Search

Introduction: Painful bladder syndrome/interstitial cystitis (PBS/IC) pathogenesis is not fully known, but evidence shows that glycosaminoglycans (GAG) of bladder urothelium can participate in its genesis. The loss of these compounds facilitates the contact of urine compounds with deeper portions of bladder wall triggering an inflammatory process. We investigated GAG in urine and tissue of PBS/IC and pure stress urinary incontinence (SUI) patients to better understand its metabolism. Materials and Methods: Tissue and urine of 11 patients with PBS/IC according to NIDDK criteria were compared to 11 SUI patients. Tissue samples were analyzed by histological, immunohistochemistry and immunofluorescence methods. Statistical analysis were performed using t Student test and Anova, considering significant when p < 0.05. Results: PBS/IC patients had lower concentration of GAG in urine when compared to SUI (respectively 0.45 ± 0.11 x 0.62 ± 0.13 mg/mg creatinine, p < 0.05). However, there was no reduction of the content of GAG in the urothelium of both groups. Immunofluorescence showed that PBS/IC patients had a stronger staining of TGF-beta, decorin (a proteoglycan of chondroitin/dermatan sulfate), fibronectin and hyaluronic acid. Conclusion: the results suggest that GAG may be related to the ongoing process of inflammation and remodeling of the dysfunctional urothelium that is present in the PBS/IC.

Este artigo analisa a evolução do pensamento militar brasileiro nas últimas três décadas. Examinamos as origens das mudanças estratégicas no período pós-guerra fria, contrastando os processos ocorridos no Exército e na Marinha, quanto a: relações com a potência hegemônica, inserção do Brasil no mundo e missão das Forças Armadas. O texto ressalta o papel fundamental da tecnologia no desenvolvimento da Marinha e a continuidade de elementos doutrinários da guerra fria no Exército. No entanto, ambas as forças sofreram significativas mudanças em suas concepções estratégicas.

Examines the national impact of student intervention on Brazilian politics. History of student protests and movements; Basic reforms that occured due to student unrest; Student movement against the dictatorship during 1966-1968; Guerrilla movement during the period between 1969 and 1973; Struggle towards democratization; Contemporary student movements.

Examines the issues published in the `Latin American Perspectives,' of which one is devoted to the course of Marxism and the other which denounces the domestication of the social sciences in Brazil. Comment on the post-Marxist impetus by Ronald Chilcote; Views of James Petras in his article `The Metamorphosis of Latin America's Intellectuals;' Main source of intellectual production.

This article discusses the relevance of the concept of the « civilian-military dictatorship » that has appeared in recent years to replace « military dictatorship » in characterizing the Brazilian regime that was in power from 1964 to 1985. In this regard, the article attempts to historicize the new concept and then discusses it from various angles in order to show that the new characterization is unsatisfactory and has been imposed without any larger theoretical discussion.

O artigo chama a atenção para um aspecto até aqui pouco reconhecido nas análises sobre as ditaduras militares latino-americanas: a influência do ideário francês da guerre révolutionnaire, desenvolvido pelo exército colonial em sua ação na Argélia nos anos 50. As evidências contidas no artigo contrariam as teses de autores como Joseph Comblin, que defendem a influência doutrinária norte-americana como o principal fator ideológico atuante nos anos 60 e 70 entre os militares do Brasil, Chile e Argentina. O trabalho procura acompanhar com detalhe a evolução e aplicação dessas idéias no seio das Forças Armadas brasileiras entre 1959 e 1975.The article calls attention to an aspect hitherto less known in the literature about the Latin-American military dictatorships: the influence of the French guerre révolutionnaire ideas, which were developed by the French colonial Army in its action in Algeria in the 1950s. The evidence shown in the article contradict the thesis of authors like Joseph Comblin, which defend the preponderance of the American doctrines as the main source of the military culture in the 1960s and 1970s, in Brazil, Argentina and Chile. Specifically, the article follows the evolution and application of the French doctrines in Brazil from 1959 to 1975.

O artigo procura reconstruir a trajetória do programa do submarino nuclear brasileiro desde suas origens, no governo Geisel, aos dias atuais. Lançando mão do conceito de oportunismo tecnológico, procura analisar a atitude dos diferentes governos federais sobre o projeto, mostrando que os governos neoliberais de Fernando Collor, Itamar Franco e Fernando Henrique Cardoso cortaram radicalmente verbas para o programa, sem, no entanto, suspendê-lo por completo. Surpreendentemente, parece haver uma continuidade entre os governos militares e o governo Lula, quanto ao apoio decidido à ideia do submarino nuclear. Quanto às relações de força na Marinha, o texto conclui que não há divergências significativas sobre a relevância do programa, o que não exclui choques de personalidades navais, em virtude do caráter autárquico assumido pelo projeto e da dificuldade de continuá-lo apenas com verbas da própria força. O artigo utilizou entrevistas recentes com atores-chaves do processo.The article aims to reconstruct the history of the Brazilian nuclear-powered submarine program, from its origins to the present. Using the concept of technological opportunism, it seeks to understand the position of the different federal administrations vis-à-vis the project, concluding that the Collor, Franco and Cardoso administrations did not support the program. However, they did not terminate the project. Surprisingly, there is a continuity between the military governments and the Lula administration, in the decisive support each gave to the program. With repect to the Navy, the analysis concludes that there were no significant disagreements, with the exception of personal conflicts originating in the autarchic features that the program had assumed and in the problem of scarcity of resources. The article is based on interviews with key actors.

Abstract The purpose of this article is to analyse British media coverage of the Brazilian dictatorship. Specifically, we examine coverage by the weekly news magazine The Economist in the period from the promulgation of Institutional Act 5 in December 1968, to 1975, the second year of the Geisel administration. We compare its coverage with that of The Times and The Guardian in order to reach an understanding of its portrayal of Brazil in terms of two themes in particular: economic performance (notably the ‘Brazilian miracle’), and political repression. We relate the latter theme to the international condemnations of torture, and the disappearance of political prisoners. Furthermore, given that The Economist mainly covers issues from an economic perspective, we examine shifts in the frequency and content of articles about Brazil, and conclude that The Economist’s portrayal of Brazil in the period under review deviated from that of much of the rest of the British Press.