There is a sharp division among health policy researchers regarding the extent to which income inequality is a public health problem: some advocate the health benefits of egalitarian social policies (e.g., Wilkinson 1996, and Daniels, Kennedy, and Kawachi 2000), while others caution that there is little credible evidence that inequality is a determinant of public health (e.g., Milyo and Mellor 1999; Deaton 2001a; and Mackenbach 2002).1 The main point of contention is how to weigh the relative merits of empirical studies that report findings consistent with the claim that inequality has important and deleterious consequences for individual and population health (e.g., Lochner et al. 2001, and the studies collected in Kawachi, Kennedy; Wilkinson 2000) against several recent empirical studies that find no such connection between inequality and health (e.g., Meara 1999; Deaton 2001b; Deaton and Lubotsky 2002; Deaton and Paxson 2001; Mellor and Milyo 2001 and 2002; Miller 2001; Gravelle, Wildman, and Sutton 2002; and Sturm and Gresenz 2002). In our opinion, two important methodological improvements in these latter studies are the inclusion of more detailed information on individual characteristics as control variables and the use of procedures that control for unobservable fixed-state or regional effects. Nevertheless, research studies on both sides of this literature share a common shortcoming. With only two exceptions, every study of which we are aware investigates the contemporaneous association between income inequality and health outcomes, or the contemporaneous association between changes in inequality and changes in health outcomes. This is surprising, since the pathways by which inequality is conjectured to affect health clearly involve some persistent exposure, or seem to suggest a chain of events that might span years. For example, Wilkinson (1996) has argued that income disparities create psychosocial stress that eventually leads to heart disease or other stress-related maladies, while Kawachi et al. (1997) have speculated that inequality erodes social capital, which in turn eventually creates a political climate that is less supportive of policies that would improve public health. Consequently, explorations of the contemporaneous association between income inequality and health may fail to show evidence of a relationship that requires sufficient time to observe, and the question of whether prolonged exposure to income inequality is a determinant of either individual or population health remains unanswered by most of the extant quantitative research. Blakely et al. (2000 and 2002) are the only attempts to date to address this shortcoming. The former study examines whether lagged and contemporaneous levels of state-level inequality (measured by the Gini coefficient) are associated with self-reported health status in a pooled cross-section of respondents to the Current Population Survey (CPS) in 1995 and 1997. The latter is a follow-on study that examines the association between lagged metropolitan area inequality and self-reported health status using CPS data for 1996 and 1998. Blakely et al. (2002) find that the association between metropolitan area inequality and health status is much weaker than for state-level income inequality; this is consistent with what has been found for contemporaneous associations between inequality and health status in the CPS (Mellor and Milyo 2002). In addition, the apparent importance of state inequality supports the causal pathway articulated by Kawachi et al. (1997): inequality erodes social capital, which in turn hinders political support for policies that improve public health. Blakely et al. (2000) argue that lagged state inequality is more strongly associated with health status than contemporaneous inequality. For individuals older than 44 years of age, they find that the association between health status and the state-level Gini coefficient is strongest when the inequality measure is lagged 15 years, although they cannot reject the null hypothesis that the association is identical to that found with either shorter lags or the contemporaneous Gini, nor do they find any significant association for individuals younger than 45 years of age. Nevertheless, the authors conclude that these results are suggestive that exposure to inequality 15 years prior is an important determinant of current health status. We agree that these findings are intriguing, but unfortunately the model on which they are based does not control for many of the same factors omitted in the earlier literature. When included in more recent studies, these factors produce results that do not support the claim that inequality adversely affects health. For example, Blakely et al. (2000) do not control for certain individual covariates that are available in the CPS (e.g., education, marital status, and health insurance coverage). More importantly, the authors do not control for regional variations in health status, despite the fact that even textbook accounts of population health in the United States note the importance of regional differences in a variety of inputs in the health production function, such as lifestyle (e.g., Phelps 1997). This oversight is problematic because of the fact that income inequality is also known to be related to factors that vary regionally across the United States. For example, the size and age-composition of households, the prevalence of households with one adult or one working adult, immigration, and the number of jobs in the manufacturing sector have all been documented to be determinants of regional variations in income inequality (Husted 1991; Levernier, Rickman, and Partridge 1995; Partridge, Partridge, and Rickman 1998; Bernard and Jensen 2000). The failure to control for these regional effects may generate biased estimates of the effect of state-level income inequality on either individual or population health (Mellor and Milyo 2002). In this article, we test whether the adverse consequences of lagged inequality are robust to the inclusion of other individual characteristics, and to the control of regional factors. In addition, we examine the strength of this association in multiple years of the CPS, using lags ranging from 5 to 29 years. In the second part of this article we use state-level data on all-cause mortality and cause-specific death rates to examine the lagged effect of income inequality on other health outcomes. Our results indicate that once we account for regional differences, there is insufficient evidence to support the claim that exposure to income disparities poses a risk to individual or population health.