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The article considers the phenomenon of everyday anti-Semitism based on mass statistical data on the elections to local Soviets of Workers' Deputies. The ethnic composition of deputies sheds light on the attitude of the population towards not only Jews, but also the national policy of the authorities. The author shows that the election results indicate persistent negative attitude of the population towards Jewish candidates and, accordingly, towards Jews in general. In the local government Jews were always underrepresented, since their share among deputies was almost always lower than that in the population. However, the representativeness of Jews grew along with the enhancing of the status of the Soviets, as the influence of the authorities on the composition of deputies increased. In the All-Union and Republican Soviets before the war, Jews were even overrepresented. Thanks to the state, the anti-Jewish sentiments did not exclude Jews from the public life, elite and governance of society. Only the moving of many Jews into the opposition to the regime and the mass emigration to the West which began in the 1950s fundamentally worsened the attitude towards them on the part of the Soviet authorities and voters.

This article revisits the so-called 'Jewish Question' against the combined background of Marxist historiography and the resurgence of antisemitic and neofascist politics. It begins by analysing the critical reception of Marx's formative essay, 'On the Jewish Question', and assesses its contemporary relevance in the aftermath of institutionalised antisemitism in the USSR, the monstrosity of the Shoah, the consolidation of the Israeli state, and the catastrophic ramifications of the ongoing Nakba. Despite the various defects of Marx and Engels's reflections on the 'Jewish Question', their critical insights vividly anticipate the failings of liberalism, Soviet socialism, and Zionism in emancipating Jews, while also reminding contemporary Marxists about the political urgency of human emancipation. At its core, the 'Jewish Question' remains a universal question, extending to all oppressed peoples and classes that have been rendered abandoned and dispensable beings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The research provides an overview of the rise of the Zionist movement, starting from the establishment of the Jewish Colonial Society in 1891 by Maurice de Hirsch, leading to the formation of the World Zionist Organization and the creation of the Jewish National Fund in 1901. It discusses the controversial debates over the location of a Jewish homeland, including the Uganda Scheme, and the advocacy for Palestine by figures like Herzl. The impact of World War I on the Middle East was influenced by the Sykes-Picot Agreement of 1916 and the Balfour Declaration of 1917, which supported the establishment of a Jewish national home in Palestine. The British Mandate in Palestine, established after the collapse of the Ottoman Empire, had significant impacts on Jewish immigration, Arab displacement, and the road to statehood. The United Nations eventually issued a resolution in 1947 to divide Palestine into two states, one for Jews and one for Arabs. This was accepted by Jews but rejected by Arab states. Great Britain's actions towards the end of the mandate aimed to frustrate the establishment of the Jewish state envisioned by the United Nations plan. Drawing on primary and secondary sources from esteemed archives such as the British Library and personal accounts, this research seeks to elucidate the complex historical backdrop, contextualizing key decisions and conflicts that ultimately shaped the creation of the State of Israel. The analysis aims to provide nuanced insights into divergent perspectives held by Palestinians and Israelis regarding the resolution of this enduring conflict, rooted in a legacy of geopolitical manoeuvring and ideological fervour. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Freud completed his last book, on Moses and Monotheism, in 1939, while in his London exile. Its publication was deemed untimely, as its two main theses could be construed as a form of Jewish self-hatred. The first claim questions Moses' Jewish origins and contends that the founder of the Jews was in fact an Egyptian; the second suggests that the Jews killed Moses and then created his myth as a coping mechanism for concealing their terrible deed. In this article, I contend that Moses and Monotheism can be read as Freud's intervention in debates on the 'Jewish Question'. After revisiting Freud's original argument (I), I assess its reception among leading Jewish intellectuals of the 20th century (II). I then use Freud's arguments to look at the two key themes of the Jewish Question: understanding the defining features of Jewish identity (III) and the pervasiveness of antisemitism in Western culture (IV). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nicolae Ceaușescu's policy towards the Jews was dictated by the necessity to appear autonomous vis-à-vis Moscow, maintain the MFN status with the U.S., and the desire for an ethnic-homogeneous Romania. The Jewish policy under Ceaușescu reflected his political necessities and opportunism. His pragmatism imposed him to go beyond ideologies and beliefs. His goal was only personal enrichment among the Western and Eastern blocks. 235,000 Jews emigrated from Romania to Israel under these Israel-Romania underground agreements. This practice ended with the regime's fall in 1989. In Communist Romania, there was no right for people to migrate: Jews could do so if Israel paid. And the payments mainly served to clear Romania's trade deficits. Ceaușescu's policy towards the Jews reflected his being a maverick, among East and West, but was also rooted in historical Romanian religious and political antisemitism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Rouya Turkiyyah is the property of Insight Turkey and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article reflects on the history of antisemitism in South Africa. Topics discussed include anti-alienism that emanated from the white English-speaking merchant class and rural Afrikaners, anti-Jewish stereotype, emergence of the Jewish Question on the public agenda that raised issues of Jewish conspiracy and antisemitism, apartheid project of the National Party, South Africa's road to non-racial democracy and opposition of white supremacists, and ebb and glow of antisemitism.

The famous German revolutionary activist and publicist of Jewish origin Moses (Moritz) Hess (1812–1875) left a noticeable mark in the history of the formation of the ideology of Zionism, being one of the first to formulate the socialist principles of the future Jewish state. The relevance of the study is determined by the fact that the concept of socialist Zionism, which M. Hess substantiated in the 1860s, was several decades ahead of the development of the ideology of Zionism itself, and also at the beginning of the 20th century determined the emergence of the ideas of Jewish socialism, which were reflected in the activities of the relevant revolutionary parties, especially in the Russian Empire (Poalei Zion, Zionist Socialist Workers Party, Socialist Jewish Workers Party, Tseirei Zion and others). Considering the importance of the conceptual ideas of M. Hess in the further development of the ideology of Jewish nationalism and socialism, it is worth analyzing the evolution of the ideas of M. Hess and determining his views on the solution of the Jewish question in the Western European countries of that time. The conclusions state that the emancipation policy applied by Western European states to the Jewish population in the first half of the 19th century, according to Hess, could not solve the Jewish question. Emancipation only created tension in the relations between Jews and non-Jews, because the latter chose the national principle of development. The non-Jewish society of Western Europe generally excluded Jews from its ideology of national culture. Hess rightly noted the contradictions of the policy of emancipation, which was based on the civilization ideas of the Great French Revolution, but was carried out under the condition of the national elevation of the European peoples. However, in the agrarian societies of Eastern Europe, the above-mentioned phenomena did not acquire the character of an open confrontation between Jews and non-Jews due to the weakly developed national factor and the noticeable influence of traditions. It was the last circumstance that inspired Hess in his concept of socialist Zionism. The religious idea of the collective immortality of the Jewish people should soon be embodied in «earthly Jerusalem», that is, in Jewish statehood on the territory of Palestine. However, the future Jewish republic, according to Hess’s ideas, will certainly be socialist, because the traditional society of Jews, especially in Eastern Europe, was socialist, that is, collectivist. The historical significance of Hess’s ideas was that he was one of the first Western European thinkers to warn of the dangers of the policy of emancipation of the Jewish people, which hid the threat of assimilation on the one hand, and racial anti-Semitism on the other hand. In the second half of the 19th century anti-Semitism in the countries of Western Europe became a noticeable factor not only in the development of national movements, but also influenced the ideological and political debate within socialist groups and parties, whose leaders were forced to take into account the national characteristics of the revolutionary struggle for the ideals of social justice. If we evaluate the concept of Hess through the prism of the revolutionary processes in the development of the Jewish people of Eastern Europe at the beginning of the 20th century, we can state that his ideas turned out to be a true prophecy, and the creation of the Jewish state in the middle of the same century was a natural result of the complex process of the national revival of the Jewish people.

Most scholars argue that the “Madagascar Plan” constituted the penultimate stage in the development of the Nazi “Final Solution,” representing a commitment to physical attrition presaging outright extermination. The idea of mass Jewish resettlement in Madagascar or another African colonial territory was no Nazi invention, however. It had been broached by various parties since the late nineteenth century, not least of which the Poles, French, British and even Jewish “territorialists” seeking an alternative to Zionism. Nor was the Nazi Madagascar Plan, for all its problematic assumptions about race, space, minority rights, and “permanent security,” inherently (proto-) genocidal. The goal of this article is to place the Nazi version of the Madagascar Plan back in this broader historical lineage of late-stage European colonialism and more specifically “territorialism,” avoiding the teleological assumption that such a solution represented an attritionist prelude to genocide. After a brief summary of its pre-history, this article draws on extensive primary source research to reconstruct the Polish, French, and British discussions of such plans between 1936 and 1938. It then turns to similar investigations conducted by Nazi officials between Summer 1937 and Summer 1940, based largely on primary sources, comparing the two projects and their implications for understanding the (Nazi) “Jewish Question.” The article concludes that the Madagascar Plan constituted the Third Reich’s last, most ambitious effort to “solve” the “Jewish Question” within the colonial framework that had defined most “territorialist solutions” to Jewish and other refugee and minority “questions” since the late nineteenth century. Such continuities between German and European colonialism and Nazi “solutions” to the “Jewish Question,” while racist and disdainful of Jews and indigenous populations, had less to do with Windhoek, much less Auschwitz, and more to do with pre-1940 plans to settle “surplus” European minority and refugee populations in colonial spaces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The fact that the Nazis looked to the United States for inspiration has led some to claim that the US served Nazi thinkers as a "model." This article argues instead that Nazis looked to America as a countermodel for how not to deal with the "Jewish question." Through an intertextual analysis of visual and textual primary sources, this article demonstrates how the Nazis used America as a projection screen for developing their vision of empire and "redemptive antisemitism." The Nazis admired the United States' racist laws and technological development but despised Americans for ignoring the "Jewish threat." By showing how the Nazis used the United States as a mirror for developing Nazi ideology, this article reintroduces the category of antisemitic ideology to the Historikerstreit 2.0 debate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the activity of the Bulgarian Youth Union "Father Paisiy" (BMSOP), its goals and ideology, as well as its role and place in the political life of Bulgaria in the 1940s, based on documents of the union from the period 1942-1943 - a relatively calm and successful period of development of BMSOP. The selected sources reveal the attitude of the organization to the personality and work of Tsar Boris III and to the Jewish question (and disavowal of Metropolitan Stefan of Sofia). They contain rich information about the BMSOP's idea of organizing and conducting national propaganda, as well as about the organization's actions in infiltrating the existing organizational structures in the country, its work in schools. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The famous German revolutionary activist and publicist of Jewish origin Moses (Moritz) Hess (1812–1875) left a noticeable mark in the history of the formation of the ideology of Zionism, being one of the first to formulate the socialist principles of the future Jewish state. The relevance of the study is determined by the fact that the concept of socialist Zionism, which M. Hess substantiated in the 1860s, was several decades ahead of the development of the ideology of Zionism itself, and also at the beginning of the 20th century determined the emergence of the ideas of Jewish socialism, which were reflected in the activities of the relevant revolutionary parties, especially in the Russian Empire (Poalei Zion, Zionist Socialist Workers Party, Socialist Jewish Workers Party, Tseirei Zion and others). Considering the importance of the conceptual ideas of M. Hess in the further development of the ideology of Jewish nationalism and socialism, it is worth analyzing the evolution of the ideas of M. Hess and determining his views on the solution of the Jewish question in the Western European countries of that time. The conclusions state that the emancipation policy applied by Western European states to the Jewish population in the first half of the 19th century, according to Hess, could not solve the Jewish question. Emancipation only created tension in the relations between Jews and non-Jews, because the latter chose the national principle of development. The non-Jewish society of Western Europe generally excluded Jews from its ideology of national culture. Hess rightly noted the contradictions of the policy of emancipation, which was based on the civilization ideas of the Great French Revolution, but was carried out under the condition of the national elevation of the European peoples. However, in the agrarian societies of Eastern Europe, the above-mentioned phenomena did not acquire the character of an open confrontation between Jews and non-Jews due to the weakly developed national factor and the noticeable influence of traditions. It was the last circumstance that inspired Hess in his concept of socialist Zionism. The religious idea of the collective immortality of the Jewish people should soon be embodied in «earthly Jerusalem», that is, in Jewish statehood on the territory of Palestine. However, the future Jewish republic, according to Hess’s ideas, will certainly be socialist, because the traditional society of Jews, especially in Eastern Europe, was socialist, that is, collectivist. The historical significance of Hess’s ideas was that he was one of the first Western European thinkers to warn of the dangers of the policy of emancipation of the Jewish people, which hid the threat of assimilation on the one hand, and racial anti-Semitism on the other hand. In the second half of the 19th century anti-Semitism in the countries of Western Europe became a noticeable factor not only in the development of national movements, but also influenced the ideological and political debate within socialist groups and parties, whose leaders were forced to take into account the national characteristics of the revolutionary struggle for the ideals of social justice. If we evaluate the concept of Hess through the prism of the revolutionary processes in the development of the Jewish people of Eastern Europe at the beginning of the 20th century, we can state that his ideas turned out to be a true prophecy, and the creation of the Jewish state in the middle of the same century was a natural result of the complex process of the national revival of the Jewish people.

The Swedish Jewish historian Hugo Valentin (1888–1963) founded the field of Swedish Jewish history in the 1920s. Valentin was also a prominent and public figure in Swedish Jewish affairs, as a writer, Zionist and refugee activist. This article focuses on Valentin’s analysis of antisemitism, from the 1920s to the early 1950s. It pays equal attention to the continuity and change of his writings on the topic, analysed in relation to such political contexts as the ‘Jewish question’, Zionism and anti-Nazi responses, and advances within scholarly research on antisemitism. It shows that Valen­tin staked out a new approach to the topic of antisemitism, in which Jewish characteristics and the so-called Jewish question, while not completely absent, were placed within parentheses. Instead, he presented antisemitism and individual antisemites as problems in their own right, which, given Nazi German expansionism and the outbreak of the Second World War, seemed to be a greater and more urgent issue than whatever questions might have pertained to Jews and their place in modern society.

The article examines the problems of political journalism of the German right in the years of the Weimar Republic as an example of the analysis of the place, interpretation and significance of the Jewish question in the creative heritage of Ernst Junger. In the conditions of post-war Germany, anti-Semitism acquired a political sound due to the fact that a significant percentage of German Jews were represented in the revolutionary government, the Social Democratic and radical left parties, who turned into the face of the Weimar Republic. Antisemitismus became an important domestic political component of the struggle against the Weimar political system, which allowed reducing political controversy to racial and national components. The unity and difference between the political journalism of the Nazis and E. Junger as the leader of the "new nationalism" is analyzed. The place of the Jewish question as a political problem is considered in the context of the nationalist ideas of the Weimar right. The study of the peculiarities of the understanding of Jewry in the ideas of E. Junger and its difference from the Nazi interpretation is being carried out. The desire of National Socialism to turn anti-Semitism into one of the structural components of ideology and political journalism made it possible to group political opponents into a single racially defined whole and concentrate the entire range of political means of struggle against it. The political divergence of E. Junger and National Socialism was based in addition to political divergences and on the fact that the place of the Jewish question in his ideas did not occupy any significant place, not in terms of ideological or personal.

T. G. Masaryk’s thought is famous for his concept of the Czech nation as well as his ideals of humanity. As a philosopher, sociologist, and politician, he was confronted with Czech anti-Semitism, and after Czechoslovakia was founded, with issues of the Jewish national minority. He tried to solve all the questions with respect to his ethical conviction and the ideals of democracy and equality. The most difficult personal situation for Masaryk emerged with the ‘Hilsner affair’, when his brave stance against anti-Semitism caused animosity and even hatred from the public. As a consequence of that Masaryk had to abandon his public activities including lecturing at university for some time. The philosopher Jan Patočka analysed Masaryk’s involvement in this case and the following events in his study Masaryk’s struggle against anti-Semitism. Patočka pointed out that there is an interconnection between Masaryk’s involvement in this affair and his engagement in the question of Czech nationality, as Masaryk intended to improve the ethical level of the nation by disposing of bias and namely the ritual murder myth. The second part of the present contribution is focused on Masaryk’s views on Zionism and the assimilation movement and his ambiguity in relation to the issue. It seems that Masaryk’s concept of the Czech nation, formed for the struggle against the Habsburg monarchy, became inadequate in the new republic, as it was not inclusive of the many minorities, the Jewish one included. On the other hand, Masaryk’s ideals of humanity provide a certain solution on the level of ethics.

This essay focuses on a rare topic: when the "Jewish question" emerged for the first time at the end of the19th Century in the discussions of public and political life of the Austro-Hungarian Empire and the Kingdom of Hungary, the traditional Christian anti-Judaism based on religious reasoning was amplified not only by social and economic arguments in Catholic rhetoric, but a sort of " racial factor". It is important to emphasize that the latter was not similar to the modern racial ideology, although Catholic discourses in relation to Jews contained from the 15th Century a contemptuous thinking about their unchanging nature inclined to evil and predisposed to perfidy. In certain representations, new converts were considered unassimilable people with negative characteristics. The article analyses the oeuvre of one of the most influential person in Hungarian Catholic Church between 1912-1939, a reputed jesuit, Béla Bangha, from the angle of this grey zone of anti-Jewish narrative scattered with " racial" prejudices. Not insignificant that Catholic teachings and the Church's declarations condemned racial antisemitism, however they asserted the "justifiable" or "ethical" antisemitism like a "self-defense". This essay outlines the history of anti-Judaism, addresses then its 2oth century context with similar manifestations abroad and contrasts this with the minority opinion refusing antisemitism in the Catholic Church in France and Hungary. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a discussion of hostility toward or discrimination against Jews as a religious or racial group in history and politics. Topics include the role of anti-Jewish animus in the interaction of Jews with the world in the modern era; reasons of partition between Jews and Christians including religious loathing and socioeconomic resentment on the part of Christians; and the role of Church to keep them in midst as witnesses to the truth of Christianity.

Copyright of Iudaica Russica is the property of Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Slaskiego and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Hungarian history in the 20th century produced three aristocrat and one plebeian statesmen. This ratio also reflects the fact that, for a long time, the aristocrats were the leading force in the nation. On the other hand, Teleki’s and later Bethlen’s rise to power was far from being a natural consequence of the Hungarian history of the time. It is the German question, not the loss of the war, that explains the decline of St. Stephen’s Hungary. The collapse was compounded by the fall of the revolutions. The Christian middle class claimed the leading role in the counter-revolutionary resurgence. The election of the governor brought a resounding victory for Miklós Horthy, representative of the Christian middle class, and a heavy defeat for his rival, the aristocratic Albert Apponyi. It is within this framework that the study examines the life and work of Pál Teleki. It places his attitude towards the Jewish question in a holistic context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article allegedly discloses the name of a girl from St. Petersburg (Nina Nasonova?) mentioned in Alexander Blok’s diary who read his letter on the socalled Jewish question and commented on it in the spirit of Otto Weininger's concept, which compared the Jewish principle with the female one.

This article discusses the filmic representation of the infamous Wannsee Conference, when fifteen senior German officials met at a villa on the shore of a Berlin lake to discuss and co-ordinate the implementation of the so-called final solution to the Jewish question. The understanding reached during the course of the ninety-minute meeting cleared the way for the Europe-wide killing of six million Jews. The article sets out to answer the principal challenge facing anyone attempting to recreate the Wannsee Conference on film: what was the atmosphere of this conference and the attitude of the participants? Moreover, it discusses various ethical aspects related to the portrayal of evil, not in actions but in words, using the medium of film. In doing so, it focuses on the BBC/HBO television film Conspiracy (2001), directed by Frank Pierson, probing its historical accuracy and discussing its artistic credibility. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper aims at exploring the contributions of orthodox clergymen to the radical-right romanian Press during the Holocaust years (1940-1944), with particular focus on the newspaper Porunca vremii (Command of the Times). Following this purpose, the research has three main objectives addressed in the corresponding sections of the paper: to identify the authors who contributed to Porunca vremii in their capacity of clergymen (first section); to identify and to classify the topics they wrote about in Porunca vremii (second section); to expose and to analyse what the clergymen wrote about Jews and the Jewish question (third section). Whereas the first two objectives are addressed in a mere quantitative manner, the last objective is developed by using qualitative methods that aim at identifying, classifying, and systematizing the ideas and arguments about the Jews (as a population) and the Jewish question (perceived as a problem) in romania. The conclusion is that a strong anti-semitism was professed, varying from economic to religious with a unique emphasis on economical antisemitism motivated by a religious insight. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the summer of 1896, Carl Goldmark (1830–1915), a Viennese Jew of Hungarian origin, drafted an essay in which he wrote bitterly about fin-de-siècle anti-Semitism as he experienced it in the critical reception of his operas Das Heimchen am Herd and Die Königin von Saba. The late Austrian musicologist Gerhard J. Winkler characterized this extraordinary text "as [a] private confession of disillusionment, namely, the destruction of the lifelong illusion that Jews could seamlessly 'assimilate'... into German culture." Yet Goldmark's cri de coeur did not, in fact, remain off the record. In the spring of 1911, the Neue freie Presse, Vienna's most influential assimilationist organ, published the bulk of it as "Thoughts on Form and Style (a Defense)." As I show through a close reading of this text and others in which the Jewish Question figures prominently, "Thoughts on Form and Style" eventually served as a spirited, public defense of Goldmark's self-perception as a German composer—and this in an age of not only increasing anti-Semitism but also, because of that seemingly intractable prejudice, growing doubts in a younger generation of Central European Jews about the viability of the acculturation project itself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, Sectio F: Historia is the property of Maria Curie-Sklodowska University in Lublin and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Irène Némirovsky (1903–1942) and Károly Pap (1897–1945) belong roughly to the same generation, and shared the same fate, dying at a young age in a Nazi concentration camp. Aside from that terrible similarity, many things separated them. But they were both deeply preoccupied with what I am calling the "Jewish question for Jews," and produced powerful fictional works depicting the individual malaise and the existential dilemmas that characterized the lives of secular or acculturated Jews in Europe in the early twentieth-century. They can both be called "portrayers of conflicted Jewish identity." I analyze some of their most characteristic works, showing that they shared a highly pessimistic view about the possibilities of Jewish assimilation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent cosmopolitan work, scholars such as Julia Kristeva, Zygmunt Bauman, Jacques Derrida, and Ulrich Beck have represented the stranger as a universal ideal for our global age and Georg Simmel's stranger in the Exkurs über den Fremden has been emphasized as a model for this ideal. While these uses can be justified by generalized passages in Simmel's essay, they still omit the problem of European Jewish historical exemplarity. Thus, in the decades before Simmel's essay, this stranger type was already a well-developed figure related to the so-called Jewish question. Georg Brandes and Henrik Pontoppidan used the Jewish stranger to evaluate the societal changes of the fin-de-siècle period and questions of progress vs. decay. Yet, their work limited the stranger to a specific type of Jewishness not including other marginal existences. Hence, reading Simmel with Brandes and Pontoppidan outlines the boundaries of this stranger type as it raises questions regarding recent cosmopolitan uses of Simmel's stranger. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Volume 3 contains a series of short articles on Enlightenment and the Jewish question, the hidden tradition of the Jewish Pariahs, Zionism, Imperialism, the guilt question in Germany, but also Existentialism as well as essays on Franz Kafka and Stefan Zweig. A decisive issue in Arendt's thought refers to the collapse of the Western tradition of political theory in the age of Totalitarianism. It is already in the essay on Imperialism that she emphasizes the genius of Hobbes, anticipating the nihilistic ideology of the bourgeoisie. Volume 6 is dedicated to Arendt's reading of Karl Marx. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay examines whether and how the spectre of nineteenth century Western Europe's "Jewish question" haunts W.E.B. Du Bois's concept of double consciousness. I argue that Du Bois's time as a student at the University of Berlin exposed him to the intellectual and political roots of nineteenth century German antisemitism, and in turn helped shape his theorizing of Black double consciousness in the United States. Attending to this important but to date missing context in the intellectual development of Du Bois helps reveal the consistencies and contingencies between Du Bois's understanding of Western European Jews' duality and that of Black Americans. This context also provides fruitful ways to consider a comparative framework through which to better theorize the relationship between what have often been treated as distinct racial projects: Western European antisemitism and American anti-Black racism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the writings of Austrian parliamentarian, editorialist, and social theorist Otto Bauer concerning the Jews of western, eastern, and central Europe. Though Bauer has been seen as a champion of the concepts of national and cultural autonomy in general, there is considerable scholarly confusion as to his views on whether the Jews did or could constitute a nation. Reconstructing Bauer's role as a Marxian theorist of nationalism in the historical context of the Habsburg Empire between the first Russian Revolution and World War I, I make a case for the multilayered sophistication of Bauer's concern with the central- and eastern-European question of nationalities, its relation to class struggle, and the place of the Jews in the dynamics of both. Bauer's analysis of the Jews as a nation without a state, his interest in a theory of Jewish cultural hybridity, and his concern with the precarity introduced with any scheme of state partition or redefinition are all specifically grounded in the unique circumstances of the late Habsburg Empire but came to be of much broader relevance to twentieth-century theorists because they speak to an age of universal vulnerability. Exploring the proposition that Bauer's concept of national identity always incorporated reflections on the "negative," exclusionary, and weaponized dimensions of identity and group belonging, I argue that Bauer's unique analyses of antisemitism and its relation to caste and class economies offer rich resources for reinterpreting the role of Jews alongside the problem of antisemitism in European history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The founding of the Romanian Free Thinkers Association (1909) prompted violent criticism against it. This arose out of a milieu influenced by the Romanian Orthodox Church targeting the Association's anti-religious attitude. One of the allegations formulated against it was that the freethinking movement was only one facet of the wider Jewish universal conspiracy. This article aims to analyse to what extent there was a connection between the freethinking movement in Romania and the Jewish question. The main argument set forward in this article is that the Romanian freethinkers struggled to dismantle these accusations, while attempting to act towards Jewish emancipation in Romania as part of their wider program to transform society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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