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China’s global economic and political expansion has raised a serious alarm to the international society. China is the only country that has the intention and capability to challenge the current international system and the United States. By employing a cultural perspective, this paper will discuss the relationship between the motivation of Chinese foreign policy and its global expansion through exploring three questions: How does the Chinese culture influence Chinese leaders’ worldview? How are the Chinese culture and historical memory translated into Chinese foreign policy? How does the Chinese government use its historical narratives to mobilize nationalism to serve its assertive foreign policy? This paper will argue that Chinese foreign policy aims not only to maintain the one-party system, but also want to replace the U.S. power in the Asia-Pacific region and ultimately become the world’s top superpower. However, it is still uncertain if China will be able to take over the crown of the world superpower because the intention of China’s global ambitions conflicts with the mainstream of the international order and triggers strong backlashes from the global community.

Although President Donald Trump has built personal relationship with President Xi Jinping since the Mar-a-Lago summit in April 201 7, the conflicts between the two countries remain. The U.S. is worried about if it is able to continue maintaining its status of the global power and the dominant power in Asia while China is dramatically expanding its global influence. A new U.S. National Security Strategy labels China as a “competitor” challenging American interests. There is speculation that a war between the U.S. and China is inevitable. Will both the U.S. and China be able to maintain a healthy competition to avoid a war? How will the U.S. manage the new type of relations with a rising China? This paper will address these questions and argue that although the stakes are as high as ever for the United States and China to manage their relations, the conflicts between the two countries are manageable (Bates, 2005). Both the U.S. and China do not have any choice, but to understand each other and learn how to deal with their competitors. China-U.S. relations will be gradually getting better after the Trump administration works more with China.

Since the Eighteenth National Congress of the Communist Party of China (CPC) in 2012, the CPC has made great efforts to implement Xi Jinping's blueprint for achieving the “China Dream”. The on-going anticorruption campaign is part of the road map towards the “China Dream”. There has been impressive progress in fighting corruption, but the CPC recognizes that the anticorruption campaign faces a huge challenge and is at a crucial stage. The anticorruption campaign is a life-and-death battle that the CPC cannot afford to lose. The critical question is: How can the CPC win the battle in the current Chinese political system? The intention of this paper is not to offer specific measures, but to discuss policy implications by elucidating why some existing anticorruption measures do not work through examining the relationship between corruption and Chinese market economy and the political system. The basic assumption of this paper is that corruption is universal, but the characteristics of China’s corruption are different from other nations due to the nature of the Chinese economic, political and cultural systems. The key to anticorruption is to find and deal with the real causes of China’s corruption in order to make effective anticorruption measures. There are two opposite perspectives concerning the causes of corruption: While one suggests that the primary source of corruption is the political system, the other contends that corruption has nothing to do with the socialist political system. This paper attempts to argue that either denying or overemphasizing the roles of the current political system in spreading corruption is one-sided.

With the reform movement in 1978, the Chinese government began to make great efforts to develop its country’s education. Xi Jinping’s administration has continued these efforts, attempting to achieve a world-class education system by 2020. This paper will examine the accomplishments of the Chinese education system in the post-Mao era, and discuss the gap between the current status of Chinese education and the requirements of a world-class education, ultimately arguing that there is still a big gap between a Chinese education and the most advantaged education systems in the world. To establish a globalized educational system, build world-class universities, and train internationally recognized Chinese scholars, this paper suggests that it is necessary for China to scrutinize and reshape its educational philosophy, since a philosophy of education is the guiding principle for any country to achieve the goal of providing its citizens with a world-class education.