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ABSTRACTJustice-impacted persons may inconsistently access HIV testing. This cross-sectional secondary analysis investigates lifetime HIV testing prevalence among adults with prior histories of incarceration in Southern California, United States, participating in health-focused programming (n = 3 studies). Self-reported demographic and lifetime HIV testing data were collected between 2017-2023; descriptive analyses were conducted. Across the three samples, at least 74% of participants were male; Latino and African American individuals accounted for nearly two-thirds of participants. Lifetime HIV testing ranged from 72.8% to 84.2%. Males were significantly more likely than females to report never being tested in two samples and accounted for >95% of those never tested. No statistically significant differences in testing were observed by race/ethnicity. Single young adults (ages 18-26) were less likely than their partnered peers to report testing. HIV testing is critical for ensuring that individuals access prevention and treatment. HIV testing among justice-impacted adults in this study was higher than in the general population, potentially due to opt-out testing in correctional settings. Nevertheless, these findings underscore the importance of implementing targeted interventions to reduce structural (e.g., health insurance, access to self-testing kits) and social barriers (e.g., HIV stigma) to increase HIV testing among justice-impacted males and single young adults.

Social capital is frequently invoked as a reason for engaging in collaborative environmental governance. Yet we have a limited understanding of how collaborative environmental governance mobilizes different types of social capital and how the advantages and costs of social capital accrue for different groups of people. Explicit measures of social capital, such as through social network methods, will help build an understanding of how social capital facilitates collective processes and for whom. We reviewed highly cited articles in Web of Science and Scopus using ‘social capital’ as the search term to identify foundational and emergent social capital concepts. In the context of collaborative environmental governance, we operationalized these social capital concepts with network measures drawn from our expertise and highlighted existing empirical relationships between such network measures and collaborative outcomes. We identified two different perspectives on social capital—one based on social relations that could be readily operationalized with social network measures and the other based on actor characteristics that can further contextualize network data. Relational social capital concepts included social relations among actors; the collective social setting in which relations are embedded; and the advantages and costs that social capital confers to individuals and the collective. Social capital concepts based on actor characteristics included socio-cognitions (e.g. trust, norms, identification with a group, shared meanings) and community engagement (e.g. group membership, civic participation, volunteerism). Empirical evidence using social network approaches to measure social capital reveals patterns in relationship building that influence collaborative and other sustainability outcomes. Social network approaches described here may help define and quantify the social capital mobilized by collaborative governance. Additional research is necessary to track the social capital of collaboratives over time, link it to outcomes, and better understand the social justice implications of collaborative governance.

Recognizing that centuries of mistreatment of low-income and minority communities by governments and corporations have resulted in widespread exposure to environmental harms, academics and policymakers are seeking ways to improve environmental justice. While it is commonly assumed that improved procedural justice (meaningful participation in decision making) should improve distributive justice (equitable distribution of environmental harms and benefits), empirical evidence of this link is nascent. This paper evaluates whether differing approaches to procedural justice shape recognition of distributive injustices by policymakers, focusing on implementation of the National Environmental Policy Act (NEPA) in Puerto Rico. NEPA requires federal agencies to evaluate the potential environmental impacts of projects they implement, fund, or permit; this review commonly includes an assessment of the project's impacts on distributive justice. Drawing on document analysis and interviews with project developers, regulators, and community organizations, we explore how and why four NEPA reviews consider distributional impacts. In all four cases, the community mobilized to voice concerns about the proposed projects' impacts, but the lead agencies and project developers did not always create the space for those voices to collaboratively shape the review. This demonstrates the role of the project developer in how distributive justice considerations are treated, as project leads have discretion on whether and when to provide space for community groups to participate in the process. This research makes two primary contributions. First, by linking features of the decision-making process with environmental justice-related outputs, this research provides practical understanding of ways to support distributive justice and expands knowledge about how participatory governance works within the context of US environmental policy. Second, by studying NEPA's implementation in Puerto Rico, we assess challenges associated with implementing Environmental Impact Assessment in a territorial setting, where the demographics and intensity of environmental problems are distinct from the 'traditional' American context the policies were designed to protect.

BackgroundCutaneous and mucocutaneous leishmaniasis (CL/ML) cause significant morbidity globally and are vulnerable to changes from environmental events and conflict. In this ecological study, we aim to measure the associations between annual CL/ML cases, conflict intensity, and environmental factors between 2005 and 2022 globally.MethodsWe pulled annual case data from the WHO for 52 nations that had conflict intensity scores (ranging from 1-10) from the Bertelsmann Transformation Index. Using Earth observation tools, we gathered temperature, precipitation, vegetation, and humidity data, in addition to data on annual estimates of population, internal displacement, and GDP. We fit a negative binomial generalized additive model with a random nation-level intercept.ResultsConflict was positively associated with increased CL/ML across the studied nations (IRR: 1.09, 95% CI: 1.01-1.16, p = 0.02). Given this, intense conflict (a score of ten) was associated with over double the risk of CL/ML compared to the lowest conflict levels (score of one). We also identified a curvilinear relationship between mean temperature and cases, as well as between vegetation level and cases. Each had small pockets of significant increased and decreased risk, respectively. Larger mean humidity ranges were negatively associated with cases. Importantly, the relationship between conflict intensity and cases was mediated by displacement.DiscussionConflict is significantly associated with increased CL/ML cases. This is especially true at higher conflict levels, marking when conflict turns violent. The destruction of critical infrastructure (e.g., that related to healthcare, water, and sanitation) often seen during conflict could drive this association. Such environments can be hospitable to sandflies and can heighten individuals' vulnerability through increased malnutrition, poverty, and displacement. Understanding this relationship is crucial for public health preparedness and response, especially as conflicts become increasingly violent and protracted.

Theories of justice suggest that it serves two main purposes: punishment and restoration. Although punishment emerges early and has been well-documented, little is known about the contexts in which young children engage in restorative practices like compensation for victims. The current study investigated whether children's engagement in compensation and punishment (which often involve a redistribution of resources) was sensitive to characteristics of the perpetrator and victim known to shape distributive justice decisions (decisions about how resources should be distributed), such as social dominance, resource inequality, and moral character. A total of 54 children aged 3 to 7 years completed a series of moral judgment experiments. Each experiment featured interactions between a perpetrator and a victim, ending with the perpetrator stealing the victim's toy. In Experiment 1 (N = 44), social dominance did not affect punishment or compensation overall, but older children compensated the dominant victim (but not the subordinate victim) less than younger children. In Experiment 2 (N = 42), children compensated the poor victim more than the rich victim, but they did not punish the rich perpetrator more than the poor perpetrator. In Experiment 3 (N = 45), children compensated the victim with a good moral character more than the victim with a bad moral character, and the victim's moral character did not influence punishment. Altogether, these findings offer new insights into how children resort to compensation for victims as a complement to, rather than an alternative to, punishment.

Sexual violence and sexual harassment (SVSH) are prevalent among college and university students; however, the experiences of ethnic minority students, especially Asians, are understudied. This study aimed to reduce this gap by exploring Asian students' perceptions of SVSH on three public university campuses in Southern California. We examined their perceptions about the campus environment related to SVSH, attitudes, and behaviors toward help seeking, and utilization of on-campus resources. A total of 23 in-depth interviews were conducted with Asian students enrolled at the three University of California campuses. Thematic coding was conducted to generate main themes and subthemes. Five main themes emerged: (a) SVSH is considered a "taboo" topic in Asian culture and family systems, and Asian student survivors are often reluctant to disclose incidents or seek support services. (b) Students did not feel their campus environments were tailored to understand or meet the sociocultural realities and needs of Asian student survivors. (c) Campus SVSH services and reporting processes were seen as non-transparent. (d) Peers were the major source of support and SVSH information, as opposed to official campus-based resources and training. (e) Survivors often conduct an internal cost-benefit analysis evaluating their decision about whether to report. This study highlights the lack of conversation surrounding SVSH in Asian families, and how the cultural stigma of sex and sexual violence prevented Asian students from receiving knowledge and resources about these topics in their families. Instead of relying on formal campus resources (e.g., Title IX and confidential advocacy services, mental health services), many students turn to their peers for support. Thus, facilitating peer support groups, training university students to support each other through SVSH incidents, and tailoring campus services to the diverse cultural backgrounds of students are key considerations to foster a safe campus environment and prevent SVSH.

Media exposure to graphic images of violence has proliferated in contemporary society, particularly with the advent of social media. Extensive exposure to media coverage immediately after the 9/11 attacks and the Boston Marathon bombings (BMB) was associated with more early traumatic stress symptoms; in fact, several hours of BMB-related daily media exposure was a stronger correlate of distress than being directly exposed to the bombings themselves. Researchers have replicated these findings across different traumatic events, extending this work to document that exposure to graphic images is independently and significantly associated with stress symptoms and poorer functioning. The media exposure-distress association also appears to be cyclical over time, with increased exposure predicting greater distress and greater distress predicting more media exposure following subsequent tragedies. The war in Israel and Gaza, which began on October 7, 2023, provides a current, real-time context to further explore these issues as journalists often share graphic images of death and destruction, making media-based graphic images once again ubiquitous and potentially challenging public well-being. For individuals sharing an identity with the victims or otherwise feeling emotionally connected to the Middle East, it may be difficult to avoid viewing these images. Through a review of research on the association between exposure to graphic images and public health, we discuss differing views on the societal implications of viewing such images and advocate for media literacy campaigns to educate the public to identify mis/disinformation and understand the risks of viewing and sharing graphic images with others.

Homelessness is a public health concern in California and throughout the United States. Intimate partner violence (IPV) is a risk factor for experiencing homelessness. Few studies have examined the interplay between IPV, homelessness, and housing. Qualitative methods can provide a greater understanding of the lived experience of IPV and homelessness to identify potential solutions. We purposefully sampled 104 adults who reported experiencing IPV in the California Statewide Study of People Experiencing Homelessness (CASPEH), a representative, mixed-methods study. We administered semi-structured interviews focusing on IPV and six other topic areas pertaining to homelessness from October 2021 to May 2022. We created and applied a codebook with a multidisciplinary team using a hybrid of deductive and inductive logic. Our analysis included all participants who discussed IPV and homelessness across the seven studies. We conducted a thematic analysis using an interpretivist approach and informed by grounded theory. We found that violence within a partnership was multidimensional (physical, sexual, emotional, and financial) and bidirectional. We identified six themes: (1) IPV precipitated and prolonged homelessness; (2) Need for housing, financial stability, and material resources influenced staying in abusive relationships; (3) Alcohol and illicit substance use exacerbated violence between partners; (4) Participants struggled to find resources in domestic violence (DV) shelters; (5) The healthcare system did not provide substantial support; and (6) discrimination and stigma influenced equitable access to housing and DV resources. Experiencing IPV contributed to homelessness and impeded returns to housing. Limitations in current IPV resources impede care. We propose equitable expansion of survivor-centered services that improve access to long-term subsidized housing, prevent IPV and homelessness with flexible funding options, and facilitate rapid exits from homelessness through trauma-informed, non-congregate shelter that transitions to permanent housing.

Abstract: The International Criminal Court (ICC) is a legal institution embedded in international politics. Politics shaped the Rome Statute of the ICC, which is rooted in norms and rules of European lineage and security interests of party states. Politics constrains and influences the operation of the Court, which has adapted in response to oversight and governance of the Assembly of States Parties, and to political actions extrinsic to institutional rules. The ICC also has political effects in situation states. A brief history shows that application of Rome Statute triggers across state parties with different social conditions skewed geographic distribution of its investigations and prosecutions towards Africa, a structural bias that catalysed a legitimation crisis for the ICC. Subsequent exercises of expansive jurisdiction aimed at nationals of non-African, non-party states – including Israel and some of the world's great powers – have dampened African complaints and advanced the ICC agenda, but intensified non-legitimacy claims by powerful non-party states. To survive, Court organs must follow legal mandates, yet be responsive to pressing international political demands, continuously risking the legitimacy of the ICC as a legal institution and adverse political reactions by antagonised governments. Careful management of the tension between law and politics at the ICC may modestly reduce antagonism towards the Court, but that tension cannot be resolved, and confrontations over the ICC's legitimacy are certain to recur.

Background: The Addressing Reproductive Coercion in Health Settings (ARCHES) intervention trains existing providers to address reproductive coercion (RC) and intimate partner violence (IPV) within routine family planning counseling. This study evaluated the effectiveness of a single ARCHES counseling session as adapted for use with abortion clients in Bangladesh. Methods: In this cluster-randomized controlled trial conducted between January 2019 and January 2021, health facilities with an abortion clinic with infrastructure for private counseling and onsite violence support services were eligible. Six facilities in Bangladesh met inclusion criteria, and matched pairs randomization with parallel assignment and a 1:1 allocation ratio was used to randomize three facilities to ARCHES and three facilities to control, which implemented standard counseling. Blinding was not possible as providers in intervention facilities participated in a three-day ARCHES training. Participants were abortion clients aged 18–49 years who could provide safe recontact information and be interviewed privately. The primary outcome was past three-month modern contraceptive use without interruption or interference. The trial was registered on clinicaltrials.gov (NCT03539315) on 29 May 2018. Findings: A total of 1492 intervention participants and 1237 control participants were enrolled. Available data were analyzed at each follow-up period: 1331 intervention and 1069 control participants at the three-month follow-up, and 1269 intervention and 1050 control participants at the twelve-month follow-up. ARCHES was associated with higher likelihood of modern contraceptive use at the three-month follow-up (adjusted RR = 1.08, 95% CI: 1.06–1.10) and the twelve-month follow-up (adjusted RR = 1.06, 95% CI: 1.02–1.10). ARCHES was also associated with decreased incident pregnancy, decreased IPV, and increased knowledge of IPV support services. Interpretation: The ARCHES intervention is effective in increasing post-abortion modern contraceptive use and decreasing incident pregnancy and IPV among abortion clients in Bangladesh. Implementation of ARCHES should be considered in facilities with sufficient privacy for counseling. Funding: Society of Family Planning (#SFPRF11-07) and Ipas.

BackgroundLesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer, intersex, aromantic and asexual (LGBTQIA+) communities in the United States experience higher rates of alcohol use than the general population. While experiencing intimate partner violence (IPV) is thought to lead to increased alcohol use in LGBTQIA+ people, little research has investigated the temporal relationship between IPV and alcohol use in this population.MethodsData from two annual questionnaires of The Population Research in Identity and Disparities for Equality Study (The PRIDE Study) longitudinal cohort (n=3,783) were included. Overall IPV and three sub-types (physical, sexual, and emotional) - measured in 2021 using the extended Hurt, Insult, Threaten, Scream (E-HITS) screening tool - was examined as a predictor of Alcohol Use Disorders Identification Test (AUDIT) score in 2022 using multivariable linear regression to assess linear and quadratic associations. Models were adjusted for sociodemographic characteristics and history of alcohol use.ResultsOne-quarter (24.7%) of respondents reported experiencing past-year IPV in 2021. The mean AUDIT score in 2022 was 3.52 (SD = 4.13). In adjusted models, both linear (B: 0.26, 95% CI: 0.14, 0.38) and quadratic (B: -0.03, 95% CI: -0.04, -0.01) terms for overall IPV were significantly associated with next-year AUDIT score. These patterns were mirrored in each IPV sub-type, were not attenuated when accounting for relationship characteristics, and were heterogeneous across gender identity groups.ConclusionsThese results provide evidence of a temporal relationship between IPV and alcohol use in LGBTQIA+ communities, suggesting that efforts to prevent and mitigate IPV may help reduce alcohol use disparities in this population.

ObjectiveExposure to chronic structural stressors (e.g., poverty, community violence, and discrimination) exacerbates posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) symptoms and reduces how adolescents benefit from trauma-focused interventions. However, current evidence-based PTSD interventions seldom include concrete guidance regarding how to target chronic structural stressors in care.MethodThis study utilized qualitative thematic analysis of audio-recorded PTSD therapy sessions with 13 racially diverse, low socioeconomic status adolescents to elucidate (a) how often adolescents disclose chronic structural stressors in therapy, (b) the types of chronic structure stressors that are disclosed, and (c) the context in which chronic structural stressors are disclosed and the content of these disclosures.Results77% of adolescents disclosed at least one chronic structural stressor and that the presence of stressors exacerbated psychological distress, reduced treatment engagement, and decreased perceptions of intervention effectiveness.ConclusionsOur findings suggest that there is a missed opportunity to improve the effectiveness of treatment for PTSD by incorporating intervention elements that directly target structural stressors. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2024 APA, all rights reserved).

From a critical refugee studies orientation, our article redefines care within the context of myriad forms of state violence impacting Southeast Asian post-war refugee communities. Research reveals how harm is compounded at every step of Southeast Asian refugee journeys: war, forced displacement, resettlement, family separation, inherited health conditions, and generational trauma. How do we reckon with refugee trauma without conceding to it as an unchangeable fact of our lives? What knowledge might we gain by attending to the everyday work of survival in refugee communities? To answer these questions, the authors conceptualize care through (a) abolitionist organizing, (b) queer kinship and affective labor, (c) historiographic caretaking, and (d) refugee reunion.

BackgroundAlthough ~18 million people live within a mile from active oil and gas development (OGD) sites in the United States, epidemiological research on how OGD affects the health of nearby urban residents is sparse. Thousands of OGD sites are spread across Los Angeles (LA) County, California, home to the largest urban oil production in the country. Air pollution and noise from OGD may contribute to cardiovascular morbidity.ObjectiveWe examined the association between proximity to OGD and blood pressure in a diverse cohort of residents in LA.MethodsWe recruited residents in South LA who lived

Countless policies are crafted with the intention of punishing all who do wrong or rewarding only those who do right. However, this requires accommodating certain mistakes: some who do not deserve to be punished might be, and some who deserve to be rewarded might not be. Six preregistered experiments (N = 3,484 U.S. adults) reveal that people are more willing to accept this trade-off in principle, before errors occur, than in practice, after errors occur. The result is an asymmetry such that for punishments, people believe it is more important to prevent false negatives (e.g., criminals escaping justice) than to fix them, and more important to fix false positives (e.g., wrongful convictions) than to prevent them. For rewards, people believe it is more important to prevent false positives (e.g., welfare fraud) than to fix them and more important to fix false negatives (e.g., improperly denied benefits) than to prevent them.

IntroductionThe increasing burden of non-communicable diseases, such as hypertension, diabetes and dyslipidaemia, presents key challenges to achieving optimal HIV care outcomes among ageing people living with HIV. These diseases are often comorbid and are exacerbated by psychosocial and structural inequities. This interaction among multiple health conditions and social factors is referred to as a syndemic. In the USA, there are substantial disparities by social position (ie, racial, ethnic and socioeconomic status) in the prevalence and/or control of non-communicable diseases and HIV. Intersecting stigmas, such as racism, classism and homophobia, may drive these health disparities by contributing to healthcare avoidance and by contributing to a psychosocial syndemic (stress, depression, violence victimisation and substance use), reducing success along the HIV and non-communicable disease continua of care. Our hypothesis is that marginalised populations experience disparities in non-communicable disease incidence, prevalence and control, mediated by intersectional stigma and the psychosocial syndemic.Methods and analysisCollecting data over a 4 year period, we will recruit sexual minority men (planned n=1800) enrolled in the MACS/WIHS Combined Cohort Study, a long-standing mixed-serostatus observational cohort in the USA, to investigate the following specific aims: (1) assess relationships between social position, intersectional stigma and the psychosocial syndemic among middle-aged and ageing sexual minority men, (2) assess relationships between social position and non-communicable disease incidence and prevalence and (3) assess relationships between social position and HIV and non-communicable disease continua of care outcomes, mediated by intersectional stigma and the psychosocial syndemic. Analyses will be conducted using generalised structural equation models using a cross-lagged panel model design.Ethics and disseminationThis protocol is approved as a single-IRB study (Advarra Institutional Review Board: Protocol 00068335). We will disseminate results via peer-reviewed academic journals, scientific conferences, a dedicated website, site community advisory boards and forums hosted at participating sites.

Abstract: Ambivalent sexism (hostile and benevolent sexism) maintains gender inequalities and has been applied to investigate violence against women (VAW). We conducted a comprehensive three-level meta-analytic review testing ambivalent sexism as predictors of VAW-supportive attitudes and behaviors regarding sexual harassment, sexual assault, and intimate partner violence. Relevant articles published between 1996 and April 2022 were retrieved from the PsycINFO, Pro Quest Dissertations and Theses, Cochrane Database Reviews, ERIC, and Web of Science online databases. A total of 141 reports (with 912 unique effect sizes) met our inclusion criteria (e.g., assessed Glick and Fiske’s 1996 ASI and at least one self-reported measure of VAW-supportive attitudes or men's VAW perpetration and/or proclivity; VAW was limited to violence against women perpetrated by men). Our review revealed hostile and benevolent sexism, respectively, were associated with greater VAW-supportive attitudes across genders (r = .47, 95% CI [.43–.50]; r = .26, 95% CI [.23–.29]) and to greater VAW behaviors among men (r = .23, 95% CI [.19–.27]; r = .08, 95% CI [.04–.12]). Our review also highlighted participant gender, VAW type, and domain of VAW as important moderators. Notably, benevolent sexism was more strongly tied to VAW-supportive attitudes among women (r = .31, 95% CI [.27–.35]) than men (r = .22, 95% CI [.18–.26]). Overall, the results underscore the importance of addressing hostile and benevolent sexism in future research and interventions on VAW.

ContextTo facilitate the manufacturing of COVID-19 medical products, in October 2020 India and South Africa proposed a waiver of certain intellectual property (IP) provisions of a World Trade Organization (WTO) agreement. After nearly two years, a narrow waiver agreement that did little for vaccine access passed the ministerial despite the pandemic's impact on global trade, which the WTO is mandated to safeguard.MethodsThe authors conducted a content analysis of WTO legal texts, key-actor statements, media reporting, and the WTO's procedural framework to explore legal, institutional, and ideational explanations for the delay.FindingsIP waivers are neither legally complex nor unprecedented within WTO law, yet these waiver negotiations exceeded their mandated 90-day negotiation period by approximately 18 months. Waiver opponents and supporters engaged in escalating strategic framing that justified and eventually secured political attention at head-of-state level, sidelining other pandemic solutions. The frames deployed discouraged consensus on a meaningful waiver, which ultimately favored the status quo that opponents preferred. WTO institutional design encouraged drawn-out negotiation while limiting legitimate players in the debate to trade ministers, empowering narrow interest group politics.ConclusionsDespite global political attention, the WTO process contributed little to emergency vaccine production, suggesting a pressing need for reforms aimed at more efficient and equitable multilateral processes.

In 2020, three crises coalesced to transform the clinical care landscape of addiction medicine in the United States (US). The opioid overdose crisis (crisis #1), which had been contributing to excess US mortality for over two decades, worsened during the COVID-19 pandemic (crisis #2). The racial reckoning (crisis #3) spurred by the murder of George Floyd at the hands of police impacted clinical care, especially in safety net clinical settings where the majority of people targeted by police violence, and other forms of structural violence, receive healthcare to mend both physical and psychological wounds. Collectively, the three crises changed how providers and patients viewed their experiences of clinical surveillance and altered their relationships to the violence of US healthcare. Drawing from two different research studies conducted during the years preceding and during the COVID-19 pandemic (2017-2022) with low income, safety net patients at risk for opioid overdose and their care providers, I analyze the relationship between surveillance and violence in light of changes wrought by these three intersecting health and social crises. I suggest that shifting perceptions about surveillance and violence contributed to clinical care innovations that offer greater patient autonomy and transform critical components of addiction medicine care practice.

Homoprejudiced violence is a type of aggression against an individual or a community based on their actual or perceived sexual orientation. It may be linked to risks of acquiring HIV/STI via psychosocial variables. This study explored the association between homoprejudiced violence experiences and high-risk sexual behaviors, and potential psychosocial mediators. Using cross-sectional survey data collected in China through Blued among men who have sex with men (MSM) in January 2021, this study conducted multiple mediation analyses. Standard instruments were used to collect data on depressive symptoms in the last two weeks (PHQ-9), recreational drug usage in the last three months, and ever experiencing homoprejudiced violence (12-item survey instrument). Dependent variables were having condomless anal sex and having three or more sexual partners in the last three months. Among 1828 MSM, nearly half (847, 46%) had experienced homoprejudiced violence. Twenty-three percent (427) reached a score that suggested moderate or severe depression and 35% (644) had used recreational drugs. In the last three months, 40% (731) had condomless anal sex and 34% (626) had three or more sexual partners. The indirect mediational coefficients through depression on condomless anal sex and multiple sexual partners were 0.04 (95% CI: [0.02, 0.07]) and 0.02 (95% CI: [0.001, 0.05]), respectively. The indirect mediational coefficient of homoprejudiced violence experience on multiple sexual partners through recreational drug use was 0.05 (95% CI: [0.03, 0.08]). These findings suggest that more comprehensive interventions are needed to address the syndemic of homoprejudiced violence, mental health issues, and HIV/STI-related risks.

Abstract: The United States is in a time of reckoning with whiteness. Despite white people benefiting from a disproportionate amount of power at every level of government, a significant racial wealth gap, preferential treatment in the legal system, and a rise in white supremacy, “colorblind” critics continue to argue against the relevance of race in a purportedly post-racial society. We assert that parents’ ethnic-racial socialization (ERS) of their children shapes how children view their racial identity and thus influence important political attitudes. ERS is a process by which individuals are taught values, beliefs, and attitudes about ethnicity and race. Most existing research among families of color suggests ERS is strongly linked to a variety of adult political attitudes. However, less is known about the impact of ERS on political attitudes for white young adults. Drawing on survey data from a national U.S. sample of 944 white, young adults (18–25 years old), we find that white ERS is linked with political attitudes. Specifically, we find that increased cultural socialization, preparation for bias, and egalitarianism are positively related to politically conservative ideology, while anti-racism is positively related to politically liberal ideology. Preparation for bias and egalitarianism are positively related to Republican party identification. Promotion of mistrust, silent racial socialization, and anti-racism are positively related to Democratic party affiliation. We suggest ERS impacts the way a person conceptualizes ethnicity and race and is inextricably linked to political outcomes.

This article develops an account of territorial justice to understand what is owed to people at risk of climate displacement. I argue that the aim of territorial justice is to secure a globally recognized status, the status of being an equal common possessor of the earth. As a common possessor, every inhabitant of the globe has a claim to a “place” in the world where they can access minimally just material conditions and political institutions, securely pursue their located practices, and exercise self-determination together with others. I apply this theory to generate prescriptions for a just policy response to the risk of climate displacement. Where possible, I argue that a just response should focus on mandatory global taxation to support in situ adaptation. In cases where relocation becomes inevitable, I outline the implications for how just relocation regime should be structured.

The claim that states have an unfettered sovereign right to control their borders and exclude non-citizens from their territory is accepted everywhere without contestation. Yet it is anything but a self-evident truth. While taken for granted today, the assumption that control over migration is the “last bastion of sovereignty” represents a radical departure from the norm of freedom of movement (for some, not others, namely, white, “civilized,” Christian men) that defined international law's earlier approach. What avenues for reform, resistance, and recalibration open when we revisit the legal foundations and contemporary consequences of the dominant understanding according to which states have near-absolute authority to regulate migration as an incident of sovereignty? In the spirit of asking big questions and addressing topics of lasting relevance, this symposium seeks to problematize the view that each state has unfettered discretion to control its territory and decide who it admits “upon such conditions as it may see fit to prescribe.”1 With a surge of nationalist-populist anger and anti-immigrant sentiment rising across the globe and the corresponding shrinking of rights and protections afforded to those on the move, there is added urgency to challenge the view readily expressed in public debate that migration is an “existential threat to be managed with the full and legally unregulated power of the sovereign state.”2 This view has emboldened governments, operating alone or in concert, to invest unprecedented amounts of resources, political capital, and institutional capacity to “take back control” over borders and migration—as the Brexit slogan memorably put it. With voters across the globe naming immigration a top concern, governments are recalibrating their policies in an increasingly restrictive direction, shutting the gates of admission to would-be migrants and asylum seekers.3 The deep-seated assumption that states have inherent power over migration provides legal cover for such acts, despite the immense human toll, erosion of rights, and denial of the basic protection and dignity of those who are caught in the increasingly sweeping dragnet of ever-expanding borders and migration control regimes.4 Laws, regulations, and declarations about the urgency to “sort out the border management situation to ensure that the porous borders are addressed in a way that protects the sovereignty of our state” are nowadays proclaimed as a matter of course by public authorities in established democracies as well as autocracies, spanning the gamut from former imperial powers to post-colonial states.5 Exploring what has been forgotten or pushed underground with the triumph of the dominant understanding that states have an inherent sovereign right to control their borders—a view so prevalent that we rarely notice how it impairs our ability to imagine alternatives—is the kernel of this inquiry.

BackgroundFirearm purchasing records offer a potentially important administrative data source to identify individuals at elevated risk of perpetrating firearm violence. In this study, we describe individual, firearm, and transaction characteristics of purchasers in California who were arrested for a firearm-related violent crime (FRV) as compared to the general population of registered purchasers in the state.MethodsRelying on a dataset of all individuals with transaction records in California (1996-2021), linked to criminal records (1980-2021), we enrolled a cohort of individuals for whom we could capture the legal firearm purchase history. We identified those arrested for FRV post purchase, and using incidence density sampling, gender-matched cases to ten purchasers (controls) who remained "at risk" at the time the case was arrested. We focused on the purchase closest in time prior to the arrest ("index" purchase). We implemented conditional logistic regression and included models with controls for individual- and community-level demographics, as well as interactions between firearm and purchasing characteristics and criminal history.ResultsThe cohort included 1,212,144 individuals, of whom 6153 were arrested for FRV (0.5%). Cases were matched to 61,530 controls to form the study sample. The largest risk factor was a prior criminal history: purchasers had 5.84 times the risk of FRV if they had a prior arrest within three years of the index purchase (CI 5.44-6.27). Several transaction and firearm characteristics were also associated with FRV. For example, risk increased if the firearm was redeemed at a pawn shop (aIRR: 1.37, CI 1.05-1.77) and decreased if the transaction was a registered private party transfer (vs. retail purchase) (aIRR: 0.83, CI 0.76-0.90) or the firearm was a bolt action firearm (vs. semi-automatic) (aIRR: 0.64, CI 0.51-0.79). In the interaction models, most of the purchase and firearm features only remained significant among those with no criminal history.ConclusionsGiven limited data on firearm transactions, there has been little research on whether the type of firearm an individual purchases or the nature of the purchase might serve as indicators of risk for FRV. We found several transaction and firearm features were associated with risk of FRV. Notably, these features provided little evidence of additional risk for those with a prior criminal record.

When do political risks lead to divestment from a profitable market? Existing theories argue both that foreign investors may be sensitive to political tensions, but that they may only be sensitive to violent conflict. Using the crucial case of the US–China Trade War, we outline how political risks increased rates of exit among foreign firms while firm entrenchment mitigated these risks. Using a new dataset on all foreign-invested enterprises registered in China between 2017 and 2019, we implement triple interaction models to isolate the impact of increased political risks, investor national origin, and entrenchment on firm exit. Our findings show that heightened political risks during the trade war did increase firm exits by 34%–3% points over the pre-conflict baseline. Tariffs, the targeted effect of the trade war, increase US firm exits by 1% point. Firm exit is determined by the balance of heightened political risks against the availability of firm-level resources to mitigate these risks. These findings reconcile the conflicting expectations of the ‘business as usual’ and ‘follow the flag’ literatures about how firms respond to political risk, highlighting the tremendous collateral damage tariffs can cause in an age of global value chains.

Abstract: This essay revisits some familiar diplomatic encounters between European nations and China in the decades around 1800. It proceeds from a theoretical distinction between diplomacy within an international society and diplomacy between international societies. The set of ideas, principles, and institutions of diplomatic interaction within an international society may be summarily termed its diplomatic culture. Diplomacy between international societies lacks a shared diplomatic culture, involving instead negotiations between different diplomatic cultures. The European embassies to China around 1800 epitomize diplomacy between international societies. The essay examines in some detail the attempts on both sides to make sense of the diplomatic exchange, in which they were engaged: translating documents, documenting actions, and interpreting the events by poetic means. All these attempts turned out to entrench differences rather than induce agreements. This predicament was to be resolved only by violence.

BackgroundCisgender women account for 1 in 5 new HIV infections in the United States, yet remain under-engaged in HIV prevention. Women experiencing violence face risk for HIV due to biological and behavioral mechanisms, and barriers to prevention, such as challenges to Pre-Exposure Prophylaxis for HIV Prevention (PrEP) adherence. In this analysis, we aim to characterize intimate partner violence (IPV) among cisgender heterosexual women enrolled in a PrEP demonstration project and assess the associations with PrEP adherence.MethodsAdherence Enhancement Guided by Individualized Texting and Drug Levels (AEGiS) was a 48-week single-arm open-label study of PrEP adherence in HIV-negative cisgender women in Southern California (N = 130) offered daily tenofovir disoproxil fumarate/emtricitabine (TDF/FTC). From 6/2016 to 10/2018, women completed a survey reporting HIV risk behavior and experiences of any IPV (past 90-days) and IPV sub-types (past-year, lifetime) and biological testing for HIV/STIs at baseline, and concentrations of tenofovir-diphosphate (TFV-DP) in dried blood spots at weeks 4, 12, 24, 36, and 48. Outcomes were TFV-DP concentrations consistent with ≥ 4 or ≥ 6 doses/week at one or multiple visits. Multivariable logistic regression models were conducted to examine associations.ResultsPast-90-day IPV was reported by 34.4% of participants, and past-year and lifetime subtypes reported by 11.5-41.5%, and 21.5-52.3%, respectively. Women who engaged in sex work and Black women were significantly more likely to report IPV than others. Lifetime physical IPV was negatively associated with adherence at ≥ 4 doses/week at ≥ 3 of 5 visits, while other relationships with any IPV and IPV sub-types were variable.ConclusionIPV is an indication for PrEP and important indicator of HIV risk; our findings suggest that physical IPV may also negatively impact long-term PrEP adherence.Clinical trials registrationNCT02584140 (ClinicalTrials.gov), registered 15/10/2015.

Background:: Research that documents the influence of anti-racism programs on teacher practice shows some desired outcomes, including developing critical consciousness to support students of color and educate others about stereotyping; understanding how racial bias affects one’s teaching and relationships with students; and implementing anti-racist approaches in schoolwide policies and practice. At the same time, research on anti-racist professional development (PD) also highlights the challenges of engaging in this work when white teachers, in particular, respond defensively or dismissively. Studies have shown how these responses can reinforce stereotyping behavior among white participants and reinscribe unequal social relationships. Research Questions:: This article aims to answer the following questions: (1) How do white educators, if they do at all, display resistance to racial justice work? (2) How does resistance among white educators, if it does so at all, shape the experiences of educators of color? (3) How can schools reduce the potential burden of racial justice work on educators of color? Research Design:: This article draws on data from a case study of a New York City elementary school that participated in a yearlong racial justice program. Data sources include semi-structured interviews with school and program leaders; focus groups with members of the racial equity committee and other teachers; observations of professional development sessions, racial equity committee meetings, and other program activities; and artifacts related to the implementation of the program to deepen our understanding of the program’s implementation and responses from multiple stakeholders. Recommendations:: Grounded in critical race theory (CRT), the findings from this study paint a complex picture of the behaviors that white teachers may employ that derail racial justice work, the emotional and professional burden of that resistance on educators of color, and promising approaches for confronting resistance in order to advance racial equity. Beyond identifying the potential costs of engaging in racial justice work, our findings also offer schools and educators promising approaches for challenging white resistance while not perpetuating racial harm. We propose an implementation model that intentionally shields educators of color from the remonstrations of white resistors and the additional toll they can take on their time and well-being. Moreover, given what we know about the outsized role school leaders play in shaping school environments and professional cultures, it is essential that school leaders show commitment to organizational transformation, while developing the skills required to confront varying degrees of white resistance.

Drawing on recent scholarship on mass incarceration and prisoner re-entry, this study examines the reciprocal relationship between returning parolees and neighbourhood crime rates in five large cities in Texas. Besides the more common approach of counting the number of people on parole in communities (parolee concentration), we propose a novel approach for measuring people on parole by capturing their exposure in the community as parolee embeddedness (i.e., the cumulative number of days that people on parole resided in the neighbourhood). Results show that parolee concentration has a significant positive effect on both violent and property crime, but parolee embeddedness is significantly associated with reductions in violent and property crime. Our findings detect different effects depending on the measurement of people on parole and their community context, illustrating the need to better understand the dynamics of parolee re-entry in the era of mass incarceration.

America’s juvenile justice system was founded on the notion that the juvenile court would serve as the “ultimate parent” for youth. Yet, the history of youth punishment challenges the promise of juvenile “justice.” To offer a more comprehensive account of the family systems in juvenile court, this study draws from the insights of historical research on youth punishment and family criminalization to examine juvenile court outcomes in Arizona. Combining a historical lens with insights from attribution theory, we use quantitative and qualitative methods to examine the relationship between diverse family systems, including single mothers, single fathers, extended families, and foster care families, and juvenile court outcomes (i.e., diversion, preadjudication detention, petition, and judicial dismissal). Our findings suggest the need for more complex understandings of both family and punishment, and more expansive theorizations of the sorts of solutions that match the scope and scale of the problem.

Abstract: Research summary: In recent years, there has been a rise in so‐called “progressive prosecutors” focused on criminal justice reforms. Although there has been considerable debate about the relationship between progressive prosecution policies and crime rates, there has been surprisingly little empirical research on the topic. Building on the limited extant research, we examined whether the inauguration of progressive prosecutors in the nation's 100 most populous counties impacted crime rates during a 21‐year period (2000 to 2020). After developing an original database of progressive prosecutors in the 100 largest counties, we used heterogeneous difference‐in‐differences regressions to examine the influence of progressive prosecutors on crime rates. Results show that the inauguration of progressive prosecutors led to statistically higher index property (∼7%) and total crime rates (driven by rising property crimes), and these effects were strongest since 2013—a period with an increasing number of progressive prosecutors. However, violent crime rates generally were not higher after a progressive prosecutor assumed control. Policy implications: Despite concerns that the election of progressive prosecutors leads to “surging” levels of violence, these findings suggest that progressive‐oriented prosecutorial reforms led to relatively higher rates of property crime but had limited impact on rates of violent crime. In fact, in absolute terms, crime rates fell in jurisdictions with traditional and progressive prosecutors. Yet, relative property crime rates were greater after the inauguration of progressive prosecutors. Given that prior research shows progressive prosecutors reduce mass incarceration and racial inequalities, our findings indicate that higher property crime rates may be the price for these advancements.

ObjectiveTransgender and gender diverse (TGD) people experience higher levels of stigma, discrimination, and interpersonal violence due to their gender identity and/or expression, particularly TGD people with a migration background. This study aimed to conduct and evaluate group psychotherapy for TGD migrants to provide opportunities for exploring and developing interpersonal skills and relationships.MethodThe group therapy included five individuals who identified as TGD and originated from the Middle East. The TGD group therapy consisted of 12 weekly sessions of 90 minutes each and was facilitated by a psychiatrist. All sessions were conducted online and in Turkish. The sessions were guided by the group process and discussions.ResultsAfter completing 12 group therapy sessions, members of the group reported benefiting from observing and emulating others who shared their problem constellation. Through the interpersonal skills that they built up throughout the sessions, they became more open to share their feelings experiencing fewer social barriers, and reduced anxiety.ConclusionThis observational study indicates the significance of offering group-based psychotherapy to enhance affirmation and social connection within gender minority groups and emphasizes the need to empirically evaluate the effectiveness of group psychotherapy with TGD individuals, with special attention to the unique needs of TGD migrants.

Environmental justice research has focused on the distribution of environmental inequalities, such as proximity to landfills, across the U.S. and globally.BackgroundPublic health research and environmental health research, specifically, have focused on toxic exposure-encompassing individuals or communities that are disproportionately exposed to contaminants that are harmful or potentially harmful to them. Yet, little research has applied critical environmental justice theory-characterized by the idea that marginalized communities need to be treated as indispensable rather than disposable-to the study of toxic exposure. To fill this gap, the current paper offers a case study approach applying critical environmental justice theory to the study of disproportionate and unequal exposure to toxic contaminants.MethodsThis case study is of Kettleman City, a rural, unincorporated community in the heart of California's Central Valley (USA). This community experiences the co-location of environmental hazards, including residing at the intersection of two major highways and hosting a class I hazardous-waste landfill, which is one of the few licensed to accept PCBs. PCBs are a contaminant that has been linked with several adverse health outcomes, including cancers and low birthweight. Residents may also experience poor air quality from proximity to the highways.ResultsThis case highlights the uneven distribution of pollution and environmental degradation that may be shouldered by the community, along with their experiences of adverse health and social impacts. This analysis reveals the importance of incorporating a critical environmental justice perspective to unpack experiences of not only disproportionate exposure but also disproportionate procedural and recognitional inequality.ConclusionsThis research highlights the untapped potential of environmental justice to catalyze exposure science in challenging the unequal distribution of contaminants.

When people want to conduct a transaction, but doing so would be morally disreputable, they can obfuscate the fact that they are engaging in an exchange while still arranging for a set of transfers that are effectively equivalent to an exchange. Obfuscation through structures such as gift-giving and brokerage is pervasive across a wide range of disreputable exchanges, such as bribery and sex work. In this article, we develop a theoretical account that sheds light on when actors are more versus less likely to obfuscate. Specifically, we report a series of experiments addressing the effect of trust on the decision to engage in obfuscated disreputable exchange. We find that actors obfuscate more often with exchange partners high in loyalty-based trustworthiness, with expected reciprocity and moral discomfort mediating this effect. However, the effect is highly contingent on the type of trust; trust facilitates obfuscation when it is loyalty-based, but this effect flips when trust is ethics-based. Our findings not only offer insights into the important role of relational context in shaping moral understandings and choices about disreputable exchange, but they also contribute to scholarship on trust by demonstrating that distinct forms of trust can have diametrically opposed effects.

ABSTRACT: Section 1502 of the Dodd–Frank Act requires SEC‐registered issuers to conduct supply chain due diligence and submit conflict minerals disclosures (CMDs) that indicate whether their products contain tantalum, tin, tungsten, or gold (3TG) sourced from the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) or its neighboring countries (“covered countries”). Consistent with the reputational cost hypothesis, we find that heightened public attention to CMDs increases responsible sourcing. After Section 1502 takes effect, we find higher demand for 3TG products processed in certified smelters, decreased conflicts in covered countries’ mining regions relative to other regions, and reduced sensitivity of conflict risk to conflict minerals’ price spikes. Finally, we find that conflicts decrease in Eastern DRC territories with prevalent 3T (tantalum, tin, and tungsten) mines but increase in territories with prevalent gold mines. Overall, our findings highlight the real effects of enhanced supply chain transparency regulation.

Abstract: In empirical research, eyewitnesses typically report their confidence numerically (e.g., “I'm 90% sure”). In contrast, in the field, lineup administrators typically ask witnesses to explain their confidence verbally, in the witness' own words (e.g., “I'm quite sure”). Across three studies, we explored how evaluators assess verbal confidence statements: both freely reported and reported using a graded verbal scale. Results showed wide variability in the interpretation of both kinds of confidence statements. Even when evaluating seemingly very strong statements of verbal confidence (e.g., “completely certain”) participants did not necessarily translate these statements into the strongest levels of numeric confidence. Variability in the interpretation of verbal confidence was particularly pronounced for low confidence statements. Moreover, participants preferred to report their confidence numerically rather than verbally. These results indicate the importance of documenting confidence verbatim at the time of the lineup so that the meaning of the witness' original confidence statement is preserved.

Intimate partner violence (IPV) occurs at alarmingly high rates towards pregnant women in South Africa. Experiences of emotional, physical, and sexual IPV in pregnancy can adversely impact the health and safety of mother and fetus. Furthermore, IPV is associated with increased risk of HIV, exacerbating the public health impact of violence among pregnant women in this HIV endemic setting. In-depth understanding of cultural and contextual drivers of experiences of IPV is a critical precursor to development of interventions effectively addressing this issue among pregnant women in South Africa. The present study examines factors contributing to IPV among pregnant women to identify potential points of intervention. We conducted twenty in-depth interviews with postpartum women who used oral pre-exposure prophylaxis (PrEP) in pregnancy and reported recent experiences of IPV and/or ongoing alcohol use in a township near Cape Town, South Africa that experiences a heavy burden of both HIV and IPV. Interpretive thematic analysis was used. Several patterns of IPV during pregnancy were identified and violence was frequently described as co-occurring with male partner alcohol use. A majority of women referenced oral PrEP as their preferred method for HIV prevention, highlighting the agency and discretion it provided as beneficial attributes for women experiencing IPV. Fear of judgement from peers for remaining with an abusive partner and a lack of clear community messaging around IPV were identified as barriers to disclosure and support-seeking. Addressing the lack of social support received by women experiencing IPV during pregnancy in South Africa is essential to comprehensive IPV programming.

BackgroundThe Latin American region demonstrates the lowest levels of trust in health systems globally. Institutional corruption is a major factor in eroding trust. Corruption in health services, including extracting bribes and informal payments from patients, directly harms health outcomes and weakens services intended as public goods. In this study, we aim to characterize the frequency and distribution of informal payments within public health services in Peru.MethodsWe conducted a secondary analysis of a nationally representative cross-sectional survey, the 2018 National Household Survey of Living Conditions and Poverty, and identified all individuals reporting health insurance from the Ministry of Health (SIS-MINSA) or Social Security (ESSALUD). We defined self-reported informal payments in 2 ways: 1) being asked to pay a bribe at a health establishment in the past year (direct method), and 2) creating an overall indicator for non-zero cost of care for services that should be free (indirect method). We used descriptive statistics to quantify informal payments and bivariate analysis to identify sociodemographic characteristics of those most frequently reporting such payments.Findings132,355 people were surveyed, including 69,839 (52.8%) with coverage from SIS-MINSA and 30,461 (23.03%) from ESSALUD. Less than 1% of participants directly reported informal payments, either at SIS-MINSA services (0.22%); or at ESSALUD (0.42%). Indirect reporting was more prevalent, including up to 10% of surgery patients and 17% of those hospitalized in SIS-MINSA facilities. Wealthier patients (19%) were more likely to report such payments.InterpretationWhile direct reporting of bribery was uncommon, we found moderate prevalence of informal payments in public health services in Peru using an indirect assessment method. Indirect reporting may exceed direct reporting due to difficulty in distinguishing appropriate and inappropriate payments, fear of reporting health care workers' behavior, or social tolerance of informal payments. Informal payments were more common among those with greater financial capital, indicating they may obtain enhanced services. Further research on patients' perception and reporting of informal payments is a key step towards accurate measurement and evidence-based intervention.

Introduction"Recidivism" is used ubiquitously in juvenile justice research and typically describes repeat legal contact; however, researchers, policymakers, and clinicians operationalize it in various ways. Despite assuming each measure is a proxy for continued delinquent behavior leading to further legal contact, few have examined the association between youth delinquent behavior and self-reported and official records of legal contact. Furthermore, systemic bias against ethnoracial and gender minoritized youth often results in more harsh treatment by the legal system, which could influence recidivism measurement. Latent variable modeling of legal contact is understudied; thus, it is important to examine the feasibility of measuring this construct as a latent variable, including measurement invariance by gender.MethodsAmong 401 youth ages 12-18 years at first ever court contact, we examined three metrics of legal contact over a 2-year follow-up period: youth-report of arrest, caregiver-report of their adolescent's arrest, and official records of the number of new court charges. We examined between-group differences on each metric based on gender and ethnoracial identity. We then measured: (1) the association between youths' self-reported delinquency and each metric, (2) gender-specific associations between self-reported delinquency and each metric, and (3) gender-based measurement invariance for a latent recidivism variable using confirmatory factor analysis.ResultsYouth were consistent reporters of their own delinquent behavior and prospective legal contact measured by arrests. There were no between-group differences based on gender or ethnoracial identity for any legal contact measures. Delinquency and all legal contact variables were positively intercorrelated for the overall sample and the male subsample. For females, delinquency was not associated with caregiver-reported youth arrest or number of new charges. The latent legal contact variable had unique factor structures for male and female subsamples, suggesting no measurement invariance.DiscussionYouth-reported delinquency at first ever legal contact was most strongly associated with youth-reported arrest during a 2-year follow-up period, followed by caregiver-reported arrest, and the number of new charges. Unique latent variable factor structures for male and female subsamples suggests the inter-relation between legal contact variables is gender-specific. Stakeholders should consider prioritizing youth-reported delinquency since it is most strongly related to prospective youth-reported arrest.

BackgroundIntimate partner violence (IPV) is associated with increased risk of HIV acquisition and reduced engagement in HIV care. There is limited understanding of the ways in which IPV exposure and other maladaptive relationship dynamics may influence adherence to antiretroviral treatment (ART) and pre-exposure prophylaxis (PrEP) for individuals in committed, HIV serodifferent partnerships.MethodsWe used binomial generalized linear mixed effect regression models to evaluate the association between IPV exposure and ART/PrEP adherence among members of serodifferent couples in Uganda. Secondarily, we assessed the association between relationship powerlessness and ART/PrEP adherence.ResultsWe enrolled and followed both partners in 149 heterosexual serodifferent couples. The partner living with HIV was female in 64% of couples. IPV exposure was associated with low ART adherence (15% vs. 5% in quarters with no IPV, odds ratio [OR]: 4.78, 95% confidence interval [CI] 1.48 - 15.42) but not low PrEP adherence (33% vs. 36%, p=0.69). Among HIV-negative individuals, those reporting moderate relationship powerlessness were less likely to have poor PrEP adherence compared to those with low relationship powerlessness (20% vs. 30%, OR: 0.57, 95% CI 0.36 - 0.90). We observed no association between relationship powerlessness and ART adherence.ConclusionsWe found that IPV exposure was associated with low adherence to ART and that relationship powerlessness was associated with good adherence to PrEP. These findings contribute to the evidence base outlining the influence of IPV and relationship power on ART/PrEP adherence for individuals in HIV serodifferent unions.

Recent punishment and society scholarship has addressed the limits of policy reforms aimed at reducing mass incarceration in the U.S. This work has focused in particular on the political dimensions of penal legal reform and policy-making, and the compromises and shortcomings in those processes. Nearly absent in this scholarship, however, has been empirical and theoretical engagement with the role of front-line prosecutors as facilitators and/or resistors to downsizing efforts. Using the case of the U.S. federal criminal legal system's modest efforts to decrease the system's racially disparate and punitive outcomes, this paper elucidates the fragile nature of such reforms by delineating the critical role that front-line prosecutors play in maintaining punitive approaches. Focusing specifically on federal prosecutorial policy and practices in the Trump era, I draw on a subset of data from an interdisciplinary, multi-methodological project set in distinct federal court jurisdictions in the U.S. to examine how front-line prosecutors were able to quickly reverse course on reform through the use of their uniquely powerful charging and plea-bargaining tools. My findings illustrate how federal prosecutors pursued more low-level defendants, and utilized statutory “hammers,” including mandatory minimums and mandatory enhancements to ensure harsh punishments in a swift return to a war-on-crime.