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Chronic lymphocytic leukemia (CLL) patients have an increased risk of secondary cancers, along with predisposition to CLL in their relatives. We have previously identified germline ATM variants as associated with CLL risk; here, we present their impact on predisposition to secondary neoplasms in CLL patients and their relatives. Patients enrolled in our tissue bank who had germline ATM status available were mailed a questionnaire between April 2022 and May 2023. Of the 333 patients who replied to the questionnaire, 283 patients (85%) reported at least one relative with a cancer history. The prevalence of family history of B-cell lymphoproliferative disorders was significantly higher (p=0.02) in patients with germline ATM variants (32%) compared to those without germline ATM variants (21%) including familial CLL (25% vs 18%) (p=0.04). No significant difference in the prevalence of secondary cancers was found between patients with and without germline ATM variants (p=0.73), although the role for individual ATM variants in other malignancies could not be excluded given the small sample size. Time to first CLL treatment (TTFT) was shorter in patients harboring somatic ATM events while no difference was observed in patients with germline ATM variants. In conclusion, we demonstrate a higher prevalence of B-cell lymphoproliferative disorders, including familial CLL, in relatives of CLL patients carrying germline ATM variants. The presence of these germline variants did not impact TTFT compared to patients harboring somatic ATM mutations.

This article is an attempt to examine the challenges to Hong Kong’s pro-democracy movement and the movement’s internal divisions in the past decade or so. It is based on the author’s research and writing on Hong Kong’s pro-democracy movement in the past decades as well as his role as a close participant/observer when he served as co-ordinator in a number of campaigns of the movement. In various activities and protests, he had numerous informal discussions and conversations with leaders of pro-democracy groups, activists and ordinary participants. This article does not argue that improved unity and performance of the pro-democracy movement might have changed the outcome; after all, Chinese leaders’ assessment of the broad domestic environment and their Hong Kong policy were the more determining factors. This article has no intention to allocate responsibility and blame either.

In this paper, we study the problem of gossiping with interference constraint in radio ring networks. Gossiping (or total exchange information) is a protocol where each node in the network has a message and is expected to distribute its own message to every other node in the network. The gossiping problem consists in finding the minimum running time (makespan) of a gossiping protocol and algorithms that attain this makespan. We focus on the case where the transmission network is a ring network. We consider synchronous protocols where it takes one unit of time (step) to transmit a unit-length message. During one step, a node receives at most one message only through one of its two neighbors. We also suppose that, during one step, a node cannot be both a sender and a receiver (half duplex model). Moreover communication is subject to interference constraints. We use a primary node interference model where, if a node receives a message from one of its neighbors, its other neighbor cannot send at the same time. With these assumptions we completely solve the problem for ring networks. We first show lower bounds and then give gossiping algorithms which meet these lower bounds and so are optimal. The number of rounds depends on the congruences of n modulo 12.

Leaders of the Communist Party of China (CPC) realised the significance of Hong Kong since its foundation. This article examines the CPC’s Hong Kong policy in the past century, with emphasis on recent developments. The historical account intends to study the nature of the CPC, as well as the priorities and strategies of its leadership in its various stages of development. The extent of its pragmatism, its evolving priorities and its tolerance of reforms offer interesting angles in this study.

This article intends to assess China’s situation and challenges in the context of its deteriorating external and domestic environments. It focuses on the regime-maintenance initiatives of the Party regime and the prospects for political stability in China. Various types of scenarios are briefly examined on the basis of the assessment, and suggestions are offered for consideration by overseas pro-democracy groups. The stability of the Party regime is not to be under-estimated; its gradual atrophy is probable in the near future.

Contemporary Chinese Political Economy and Strategic Relations: An International Journal, Vol. 5, No. 2, June/August 2019, Focus – Upon the Thirtieth Anniversary of Tiananmen Protests and June Fourth Massacre: Value Renewal and Path Finding for China’s Pro-democracy Movement, full issue

In the Nineteenth Party Congress in October 2017, Xi Jinping managed to consolidate power, generating speculation that he may even seek a third term in 2022 against the established political convention. To a considerable extent, the Party regime has been able to maintain legitimacy through economic growth, a basic social security net covering the entire population and effective governance. Above all else, Xi Jinping’s impressive combat of corruption has been a significant hallmark of his administration. This article attempts to examine the policy programme of the Xi Jinping administration and understand its basic position on human rights in China’s present environment where civil society is still developing under increasingly difficult conditions and as yet to be in no position to confront the Party regime.

Contemporary Chinese Political Economy and Strategic Relations: An International Journal, Vol. 4, No. 2, July/August 2018, Focus – Dissent, Political Freedom, Civil Liberties and the Struggle for Democracy: Essays in Honour of Liu Xiaobo, full issue

Contemporary Chinese Political Economy and Strategic Relations: An International Journal, Vol. 3, No. 2, July/August 2017, Focus – Hong Kong Twenty Years after the Handover: Quo Vadis?, full issue

In this survey of the two decades since Hong Kong’s return to the motherland, the author chooses to focus on the performance of the economy, Beijing’s policy towards the territory and the development of the pro-democracy movement. These three variables probably have the most important impact on Hong Kong’s political and social stability and its challenges ahead.

The Occupation Campaign in Hong Kong ended on December 15, 2014 after 79 days reflected the protesters and pro-democracy groups’ wish to tell the world that they are not going to give up the cause of democracy and that they will continue to fight despite the understanding that it will be extremely difficult to change the decision of the Chinese leadership in the short term. In the eyes of the supporters of the pro-democracy movement, the challenge facing Hong Kong people is not just fighting for a democratic electoral system, but also struggle to maintain their core values, their lifestyles, and their individual dignity – an uphill battle given that the local business community firmly toes the Beijing line. While the political struggles of the young people of Hong Kong are perceived to have brought hope to the pro-democracy movement, the prospects for democracy remain far from promising.

Contemporary Chinese Political Economy and Strategic Relations: An International Journal, Vol. 2, No. 2, August/September 2016, Focus – From Handover to Occupy Campaign: Democracy, Identity and the Umbrella Movement of Hong Kong, full issue

As China’s economy continues to grow, it wants to expand its markets and secure reliable supplies of resources in support of its economic development. Resource diplomacy therefore becomes a prominent feature of its modernization diplomacy. In turn, many African countries perceive political and economic ties with China an important asset which strengthens their international bargaining power, especially vis-á-vis the Western countries. African countries are also depicted as China’s reliable political and economic partners. Chinese leaders have no intention of engaging in diplomatic and strategic competition with the United States and the European Union in Africa, but they certainly will not cooperate with Western governments in helping Africa because they want to push for multipolarity. China's approach to Africa has come under criticisms of neo-colonialism; and in recent years serious adjustments have been implemented. It is expected that Africa’s significance within the Chinese foreign policy framework will continue to grow.

Through a historical account of Beijing's Hong Kong policy since the Sino-British negotiations in the early 1980s, the article attempts to analyse its major considerations and limitations. This analysis is intended to shed light on the contradictions between the Chinese authorities and Hong Kong people, and especially the local pro-democracy movement. The performance of civil society organisations, and Hong Kong people's values and attitudes as reflected by public opinion surveys are also considered. Significant emphasis is accorded to the recent political suppression in Hong Kong following the Occupy Central Campaign. While Beijing is now in control, the heavy political price it will pay is also examined. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]