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In this conversational article, we consider cultivating decoloniality in university education by drawing upon Jacques Ranciere’s (2010) notion of a living philosophy. Ranciere’s (2010) living philo...

Teachers play a crucial role in the political socialization of adolescents. Using Q-Methodology, we explored high school teachers’ conceptions of good citizenship in post-genocide Rwanda. Teachers ranked 50 statements, describing a ‘good citizen’, on a 9-column grid, anchored by ‘least important citizenship behaviour’ and ‘most important citizenship behaviour’. The four perspectives that emerged viewed good citizenship as (a) being mindful or considerate of the 1994 genocide perpetrated against the Tutsi and promoting unity as well as reconciliation among Rwandans; (b) being morally upright and demonstrating a strong sense of patriotism; (c) being politically enthusiastic; and (d) promoting justice. The study argues for a shift towards more critical forms of citizenship. It also advocates the reinforcement of democratic and participatory skills among teachers.

In an age of increasing automation, what separates a human process from automation is the flexibility and autonomy human beings have and operate with in real time. Despite the fact that humans are driven by autonomy to operate and process things, such autonomy is often taken for granted and at times is only alluded to as an afterthought. But what is autonomy? How does autonomy make a person’s actions differ from those of an automated, inanimate being? Autonomy is often talked about as synonymous with freedom. This basic characterization partially responds to the fuller meaning of autonomy. This is the case when freedom is confined to freedom from, which is most often how this concept is used. Autonomy as an internal drive to determine one’s actions necessarily combines both freedom from as well as freedom to. It is no simpler to discuss or pin down “autonomy” within the context of university traditions and practices. The variability of practices and traditions has resulted in different formulations of what autonomy would mean in a university context. Similar to what determines autonomy as concept at an individual personal level, the autonomy of the academic or the academic institution, in this case the university, also brings forth specific understandings of life and its processes. Just as autonomy cannot exist without any forms of life to exercise it, the conditions in African universities today mean that neither traditional communitarian positions nor liberal conceptions are necessarily amenable to the progress of autonomy within these institutions. A neo-communitarian position serves as a more tenable concept that can represent forms of autonomy that are neither alienating nor too deterministic.

The notion of ‘revolutionary’ violence that characterize student protests in African universities appear to be indispensable. The ‘Burn to be Heard’ metaphor that was proclaimed in the violent student protests in South Africa aptly captures the violent practices that are idiosyncratic to the ‘revolutionary violence’ across universities in Africa. Revolutionary violence legitimises and coerces for collective violent practices within the purview of student protests. Violence as revolutionary mechanism is considered as probably the most effective device for the attainment of the set objectives. In counteracting the canonisation of violence which often result in property destruction, injuries and death during student protests, this chapter draws from the fundamental tenets of responsible citizenship. We argue that reinforcing the fundamentals of responsible citizenship has the potential of combating the tendencies of regarding violence as the most effective mechanism to solicit university students’ favourable outcomes.

This piece of research contributes to the existing literature on citizenship and values education practices in post-conflict contexts. It set out to investigate ways in which high school leavers (HSLs) appreciate Itorero – a non-formal citizenship and values education platform in post-genocide Rwanda . The purpose of the study was also to establish the best predictor of the success of Itorero training according to HSLs’ perceptions. The research to be reported here used a survey questionnaire and focus groups with HSLs. It is revealed that while HSLs are happy with the content, they seem to be immensely displeased with the quality of trainers, organization and training environment. The article also shows that the factor ‘trainers’ consistutes the best predictor of the success of Itorero . This finding raises serious concerns because Itorero trainers are seen as deficient in number of ways. The article raises the question of trainers’ preparation in citizenship and values education. We argue that there is a tendency to neglect this aspect and assume that everyone can contribute to citizenship and values education. We maintain that the quality of trainers is critical for optimal results in citizenship and values education.

This chapter argues that in an attempt to reclaim its nationalistic ideals to citizenship education in Zimbabwe, what is touted as ‘citizenship education’ is far removed from citizenship education. What gradually became realised through this ‘democratic’ project in Zimbabwe was an extreme nationalist citizenship education project, which continues to be radical, exclusionary, discriminatory and very partisan thereby tearing apart the very fabric of society which it intends to build. The authors argue that co-existence should revolve around common civic values that underscore a more substantive form of citizenship education.

This chapter interrogates the idea of democratic citizenship as it is applied in Malawi and Namibia. The authors assert that although substantive deliberative democracy has been defended as a more preferable option globally, such a framework will be difficult to attain, if not impossible, in the context of most African countries. Instead, they argue that unless the African democratic states promote moderate deliberative democratic education, citizens may possibly not be able to engage in matters of mutual concern and will inevitably fail to have meaningful deliberations that can start addressing unjust encounters confronting the continent today, thereby potentially thwarting the many advantages of developing democratic communities Africa requires to promote.

This chapter advances the view that the presence of Afrophobia in institutions of public higher education militates against the universities’ objectives of preparing graduates as global citizens and negatively impacts on the core social values of internationalisation within higher education. The authors trace the dominant discourses around global citizenship before juxtaposing Afrophobia as a negation of the very processes. The authors argue that the issue of global citizenship within higher education arises out of the context of student international migration that precipitates national diversities within higher education. This chapter mainly focuses on the South African higher education system and its practices as a case in point.

There is a tendency to think that it was colonisation that brought higher education onto the continent. However, the works of Ajayi, Goma and Johnson (1996) and Assie-Lumumba (2006) trace the origins of university life on the African continent back to ancient traditional centres of civilisation, such as Egypt, and in particular to the notions of ‘being’ and ‘knowledge’ – which were conceived within traditional African societies.

Policy borrowing and policy travelling are words that are often used to mean the same process to different policy practitioners across the globe. Nevertheless, these ideas are also riddled with both ethical as well as political undertones, such that interchanging them becomes problematic. In reflecting on and responding to some of these debates, this paper begins to raise questions on the grounds upon which such policy moves may be ethically and politically suspect. The paper further notes that the discourse on policy moves, policy transfers and/or policy borrowing can be hegemonic, particularly when such a discourse assumes one party, the developed world, to be the source and originator of knowledge. The paper argues that the bottom line is a normal sharing of ideas and knowledge, the very mark of being human in globalised world.

The documenting of Black women’s past and current experiences within academia remains important despite the apparent opening up of opportunities for the formerly excluded. This is due to the need to confront the twin edifices of domination and marginalisation arising from the legacies of colonialism and apartheid. Within the context of discourses on transformation, it is critical to take stock of the extent to which universities have created supportive and enabling environments that take account of the diverse and unequal backgrounds of their academics, especially women. This introductory paper serves to initiate aspects of the debates that inform the narratives of a group of Black women academics who are university-based teacher educators and to raise questions about their positioning within tertiary institutions which remain relevant even under a democratic and inclusive dispensation. Key words: Black women, academics, identity, narrative, teacher education, South Africa, university

In this chpater, Joseph Hungwe and Joseph Divala present an exposition of the contradictory interplay between decolonisation and afrophobia in South African higher education. They argue that afrophobia encumbers the envisioned objectives of decolonisation of higher education in Africa. Decolonisation of higher education ultimately seeks to establish a dispensation that is underpinned by ideals of non-discrimination along race, ethnicity, nationalities and other forms of social diversities that characterise social composition of African higher education. It can therefore be claimed that decolonisation of higher education is tailored towards the promotion and sustenance of equal social relations in higher education, on the one hand. On the other hand, afrophobic practices and attitudes entrench and maintain perceptions of a society structured along cultural superiority and marginalisation. The concurrence of afrophobia and decolonisation of higher education in South Africa brings to the fore a conundrum, which this chapter exposes.