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Refereed/Peer-reviewed Weight bias comprises a multitude of stereotypes about individuals with large bodies, as well as negative attitudes and discriminatory behaviors. In a culture of normative discontent that emphasizes thinness as a social ideal, many counselors will inevitably work with clients who seek assistance with weight loss. Although weight loss may be a client’s identified treatment goal, counselors must consider the potential for harm working toward such a goal in therapy. In this article, we utilize justice motive theory to discuss the potential unintended harm to clients in counseling when weight bias is not considered as part of a case conceptualization. Through the examination of three common social messages related to body weight (i.e., the controllability of body weight, the morality of weight, the social acceptability of weight bias), the justice motive is used to illustrate a case example and the implications for counseling. Considerations for socially just practices in counseling are discussed, as well as future research directions.

Objectives: The aim of this study was to examine the attitudes of practicing Canadian family physicians about individuals with obesity, their healthcare treatment, and perceptions of obesity treatment in the public healthcare system. Method: A national sample of Canadian practicing family physicians (n = 400) completed the survey. Participants completed measures of explicit weight bias, attitudes towards treating patients with obesity, and perceptions that people with obesity increase demand on the public healthcare system. Results: Responses consistent with weight bias were not observed overall but were demonstrated in a sizeable minority of respondents. Many physicians also reported feeling frustrated with patients with obesity and agreed that people with obesity increase demand on the public healthcare system. Male physicians had more negative attitudes than females. More negative attitudes towards treating patients with obesity were associated with greater perceptions of them as a public health demand. Conclusion: Results suggest that negative attitudes towards patients with obesity exist among some family physicians in Canada. It remains to be determined if physicians develop weight bias partly because they blame individuals for their obesity and its increased demand on the Canadian public healthcare system. More research is needed to better understand causes and consequences of weight bias among health professionals and make efforts towards its reduction in healthcare.

We present 4 experiments that explore relational differences in how individuals respond to the harmful behavior of others, finding that revenge is less likely against romantic partners than against various other kinds of offenders (i.e., strangers, coworkers, roommates) both for a laboratory provocation and using hypothetical vignettes. We also implicate trust as a viable explanation for these findings, showing that individuals view the actions of a trusted other (i.e., a romantic partner) as less intentional relative to a less trusted other (i.e., a coworker) and that an experimental manipulation of trust in an offender alters levels of vengeful desires.

Weight bias is pervasive, impacting the lived experiences of individuals with large bodies in all areas of society. Weight bias negatively impacts psychological and physical health, and contributes to systemic inequity for individuals with large bodies. Given that counselling psychology has been recognised for its commitment to social justice, it is important to provide examples of the many social justice issues associated with weight bias. The purpose of this article is to position weight bias as an important social justice issue for psychologists, through the lens of 3 social justice perspectives; distributive justice, procedural justice, and ecological justice. We examine the lack of equitable distribution of opportunities and resources for individuals with large bodies in health care, the workforce, education, and within interpersonal relationships. We also discuss the lack of voice provided to individuals with large bodies with regard to the policies and practices that affect them, and the social and environmental forces that systemically influence body weight and weight bias. Finally, we encourage further dialogue between professionals across disciplines about weight bias as a social justice issue in the future design of research, education, and practice. Refereed/Peer-reviewed

Weight bias is a widespread and persistent form of oppression that adversely impacts the lives of individuals with obesity in many areas of society. In this paper, we discuss the implications of weight bias as a social justice issue for counsellor education and practice. We provide recommendations for professional education, including the need to examine social location, knowledge, assumptions, and biases about weight and individuals with obesity. We also provide recommendations related to advocacy for individuals with obesity in practice usc Refereed/Peer-reviewed

Why do people care about justice? This chapter addresses the question from the point of view of a body of theory and research that has examined the motivational commitment people have to the assumptive belief that the world is just. Inspired by Melvin J. Lerner’s exploration of the need to believe in a just world, justice motive research, as it has come to be known, identifies deservingness as the cornerstone of people’s justice concerns. In a just world, people get what they deserve. The need to believe in a just world gives rise to a variety of behaviors and psychological processes with both constructive and destructive consequences. The search for justice makes people do altruistic acts, but also victim blaming. It can also distort recall of the past, shape expectations for the future, and even lead people to think that fortuitous harms were somehow caused by previous misdeeds. Fifty years of justice motive research has yielded significant insights into the variety of ways the justice motive appears in people’s lives. The chapter also discusses the social cognitive origins of the justice motive, current issues and trends including the role of the justice motive in people’s reactions to their own fates, construal of everyday experience, and the relation between justice motive processes and widely used measures of just world beliefs.

We examined whether people might distort and selectively remember the past in ways that enable them to sustain a belief in a just world (BJW; Lerner, M. J. (1980). The belief in a just world: A fundamental delusion. New York: Plenum Press). In Study 1, recall of a lottery prize reflected participants' justice concerns, such that the average lottery amount recalled was lowest when a "bad" versus "good" person won. In Study 2, an unrelated experience of just world threat (versus affirmation) enhanced biased recall of the lottery prize when the winner was undeserving. In Study 3, participants who experienced a fortuitous bad break selectively remembered more bad deeds from their recent past, whereas participants who experienced a good break selectively remembered more good deeds. Study 4 demonstrates that such selective memory biases specifically serve to portray chance outcomes as more fair. Taken together, these findings offer support for the notion that reconstructing and selectively recalling the past can serve to sustain a BJW. © 2009 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.

The present article explores the hypothesis that gambling might serve a justice-seeking function for some people, as gambling might offer a means to pursuing desirable outcomes that people feel they deserve but might be unable or unwilling to attain through conventional means. In Study 1, across two separate samples, self-reports of personal relative deprivation predict problem gambling and gambling urges over and above relevant control variables. In Study 2, the authors manipulate personal relative deprivation by informing participants that they have either less or more discretionary income than "similar others." They then give participants $20 and the opportunity to gamble. The results show that a greater percentage of participants who are "relatively deprived" (vs. "not relatively deprived") opt to gamble. Two manipulation validation studies demonstrate that the "relatively deprived" participants are preoccupied with justice during a modified Stroop task and feel resentful. Implications for understanding why people gamble are discussed. © 2008 by the Society for Personality and Social Psychology, Inc.

Two studies explored Dion and Dion’s (Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 52, 775–780, 1987) suggestion that the belief in a just world may contribute to the “beauty is good” stereotype. In Study 1, we found that participants rated the death of a woman as more tragic and unfair when she was physically attractive than less attractive. Participants were also more punitive towards agents of harm when the victim was physically attractive. In Study 2, we varied the extent to which a woman suffered from a house fire and asked participants to later recognize the woman’s picture among several choices varying in physical attractiveness. Participants who learned that the woman suffered a great deal remembered her to be less physically attractive than when her suffering was minimal. The results are discussed in terms of how the justice motive contributes to the evaluative and moral importance attached to physical attractiveness.

Deciding that negative experiences are punishment for prior misdeeds, even when plausible causal links are missing, is immanent justice (IJ) reasoning (Piaget, 1932/1965). Three studies examined a just world theory analysis of IJ reasoning in adults (Lerner, 1980). Studies 1 and 2 varied the valence of a target person's behavior prior to them experiencing an unrelated negative (car accident, Study 1) or positive (lottery win, Study 2) outcome. Participants viewed the outcomes as the result of prior behavior most when they fit deservingness expectations (good person won the lottery, bad person injured in automobile accident), suggesting that just world concerns influenced IJ reasoning. The lottery-winning finding (Study 2) also extends IJ reasoning to positive experiences. A third study found that a manipulation of just world threat in one context (prolonged or ended suffering of an HIV victim) influenced IJ responses in a subsequent unrelated context (automobile accident scenario).

Foundational concepts in psychology are introduced to "27% of all full-time students" in postsecondary institutions each year (Scheirer & Rogers, 1985), constituting an annual North American class size of more than one million adults. In part, these numbers reflect the growth in popularity and perceived value of academic psychology since it was made part of university and college curricula. Understandably, teachers of psychology and their professional organizations have expended considerable effort to set the pedagogical goals for this introduction to the topic (e.g., Gilliland, 1932; Goodwin, 1992; Irion, 1976; Sanford, 1910; Wolfle, 1942). Primary among these goals is that of imparting to students academic psychology's orientation, guiding principles, and facts, on the assumption that there is agreement about the conceptual heart of the discipline. The present study is intended to contribute to the identification of the conceptual core of the introductory psychology curriculum.Scrutiny of the introductory textbook is a common strategy for determining core psychology concepts. However, empirical investigations of textbook content are divided on the issue of content consistency. A number of studies employing gross measures of topic coverage (e.g., page counts devoted to a topic) in different texts at a single time point (Griggs, Jackson, & Napolitano, 1994), in the same text over time (Griggs & Jackson, 1996), and in different texts over time (Webb, 1991) give an impression of coherence and stable consensus about the introductory conceptual corpus. Other studies using similar approaches suggest a picture of variation and inconsistency (Harari & Jacobsen, 1984; Weiten, 1988). Efforts at identifying core concepts using more fine-grained analyses of index terms (Boneau, 1990; Quereshi, 1993; Quereshi & Sackett, 1977; Quereshi & Zulli, 1975), glossaries (Boneau, 1990; Zechmeister & Zechmeister, 2000) or page-by-page content (Landrum, 1993) have led some to see convergence and coherence (Quereshi, 1993) and others to suggest that there is little compelling evidence of a sizeable set of common concepts (Zechmeister & Zechmeister, 2000).A variety of methodological issues have undoubtedly contributed to the equivocal character of work in this area, including differences in chosen sets of textbooks to study; extraneous sources of content variance in the indices, glossaries, and textbook design; and variation in the criteria used for determining that a concept is common to a number of textbooks. This state of affairs leaves ample room for interpretive disagreement about the extent and nature of consensus about core concepts. Whereas Quereshi (1993) reported that recent texts were "more comprehensive and more similar to each other" (p. 220) than previously examined texts, Zechmeister and Zechmeister (2000) found "evidence for incoherence rather than coherence, instability as opposed to stability..." (p. 6) when they examined Quereshi's (1993) data.The point of departure for the present study is the observation that however lamentably small the number, recent studies (Landrum 1993; Quereshi, 1993; Zechmeister & Zechmeister, 2000) have nonetheless been able to identify a number of core concepts in the introductory curriculum ranging from as few as 64 (Zechmeister & Zechmeister, 2000) using a 100% inclusion criteria in 10 books, to 141 in 75% of 52 books (Quereshi, 1993). Landrum's (1993) finding of 126 concepts common to all six texts he reviewed falls in this range. The thrust of our approach is to explore further where in the introductory curriculum consensus about core concepts exists. Using a content analysis approach, we specifically sought to identify which, if any, areas in the introductory curriculum exhibit consensus about core concepts.Two previous studies have examined concepts by topic or area. Quereshi (1993) classified 137 terms found common to 75% of 52 books into four broad areas: biopsychology, clinical psychology, learning and development, and popular psychology. …

Forgiveness, when thought of as an unsolicited gift, may increase the perceived debt of the transgressor to the victim whereas retribution should reduce it. Male undergraduates participated in a study designed to test this equity interpretation of forgiveness and retribution. Participants were induced to break a piece of electronic equipment during an ostensible memory study; the reaction of the experimenter served as the experimental manipulation. Participants experienced one of forgiveness, retribution, both retribution and forgiveness, or neither, and were then asked to comply with a request from the experimenter as an indirect measure of perceived inequity. Consistent with an equity analysis, a planned contrast analysis indicated that forgiveness alone yielded the most compliance and retribution yielded the least compliance.

Data collected electronically from the World-Wide Web (WWW) in two samples (n=429 and 1,657) were compared with traditional paper-and-pencil measure data from two university samples (n=760 and 148) in three psychometric studies of a new measure of self-trust, the Self-Trust Questionnaire. With the exception of scale score variance, which was larger in WWW samples, psychometric properties of the scale were comparable across samples collected from the two sources. WWW samples were more similar to psychology student samples (predominantly young females) than to typical Internet users. On balance, findings indicate that the advantages of the WWW as a data source, including large heterogeneous samples, outweigh problems with data accuracy and generalizability, making the WWW an attractive source of data for researchers developing self-report personality inventories.

Third-party observers (N = 123) learned about a layoff from a newspaper article developed for this study. Two aspects of the layoff procedure were manipulated in the article: (a) the level of input (voice) by layoff victims in the layoff procedure and (b) how the layoff was communicated to the victims. Both variables predicted observers' perceptions of the procedural justice of the layoff. Victim derogation was positively related to observers' procedural fairness of the layoff. Victim derogation also moderated the relationship between the justice manipulations and fairness. Procedural fairness predicted observers' behavioral intentions both as a customer and potential employee.

Although consumers report positive attitudes toward ethical goods, their intentions and behaviors often do not follow suit. Just-world theory highlights the conditions under which consumers are most likely to prefer fair-trade products. This theory proposes that people are motivated to construe the world as a just place where people get what they deserve. In the current research, when people are confronted with high levels of injustice (communicated need is high) and avenues for justice restoration seem uncertain or unavailable, assisting others by supporting fair trade decreases. However, highlighting how injustice can be redressed through purchases enhances fair-trade support under conditions of high need. The effects are moderated by justice sensitivity factors, such as just-world beliefs and whether the product type (indulgence vs. necessity) makes the injustice of consumer privilege salient. The results suggest that communicating high need when requesting consumer prosocial actions can sometimes backfire. Marketers employing high need appeals should heighten perceptions of justice restoration potential and activate fairness-related thoughts through product positioning to encourage fair-trade purchases.

We examined positive and negative life changes reported by bereaved spouses and parents 4-7 years after the sudden loss of a family member (N = 94). Although the bereaved described significantly more positive than negative life changes in response to a series of open-ended interview questions, the number of positive life changes reported was unrelated to reports of psychological symptoms and well-being. Analyses examining the impact of positive life changes within particular domains (e.g., social relations, life orientation) revealed the same null pattern. Those bereaved reporting various positive life changes were no better off than their counterparts who did not mention such changes and, like their bereaved counterparts, were in fact worse off than their non-bereaved matched controls

Status generalization refers to the capacity of status characteristics, such as race, gender, or occupation, to become the basis of social inequality even when such characteristics are not directly relevant to the immediate social interaction. For instance, individuals with positively valued status characteristics are more likely to assume positions of power and prestige than those of lower standing. To date, status generalization has been assumed to arise from stereotyped beliefs that associate positive standing on a status characteristic with positively valued personal attributes. Findings from two studies indicate that the capacity for status characteristics to produce power and prestige orders may also depend on people's need to believe in a just world. In the first study, participants were fortuitously granted a position of either superior or equal power and prestige to another person. Consistent with just world predictions, participants portrayed themselves more positively relative to the other on assessments of personal attributes when they occupied a superior position than when they occupied a position of equal power and prestige. Results from a second study showed that the tendency to link personal attributes with power and prestige standing was strongest for participants who scored high on the Just World Scale. Thus, just world beliefs appear to play a role in status generalization processes.

It was hypothesized that allocators unwittingly forge a relation between the availability of a resource and the worthiness of the applicants for that resource. In a simulation of an academic job search, graduate students were instructed to hire either 2 or 6 of 12 excellent candidates. Subjects spoke into a tape recordor reporting their initial reactions to each of the candidate's vitae, then made their hiring decisions, and rated the desirability of each of the candidates. Next, they were told they could now hire more of the applicants if they wished to do so. In a control condition, subjects were treated identically to experimental subjects in all aspects of the procedure but one—they did not anticipate and were not required to make hiring decisions. Instead, they rank ordered the applicants in terms of quality with the knowledge that “their department” wished to hire either 2 or 6 people. As hypothesized, subjects anticipating 2 appointments made fewer positive comments about the candidates on the audiotapes than did those anticipating 6 appointments; subjects in the experimental condition evaluated the candidates they hired more favorably than subjects in the control condition evaluated their own top-ranked candidates; subjects who were initially required to hire 2 candidates continued to employ fewer applicants than those who initially hired 6 when external hiring constraints were removed. The implications of the data for the review process in academic psychology journals were discussed.