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This article explores the phenomenon of informal constitutional change with a particular focus on the role played by intergovernmental agreements (IGAs) concluded between members of a federation. It has two objectives. The first is to add IGAs to the catalogue of methods through which constitutions are altered without recourse to formal amendment procedures. Using Canada as a case study, we highlight a paradox: by rendering unconstitutional certain legislative initiatives meant to circumvent formal rules of constitutional amendment, courts are actually inviting political actors, notably the executive branches, to resort to even more fluid and informal methods of altering the Constitution. Second, we bring the concept of “para-constitutionality” into the broader literature on informal constitutional change. Para-constitutionality captures two distinct dimensions of informal constitutional change which are often conflated. “Para” in the Greek sense signifies “circumvention.” The focus here is on effectivity, on the impact of mechanisms (such as IGAs) on the overall constitutional order. By contrast, “para” in the Latin sense means “against.” It is concerned with constitutional (in)validity. We seek to underscore that even when strategies are not found to be unconstitutional, they may nevertheless have a transformative impact on the overall federal architecture. In conclusion, we suggest that an implicit commitment to intergovernmental transactions and compromise, both inherent to federalism, may explain judicial benevolence in the face of negotiated para-constitutional engineering mechanisms, in contrast to unilateral legislative attempts at informal constitutional change.

Les avis consultatifs font partie intégrante de la jurisprudence constitutionnelle canadienne. L’exécutif fédéral a le privilège exclusif de pouvoir soumettre pratiquement toute question de droit, abstraite ou non, à la Cour suprême du Canada, alors que les exécutifs provinciaux peuvent en faire autant auprès de leur Cour d’appel respective. Ces tribunaux ont, en principe, l’obligation de répondre. Au fil des ans, les « renvois » ont traité d’une multitude de sujets, y compris de la répartition fédérale des compétences, du rapatriement de la Constitution, du mariage entre personnes de même sexe, de la réforme du Sénat et de la possible sécession d’une province. Si l’analyse du contenu des renvois constitue un pilier de la plupart des cours de droit constitutionnel, l’institution même a étonnamment largement échappé à une analyse approfondie. Deux ouvrages majeurs, publiés à quelques mois d’intervalle, comblent avec brio cette lacune. Dans Courts Without Cases: The Law and Politics of Advisory Opinions et Seeking the Court’s Advice: The Politics of the Canadian Reference Power, la constitutionnaliste Carissima Mathen et la politologue Kate Puddister décodent habilement la théorie et la pratique des avis consultatifs sous des angles disciplinaires distincts, mais complémentaires. Deux aspects problématiques ressortent particulièrement de cette analyse croisée. Il s’agit, en premier lieu, du risque d’instrumentalisation des tribunaux par la branche exécutive. De fait, l’apparent affront à la séparation des pouvoirs a conduit plusieurs pays de common law (mais pas tous) à rejeter la pratique des avis consultatifs. Pourquoi n’est-ce pas le cas du Canada? En second lieu, malgré leur caractère officiellement non contraignant, les renvois sont lus, enseignés, cités, critiqués, plaidés et largement rédigés comme s’il s’agissait d’arrêts rendus en appel, arrêts qui eux sont évidemment contraignants. Comment expliquer la force normative déroutante d’« avis » qui n’ont plus de « consultatifs » que le nom? Cet essai critique place les deux ouvrages en conversation l’un avec l’autre. L’auteure y ajoute ses propres interrogations et réflexions, notamment sur le rôle et le statut des renvois dans une perspective comparative. L’essai examine les origines, l’évolution et le cadre normatif des « avis consultatifs », ainsi que les motivations « stratégiques » qui fondent la décision de l’exécutif de demander — ou non — un avis consultatif. En conclusion, l’auteure avance une hypothèse sur cette singulière institution qui ne fonctionne pas en théorie, mais plutôt bien en pratique. Les « renvois » représenteraient-ils un autre élément de la culture constitutionnelle du Canada, qui voit s’entrecroiser et s’influencer de manière si fluide les sources formelles et informelles, écrites et non écrites, officielles et effectives du droit?

Authors in various disciplines have adopted a dichotomous typology of “old and new minorities”. For many scholars and policy makers, this dual conception, which was notably introduced by Will Kymlicka, has further evolved into a three-pronged typology, where Indigenous peoples constitute a distinct category. This classification has had a significant influence on both theoretical and functional accommodation of minorities. It has provided a set of criteria for determining which fundamental rights, accommodation measures, and self-government mechanisms can legitimately be claimed by each category. In this article, the author argues that the dominant three-pronged classification of minorities—“national minorities”, “aboriginal peoples” and “ethnic minorities”—fails to capture the specificity and complexity of the French-speaking communities who do not enjoy territorial autonomy in Canada. The result is that Francophone minority communities outside of Quebec (which amount to one million French-speakers) effectively find themselves in a normative penumbra, as their fluid identity floats between an “ethnic minority” and a “national minority”. The dichotomous distinction between old and new minorities has rendered these communities largely invisible, and the discussion on their political autonomy, almost inexistent. The author suggests three tentative answers to what could be called “Kymlicka’s blind spot”. The first replaces the rigid categories with a spectrum, the second builds continuum inside the current categories and the third proposes to add another category to the existing typology. Any exploration of alternative conceptual schemes requires notably a clarification of the claims of autonomy made—or which could be made—by these linguistic minorities, including claims of territorial or non-territorial political autonomy. While political autonomy has not been recognized for francophone minority communities in Canada, the author discusses the legitimacy and potential forms of this possibility, often overlooked in favour of non-State efforts. Ultimately, this piece calls to rethink Kymlicka’s typology through a more nuanced and contextualized lens, in light of the Canadian experience.

Authors in various disciplines have adopted a dichotomous typology of “old and new minorities”. For many scholars and policy makers, this dual conception, which was notably introduced by Will Kymlicka, has further evolved into a three-pronged typology, where Indigenous peoples constitute a distinct category. This classification has had a significant influence on both theoretical and functional accommodation of minorities. It has provided a set of criteria for determining which fundamental rights, accommodation measures, and self-government mechanisms can legitimately be claimed by each category. In this article, the author argues that the dominant three-pronged classification of minorities—“national minorities”, “aboriginal peoples” and “ethnic minorities”—fails to capture the specificity and complexity of the French-speaking communities who do not enjoy territorial autonomy in Canada. The result is that Francophone minority communities outside of Quebec (which amount to one million French-speakers) effectively find themselves in a normative penumbra, as their fluid identity floats between an “ethnic minority” and a “national minority”. The dichotomous distinction between old and new minorities has rendered these communities largely invisible, and the discussion on their political autonomy, almost inexistent. The author suggests three tentative answers to what could be called “Kymlicka’s blind spot”. The first replaces the rigid categories with a spectrum, the second builds continuum inside the current categories and the third proposes to add another category to the existing typology. Any exploration of alternative conceptual schemes requires notably a clarification of the claims of autonomy made—or which could be made—by these linguistic minorities, including claims of territorial or non-territorial political autonomy. While political autonomy has not been recognized for francophone minority communities in Canada, the author discusses the legitimacy and potential forms of this possibility, often overlooked in favour of non-State efforts. Ultimately, this piece calls to rethink Kymlicka’s typology through a more nuanced and contextualized lens, in light of the Canadian experience.

This paper examines the Calls to Action outlined in the Truth and Reconciliation Commission on Residential Schools from the perspective of the current institutions of Canadian federalism. The first objective is to map out "who is being asked to do what" in the Canada state, and to see how this corresponds to the actual division of powers — "who can actually do what." To illustrate the complexity of this intersection between the Calls to Action and division of powers in the Canadian state, we explore three policy areas in greater detail: child welfare, health care, and education. Canadian federalism was clearly imposed on Indigenous peoples, in addition to 'Crown sovereignty.' Neither has served them well. Our objective is not to contribute to this 'divide and conquer' approach. It is, rather, in a spirit of restorative justice and reconciliation, to outline how all orders of government must respond, whether they are explicitly identified in the Calls to Action or not. In conclusion, we explore the possibility that the realities of a constitutionally divided Crown — which is a rupture with history for Indigenous Peoples — might generate a constitutional duty to cooperate. Cet article analyse les appels a l'action lances par la Commission de verite et reconciliation relative aux pensionnats destines aux enfants autochtones a travers le prisme des institutions actuelles du federalisme canadien. Sans justifier le statu quo, le premier objectif est d'etablir « a qui on demande de faire quoi » et d'evaluer la correspondance entre ces revendications et « qui peut faire quoi », en vertu de l'interpretation dominante de la repartition des competences au sein de la federation canadienne. Afin d'illustrer la complexite de cette intersection entre les Appels a l'action et le partage des competences, trois domaines de politiques publiques sont explores : la protection de la jeunesse, les soins de sante et l'education. Manifestement, tant le federalisme canadien que la « souverainete de la Couronne » ont ete imposes aux peuples autochtones : aucun ne les a bien servis. Cet article ne vise aucunement a renforcer une conception constitutionnelle qui « divise pour mieux regner ». Dans un esprit de justice reparatrice et de reconciliation, il s'agit plutot de demontrer comment tous les ordres de gouvernement, qu'ils aient ete identifies explicitement ou non par la Commission, se doivent de repondre aux Appels a l’action. En conclusion, les autrices suggerent que les consequences decoulant de la divisibilite de la Couronne dans le regime federal canadien – un phenomene en rupture avec l'histoire pour les peuples autochtones – peuvent generer une obligation constitutionnelle de cooperer dans le chef de tous les ordres de gouvernement. Note : cet article est disponible en anglais seulement.

French Abstract: Cet article aborde la question des amendements informels (para-constitutionnels) a la Constitution, en se concentrant particulierement sur les modifications effectuees par l’entremise des accords intergouvernementaux. La premiere partie de l’article introduit le concept de para-constitutionnalite. Il distingue l'ingenierie para-constitutionnelle au sens latin du terme (amendements informels qui vont a l'encontre de la Constitution) et les amendements para-constitutionnels qui contournent, sans contredire directement, les normes constitutionnelles ecrites (« para », selon l'etymologie grecque). Nous explorons ensuite divers mecanismes d'amendements para-constitutionnels, ainsi que la reaction que certains d’entre eux suscitent aupres de la Cour supreme du Canada. Cette analyse met en evidence un paradoxe : en jugeant inconstitutionnelles certaines initiatives legislatives destinees a contourner les regles formelles de la modification constitutionnelle, la Cour Supreme du Canada invite les acteurs politiques a recourir a des outils de modification de la Constitution qui sont encore plus fluides. La deuxieme partie de l’article traite plus specifiquement des amendements informels effectues par le biais d’accords intergouvernementaux entre partenaires federaux, qui font souvent l'objet d'une grande deference judiciaire. Nous emettons l'hypothese que pour les juges, la voie contractuelle peut representer une forme d'ingenierie constitutionnelle plus legitime que celle reposant sur des tentatives unilaterales, car elle resulte de negociations et de compromis, qui sont au cœur du federalisme. Cette approche, cependant, souleve des inquietudes pour une federation ancree dans l'etat de droit. English Abstract: This article addresses the question of informal (para-constitutional) amendments to the Constitution, with a particular focus on amendments via intergovernmental agreements. The first part introduces the concept of para-constitutionality. It distinguishes para-constitutional engineering in the Latin sense of the term (informal amendments that run counter to the Constitution) and para-constitutional amendments which circumvent, without directly contradicting, written constitutional norms (“para” according to Greek etymology). We then explore various mechanisms of para-constitutional amendments, as well as the reaction that some of these attempts elicit from the Supreme Court of Canada. This analysis highlights a paradox: by holding unconstitutional certain legislative initiatives meant to circumvent the formal rules of constitutional change, the Supreme Court invites political actors to resort to even more fluid modes of altering the Constitution. The second part deals more specifically with informal amendments via intergovernmental agreements between federal partners, which are often the object of significant judicial deference. We hypothesize that, for judges, the contractual path may represent a more legitimate form of constitutional engineering than unilateral attempts, as it results from negotiation and compromise, which are at the heart of federalism. This approach, however, raises concerns for a federation anchored in the rule of law.

Background and aims For primary prevention of cardiovascular disease (CVD), Canadian guidelines recommend that asymptomatic Canadians with abdominal obesity undergo Framingham risk score (FRS) assessment, and that in Indigenous Peoples, indicators of metabolic syndrome also be used to identify at-risk individuals. The hypertriglyceridemic-waist phenotype (HTGW) has been proposed to be a surrogate marker of visceral obesity and a simple proxy measure for metabolic syndrome. The primary aim of this study was to evaluate whether the HTGW and the FRS associated with sub-clinical atherosclerosis. Methods and results Asymptomatic Cree participants in a cross-sectional study conducted 2005–2009 (n = 446, 18–81 y) were assessed for the HTGW using NCEP-ATP-III gender-specific-cutoffs (waist circumference: for men, ≥102 cm; for women ≥88 cm) and fasting triglycerides ≥1.7 mmol/L. Sub-clinical atherosclerosis was defined by the presence of a high sex-specific common-carotid-intimal-medial-wall-thickness (≥75th percentile). HTGW was present in 26.7% and a 10-y FRS greater than 10% was present in 18.8% of participants. The multivariate adjusted OR (95% CI) for sub-clinical atherosclerosis associated with an FRS greater than 10% was 4.10 (2.20–7.50) while that associated with the HTGW phenotype was 1.74 (95% CI 1.61–1.88) from a model including age, body mass index, alcohol consumption, FRS and the HTGW. Conclusions The HTGW phenotype is prevalent in the Cree. Our findings support further study on the utility of combining the HTGW with the FRS in the prediction of cardiovascular disease outcomes and in health screening and intervention programs among indigenous peoples.

This chapter documents the evolution from a dualist—“watertight compartments”—conception of Canadian federalism, to one that must acknowledge an increased number of intergovernmental cooperative ventures. It first examines Canada’s fundamentally dualist federal architecture before looking at the empirical reality of cooperative federalism which frequently challenges this structural dualism. It then considers how the rise of cooperative federalism influenced the evolution of the interpretive doctrines underpinning the law of Canadian federalism. Finally, it analyses the normative strength and scope of cooperative federalism, concluding that the impact of cooperative federalism in Canadian constitutional law remains tamed by the dualist conception of federalism that still underlies the Supreme Court of Canada’s federalism case law.

This chapter documents the evolution from a dualist - “watertight compartments” - conception of Canadian federalism, to one that must acknowledge an increased number of intergovernmental cooperative ventures. It first examines Canada’s fundamentally dualist federal architecture before looking at the empirical reality of cooperative federalism which frequently challenges this structural dualism. It then considers how the rise of cooperative federalism influenced the evolution of the interpretive doctrines underpinning the law of Canadian federalism. Finally, it analyses the normative strength and scope of cooperative federalism, concluding that the impact of cooperative federalism in Canadian constitutional law remains tamed by the dualist conception of federalism that still underlies the Supreme Court of Canada’s federalism case law.

The aim of the present work was to test the effects of large-dose supplementation of vitamin E (Vit E) and selenium (Se), either singly or in combination, on fish oil (FO)-induced tissue lipid peroxidation and hyperlipidemia. The supplementation of Se has been shown to lower blood cholesterol and increase tissue concentrations of the antioxidant glutathione (GSH); however, the effects of Se supplementation, either alone or in combination with supplemental Vit E, on FO-induced oxidative stress and hyperlipidemia have not been studied. Male Syrian hamsters received FO-based diets that contained 14.3 wt% fat and 0.46 wt% cholesterol supplemented with Vit E (129 IU D-alpha-tocopheryl acetate/kg diet) and/or Se (3.4 ppm as sodium selenate) or that contained basal requirements of both nutrients. The cardiac tissue of hamsters fed supplemental Se showed increased concentrations of lipid hydroperoxides (LPO) but decreased oxidized glutathione (GSSG) concentrations. The higher concentrations of LPO in the hearts of Se-supplemented hamsters were not lowered with concurrent Vit E supplementation. In the liver, Se supplementation was associated with higher Se-dependent glutathione peroxidase activity and an increase in the GSH/GSSG ratio, whereas a lower hepatic non-Se-dependent glutathione peroxidase activity was seen with Vit E supplementation. Supplemental intake of Se was associated with lower plasma concentrations of total cholesterol and low density lipoprotein cholesterol plus very low density lipoprotein cholesterol. In view of the pro-oxidative effects of Se supplementation on cardiac tissue, a cautionary approach needs to be taken regarding the plasma lipid-lowering properties of supplemental Se.

(2002). Formal Mechanisms of Intergovernmental Relations in Belgium. Regional & Federal Studies: Vol. 12, No. 3, pp. 24-54.

In multinational polities, different orders of government are involved in determining the norms of social protection. In this context, this article addresses the question of who does what, how and why. The first section deals with the distribution of normative power concerning social protection in federal states and in the European Union. The second section examines a variety of devices enabling the articulation of shared power. Finally, a third section concentrates on the different functions of normative power in the social domain. The first one is obviously redistributive. Secondly, the exercise of normative power legitimises public institutions of all government levels involved. The third function, which is of particular interest in the context of multinational States (or political spaces such as Europe) consists in the consolidation of citizenship. The solidarity inherent in norms of social protection reflects the sense of belonging to a particular social group, and in this context, the nation. It can also serve to strengthen the sense of belonging to the larger political space, the multinational federation. In complex political structures, the power to establish norms of social protection contributes to the phenomenon of multiple loyalties and overlapping citizenship. Cementing citizenship in such a political context cannot succeed through homogenisation, but must respect the cultural dimension of social protection and the right to be different.

The aim of the present study was to elucidate possible cholesterol-lowering mechanism(s) of high-dose supplemental Se in the form of selenite, a known hypocholesterolaemic agent. Male Syrian hamsters (four groups, ten per group) were fed semi-purified diets for 4 weeks containing 0·1 % cholesterol and 15 % saturated fat with selenite corresponding to varying levels of Se: (1) Se 0·15 parts per million (ppm), control diet; (2) Se 0·85 ppm; (3) Se 1·7 ppm; (4) Se 3·4 ppm. Lipids were measured in the bile, faeces, liver and plasma. The mRNA expression of several known regulators of cholesterol homeostasis (ATP-binding cassette transportersg5(Abcg5) andg8(Abcg8), 7-hydroxylase, 3-hydroxy-3-methylglutaryl-coenzyme A reductase, LDL receptor (LdLr)and Nieman-Pick C1-like 1 protein (Npc1l1)) were measured in the liver and/or jejunum. Oxysterols including 24-(S)-hydroxycholesterol, 25-hydroxycholesterol and 27-hydroxycholesterol (27-OHC) were measured in the liver. Significantly lower total plasma cholesterol concentrations were observed in hamsters consuming the low (0·85 ppm) and high (3·4 ppm) Se doses. The two highest doses of Se resulted in decreased plasma LDL-cholesterol concentrations and increased mRNA levels of hepaticAbcg8,Ldlrand jejunalLdlr.Higher hepatic 27-OHC and TAG concentrations and lower levels of jejunalNpc1l1mRNA expression were noted in the 1·7 and 3·4 ppm Se-treated hamsters. Overall, Se-induced tissue changes in mRNA expression including increased hepaticAbcg8andLdlr, increased jejunalLdlrand decreased jejunalNpc1l1, provide further elucidation regarding the hypocholesterolaemic mechanisms of action of Se in the form of selenite.

Since the 1970s, Belgium has transitioned from a centralized unitary state to a highly decentralized federal one. Mixing self-rule and joint-rule, it accommodates several cultural communities. However, institutions of appeasement have also engendered confrontation. This paper offers an institutional analysis of the Belgian federal structure. It examines its emergence, its socio-linguistic characteristics, its institutional makeup, and its cooperation and conflict resolution mechanisms. It then looks at the paradox of its simultaneously pacifying and confrontation-inducing institutions, concluding that Belgium’s institutional complexity is opaque for citizens, and that its divided territories, dual structures, and bipolar power-sharing arrangements reinforce divisions.

Hypercholesterolemia diets are associated with oxidative stress that may contribute to hypercholesterolemia by adversely affecting enzymatically-generated oxysterols involved in cholesterol homeostasis. An experiment was conducted to examine whether the cholesterol-lowering effects of the antioxidants selenium and α-tocopherol were related to hepatic oxysterol concentrations. Four groups of male Syrian hamsters (n = 7-8) were fed high cholesterol and saturated fat (0.46% cholesterol, 14.3% fat) hypercholesterolemic semi-purified diets: 1) Control; 2) Control + α-tocopherol (67 IU all-racemic-α-tocopheryl-acetate/kg diet); 3) Control + selenium (3.4 mg selenate/kg diet); and 4) Control + α-tocopherol + selenium. Antioxidant supplementation was associated with lowered plasma cholesterol concentrations, decreased tissue lipid peroxidation and higher hepatic oxysterol concentrations. A second experiment examined the effect of graded selenium doses (0.15, 0.85, 1.7 and 3.4 mg selenate/kg diet) on mRNA expression of the oxysterol-generating enzyme, hepatic 27-hydroxylase (CYP27A1, EC 1.14.13.15), in hamsters (n = 8-9) fed the hypercholesterolemic diets. Supplementation of selenium at 3.4 mg selenate/kg diet was not associated with increased hepatic 27-hydroxylase mRNA. In conclusion, the cholesterol lowering effects of selenium and α-tocopherol were associated with increased hepatic enzymatically generated oxysterol concentrations, which appears to be mediated via improved antioxidant status rather than increased enzymatic production.

French abstract: Ce rapport examine la theorie et la pratique des ententes intergouvernementales (EIG) dans quatre federations ou quasi-federations afin d’en tirer certains enseignements potentiellement porteurs pour la Belgique. Les accords de cooperation representent le mode le plus formel de cooperation au sein d’un regime federal. Le recours a ces instruments est essentiel quand l’action unilaterale n’est ni possible ni efficace. En Belgique, l’arsenal cooperatif est – du moins en theorie – detaille et sophistique, notamment puisque la conclusion d’accords de cooperation a ete formellement reconnue dans un texte quasi constitutionnel. Ces accords servent a mettre en œuvre des projets en collaboration – entre l’Etat central et les entites federees, de meme qu’entre celles-ci – et remplissent des fonctions « d’ingenierie constitutionnelle ». L’experience belge concernant les accords de cooperation a ete etudiee sous un angle juridique, mais egalement politique. Ce rapport tente de fournir des exemples concrets pour « tester » la theorie juridique en matiere d’accords de cooperation dans le but d’apporter un nouvel eclairage sur certaines controverses, au regard de l’experience etrangere. Afin de jeter un regard critique et constructif sur cette institution, ce rapport la compare a la place des EIG au Canada et en Suisse (deux regimes federaux anciens et essentiellement issus d’un federalisme d’union) ainsi qu’en Espagne et au Royaume-Uni (deux systemes europeens qui ont, comme la Belgique, entame une decentralisation constitutionnelle simultanement a l’integration europeenne). L’experience etrangere permet de relativiser certains problemes tant pratiques que theoriques. En effet, des questions similaires sont soulevees dans tous les regimes federaux, qui y apportent differentes reponses, parfois inspirantes, parfois empreintes d’ambiguites. Ce rapport aborde les enjeux relatifs a la pratique des accords conclus hors du cadre quasi constitutionnel formel. Enfin, quelques recommandations sont formulees a la lumiere des difficultes identifiees dans la pratique foisonnante des accords de cooperation. Sommaire executif et constats-cles aussi disponibles en neerlandais. English abstract: This report examines the theory and practice of intergovernmental agreements (IGAs) in four federations or quasi-federations to identify potentially promising lessons for Belgium. Cooperation agreements constitute the most formal mode of cooperation in a federal regime. Resorting to these instruments is essential when unilateral action is neither possible nor effective. In Belgium, the cooperative arsenal is — at least in theory — detailed and sophisticated, in particular because the conclusion of cooperation agreements was formally recognized in a quasi-constitutional text. These agreements are used to implement projects in collaboration — between the federal state and federated entities, as well as between the latter — and serve “constitutional engineering” functions. Belgium’s experience with cooperation agreements is studied both from a legal and a political perspective. This report attempts to provide concrete examples to “test” legal theory regarding cooperation agreements with the aim of providing insights on certain controversies, in light of foreign experience. To assess this institution in a critical and constructive fashion, this report compares it to the place of IGAs in Canada and Switzerland (two long-established federal regimes essentially created from a union federalism) and in Spain and the United Kingdom (two European systems which, like Belgium, initiated a constitutional decentralization simultaneous to European integration). Foreign experience puts into perspective practical as well as theoretical problems. Indeed, similar questions are raised in all federal regimes, which provide various responses, sometimes inspiring, sometimes puzzling. This report discusses issues regarding the practice of agreements concluded outside the formal quasi-constitutional framework. Finally, recommendations are provided, in response to identified difficulties regarding the rich practice of cooperation agreements.

Poirier Johanne. Canada. In: Annuaire international de justice constitutionnelle, 13-1997, 1998. Les discriminations positives - Le droit constitutionnel du travail. pp. 527-558.

Poirier Johanne, Mestral Armand L. C. de. Canada. In: Annuaire international de justice constitutionnelle, 9-1993, 1995. Constitutions et partis politiques. pp. 285-312.

Mestral Armand L. C. de, Larouche Pierre, Poirier Johanne. L'évolution du droit constitutionnel canadien en 1992 . In: Annuaire international de justice constitutionnelle, 8-1992, 1994. Les méthodes de travail des juridictions constitutionnelles. pp. 383-396.

Été 2020. Le soleil est éclatant, le ciel on ne peut plus bleu. Le temps est comme suspendu. On retire nos masques (pandémie oblige). On est prêt à entamer cette conversation sur l’un des projets qui furent les plus chers à Daniel au cours de sa carrière académique : le concours de procès simulé en droit international Charles Rousseau, dont il a été le principal initiateur. On presse la touche « enregistrer » du dictaphone…, Summer 2020. The sun is shining, the sky could not be bluer. Time feels like it's suspended. We remove our masks (pandemic obliges). We are ready to start this conversation about one of the projects that were the most dear to Daniel during his academic career: the Charles Rousseau International Law Moot Court Competition, of which he was the main initiator. We press the "record" button on the dictaphone..., Verano del 2020. El sol es brillante, el cielo no puede ser más azul. El tiempo parece detenerse. Nos quitamos las mascarillas (la pandemia obliga). Estamos listos para iniciar la conversación sobre uno de los proyectos más queridos por Daniel durante su carrera académica: el concurso de tribunales simulados de derecho internacional Charles Rousseau, del que fue el principal iniciador. Pulsamos el botón de "grabar" del dictáfono…

La typologie dominante relative aux minorités – qui distingue « minorités nationales », « peuples autochtones » et « minorités ethniques » issues de l’immigration – ne permet pas de saisir la spécificité et la complexité des situations des communautés francophones en milieu minoritaire (CFMM) du Canada. L’auteure propose trois pistes de réflexions visant à rendre plus visible le sort des CFMM dans la classification du droit des minorités : remplacer les catégories rigides par un « continuum », introduire de tels « continuum » au sein de chacune des catégories, et, enfin, l’ajout d’une catégorie à ce que l’on pourrait qualifier de « triptyque de Kymlicka ». Mieux situer les CFMM dans les schémas conceptuels relatifs à l’aménagement de la diversité nécessite notamment une clarification des aspirations autonomistes des CFMM, et plus particulièrement de leur positionnement par rapport à l’autonomie politique (dans le sens « d’étatique » ou de « gouvernementale »)., The dominant classification of minorities—which distinguishes between “national minorities”, “aboriginal peoples” and “ethnic minorities”—does not capture the specificity and complexity of the French-speaking communities who do not enjoy territorial autonomy in Canada (basically French-speakers outside Quebec). The author suggests three tentative answers to what could be called “Kymlicka’s blind spot”. These include replacing rigid categories by a continuum, introducing some form of continuum in the current categories or adding a category to the existing typology. Any exploration of alternative conceptual schemes requires notably a clarification of the claims of autonomy made—or which could be made—by these linguistic minorities, including claims of territorial or non-territorial political autonomy.