant' cases from the traditional view tell us how people actually code-switch. • Two endings are selectively used to negotiate relevant identities of the listener. • Two endings in different positions co-occur with varying linguistic devices. • This study shows dynamic grammar use driven by the precise pragmatic import. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines how South Korean newspapers framed the Hebei Spirit oil spill disaster in 2007 with two key concepts of situational crisis communication theory (SCCT): crisis responsibility and severity. Also, we investigate how the political stances of newspapers—conservative and liberal—affect the selection of news frames. By using a content analysis from four nationwide South Korean newspapers, findings showed that frames regarding severity appeared more often than frames about crisis responsibility. Also, the results revealed that there were differences of frames according to time periods and the political stances of newspapers. This study provides empirical evidence to support that the two SCCT concepts can be used in the content analysis appropriately. Also, this study offers crisis managers with helpful information by showing how the media present a crisis in practice and, thus, can inform how organizations develop appropriate crisis communication responses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We conducted a content analysis of newspaper editorials on the Middle East respiratory syndrome outbreak in Korea. Subject matter, social and personal efficacy information, and affective tone were evaluated using a mixed-methods approach. An analysis of 241 publications with the acronym “MERS” revealed that public health was the most salient, followed by leadership/governance, coping, medical system, and economic consequences. Societal efficacy information was more frequent than personal efficacy information, and a negative tone was predominant. However, leadership became the most frequent in the later stages. Personal efficacy information decreased over time and across content with a negative tone. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After Stuart Hall’s death in 2014, Korean newspapers ran detailed obituaries praising him as an influential British intellectual figure. The broad media attention appears to be unusual, given that he maintained a relatively unknown presence in the Korean cultural fields compared with other theorists. This work examines how and in which context Hall’s writings have been cited, or not cited, and emphasized in the Korean cultural studies. The incorporation of Hall’s writings into the resources of the academic field entangled him in scholarly rituals of parochial citations and applications, resulting in the fragmentation and de-contextualization of Hall’s overall problem. The selective focus on and occasional absence of certain aspects among his intellectual and political legacies may demonstrate how imported British cultural studies have, or not yet, been indigenized and localized in Korean cultural and political contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How did North Korea initially frame coverage of the "Great Successor" Kim Jong Un for an international audience? This paper argues that North Korea's daily English language news reports, while commonly dismissed as purely propaganda, provides potential insights into such framing. Through automated content analysis of daily news reports from 2010 through 2011 coupled with regression analysis, this analysis both suggests an increased focus on Kim Jong Un's formal positions and less on his pedigree. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The traditional theme of the prostitute in popular texts has been ubiquitously employed in different times and cultures. In the South Korean context, the cultural representation of prostitutes was most prominent in "hostess (a Korean euphemism for prostitute) films' during the 1970s. This was an ironic turn of events, given that state censorship was at its peak during the military regime (1960-1979). During the 1970s, South Korean cinema was often referred to as having hit a low point due to state regulation of films. However, hostess films became box office hits and contributed to the rejuvenation of the declining Korean movie industry. Hostess films are characterized by the dichotomy of realism and the hyper-stylistic representation of their heroines. They dealt with realistic issues related to the migration of peasant women during the industrialization of South Korea and involve the contradictory presentations of highly unrealistic, idealized heroines. While conventional Hollywood films portray sexually fallen women as immoral and eroticized, hostess films instead, focus on their extremely selfless and inherently good natures. The sacrificial qualities of hostess women often involve films with tragic endings that genetically conclude with a heroine sacrificing herself for the sake of a man, a family and/or a nation. This article traces the cultural construction of the prostitute in popular texts and scrutinizes the major conventions of South Korean hostess films. In doing so, this work unspools how wider discourses concerning female sexuality, gender, and cultural politics were waged over the films' deployment of the bodies of women and sex during a key formative period of Korean history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study has explored the US and Korean newspapers' election coverage in regard to their respective nations' female candidates relative to male rivals during the 2007–2008 presidential nomination campaigns. The findings reveal that both US and Korean newspapers displayed no bias in adopting personal, issue, and viability frames to cover the female candidates versus the male candidates. Additionally, the US dailies gave Clinton as much attention as Obama, as can be seen in the similar amount of articles, headlines, and primary coverage; however, Park, the female candidate in Korea, garnered a lower amount of articles and headlines, and was featured much less as the primary focus when compared to Lee, her male rival, in the Korean dailies. Evidence of biased coverage in the USA is found in the slant of coverage Clinton received. The overall tone of campaign coverage was less positive toward Clinton. While there was no tonal difference between Park and Lee in overall stories and headlines, the tone of Park's viability coverage was less positive than that of Lee, indicating that she was less likely to be the elected nominee for the party. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mutual interest and cooperation between Korea and several Arab countries is increasing. Each country's perceptions of each other serve as critical factors in the development of mutual success in business and trade fields. Their perceptions also affect diplomatic and cultural affairs in the public and private sectors. The news media serve as the public faces of these countries' daily lives. The news media also serve as primary information sources that determine these countries' national images. This study attempted to discover whether news coverage related to Arabs published by Korean newspapers contributed to the Korean public's negative perceptions of Arab axiological images. The results revealed that the strongest news coverage published in Korean newspapers related Arabs with "war, terror, and dangerous region." The majority of the articles published in both newspapers were negative. However, the results revealed that, in general, Korean respondents did not possess negative perceptions of Arabs and Arab culture. Korean respondents were well aware that Arab individuals are kind, affectionate, well-mannered, and easygoing. In fact, the results reinforced the notion that Koreans possessed positive perceptions of Arab individuals' "devout Islamic religious lifestyles," as well as Arab individuals' efforts to "inherit and develop Islamic cultural traditions." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Through analyzing the five types of statistical data compiled in the Chosen shuppan keisatsu geppo ... (Publication Police Monthly of Joseon), this article explores the trends of Japanese colonial censorship and the intellectual and cultural landscape of colonial Korea. The censorship controls by the Publication Police were exercised intensively on Korean publications, especially Korean language newspapers such as Chosun Ilbo and Dong-A Ilbo, as well as Korean-Chinese language newspapers like Minshengbao ... (Voice of the People) published in Manchuria. With respect to the latter group, the Publication Police was more concerned with suppressing the inflow of publications from Manchuria and China than from Japan at the outbreak of both the Manchurian Incident and later the Sino-Japanese War. This study finds that the effects of censorship controls resulted in severe obstruction of the growth of knowledge culture within the colony on the one hand, but on the other hand, greatly enhanced the cultural position of the metropole as a source of modern knowledge. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By empirically investigating the political orientations of three conservative and two progressive newspapers in Korea, this study examined the source usage of these papers regarding the US beef imports issue. Results showed that while progressive newspapers took a more negative stance in reporting US beef imports than conservative ones, both papers together used sources that are more transparent more frequently compared to less transparent sources in order to build their political perspectives. At the same time, the information from more transparent sources was generally provided by more credible source categories in terms of source affiliations. These results imply that, regardless of political stances, Korean newspapers might have followed the journalistic norms that suggest using more transparent and credible sources than less transparent and credible ones. However, the authors also stress that conservative and progressive papers would have framed the story by purposely selecting favorable informants for their respective political stances, even if they originate from more transparent and credible sources, as ways of pushing for their own viewpoints. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study explores the source usage of three conservative and two progressive newspapers in Korea over the issue of beef imports from the United States. The purpose of the study is to understand the tendency of newspapers on both sides, which induced much turmoil, including huge demonstrations against the government in the middle of 2008. The results of a quantitative content analysis show that progressive newspapers employed more sources and presented the issue more negatively than conservative newspapers. In particular, progressive papers used more negative information, especially from experts, NGOs, and citizens, while the conservative papers used more positive information. In terms of information credibility and valence, the progressive papers effectively used NGO sources, which are situated in the middle of source credibility order, to present a negative tone. The order of credibility is as follows: experts (most credible), followed by judiciary, administration, parliament, NGOs, commercial businesses, and citizens (least credible). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examined influential factors of newspaper corporation social responsibility and evaluated corporate social responsibility using a newspaper corporate social responsibility index. Results of this study, which was conducted by survey, showed that arbitrative, essential, and cultural activities were influential factors comprised of newspaper corporate social responsibility. In addition, the findings indicated that higher corporate social responsibility index was not accompanied by Korean newspaper corporations with larger circulations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An essay is presented on the identities of Koreans living in Beijing, China and Sydney, Australia. The relationship between Korean communities and host countries is explored through an examination of free Korean-language newspapers published in each location. The assimilation and hybridization of ethnic identities is discussed in relation to the social and political climates of China and Australia.

Focuses on the research conducted by Won H. Chang on the coverage of the unification issue in North and South Korean papers. Space allocation comparison between the North Korean newspaper "Nodong Sinmun" and the South Korean newspaper "Dong A Ilbo"; Thematical analysis of the two newspapers; Findings of the study indicates the hostility and unwillingness of North Korea to discuss unification with South Korea.

Highlights: [•] Chinese news considered the primary function of public relations as persuasion. [•] Korean news considered the functions of public relations to be public information. [•] Hong Bo in Korea was closely associated with image management. [•] Xuan Chuan conveys a more accurate picture of public relations in China. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

This paper examines the intellectual discourse regarding the place and function of Korean-language writing in Manchuria during the Manchukuo period. I look specifically at several editorials that appeared in the Korean newspaper Mansŏn ilbo. These primary sources appeared during the literary zenith of the Manchukuo period between 1937 and 1942, five years mainly characterized by widespread debates about what constituted Manchukuo national culture. I argue that the participation of Korean intellectuals in these debates indicates their desire to be seen as an autonomous group disassociated with the Japanese. The fact that some of the subsequent writing appeared in Chinese translation suggests that it was important for Chinese people as well to see Koreans in a new light. The newspaper articles discussed below show a propensity to change perceptions about Korean belonging in Manchuria through literature and intellectual production. From another perspective, the Mansŏn ilbo articles shed light on how Korean intellectuals understood their production value vis-à-vis the nation-building discourses of Manchukuo. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: Analyzing stories about corporate social responsibility (CSR) published in two online Korean newspapers and reader''s comments about them, this study investigated how the online readers interpreted the CSR activities, looking at the effect of CSR types, situations, and the degree of corporate fame. The study found that readers tend to be cynical toward CSR activities after a crisis and a monetary donation type of CSR. In addition, the more famous the company, the more likely there were cynical comments about its CSR activities. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

The article focuses filling libel lawsuit against Nishioka and Bungei Shunjū by reporter Uemura Takashi in January 2015. Which includes former comfort women allegation on Nishioka of having misquoted in an article of Korean newspaper; talks about several allegation on her which was related with publisher Mr. Uemura's published article based on Kim Hak-sun; and mention about Tokyo District Court demonstrated decision on the case.