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Russia published a series of documents from 2018 to 2022 indicating its desire to transform the Northern Sea Route (NSR) into a globally competitive international shipping route due to its awareness of the importance of the NSR for the socio-economic development of the Arctic zone of the Russian Federation. This article examines the evolution of Russian policy through a regulatory analysis combined with an empirical analysis of shipping along the NSR over the period 20182022, as well as the impact of Western sanctions. The aim of the article is to examine the viability of Russia’s new infrastructure plan for the NSR, published in August 2022. The analysis of Russia’s policy towards the NSR suggests that Russia needs to review its policy in relation to the imposed Western sanctions. This would entail a new focus on revitalising the shipbuilding industry. The targets set earlier, and then in 2022, for shipping cargo on the NSR should be redefined taking into account current realities. The practical significance of the article is in its use by policymakers engaged in the development of the NSR and researchers of Arctic shipping.

The opening of the Arctic Sea routes ushers in many opportunities due to the melting of the Arctic Sea ice. The International Maritime Organization has introduced the Polar Code for shipping and training of seafarers. Follow up by regulatory authorities of incidents along with the Northern Sea Route and in-creasing ship casualties in the Arctic region have been analyzed, including the adequacy of existing regula-tions. The author’s opinion is that the inadequate oversight mechanism brings out a need for governments of the Arctic, especially in Russia, to examine the adequacy of measures undertaken, including regulation to implement the Polar code, associated infrastructure in the Arctic for safe navigation and the current state of search and rescue. The challenges in implementing the Polar Code and the necessity for independent maritime regulatory authorities and sharing information relating to the analysis of incidents are discussed. The practical significance of the article is in its use by policymakers and researchers working on transport policy and safety of Arctic navigation, and also for educational use at universities.

India released its Arctic Policy in March 2022, a long-awaited document by one of the four Observer countries to the Arctic Council indicating India's realisation of the significance of the Arctic. This article examines the evolution of India's Arctic engagement through a historical analysis of India's Arctic dis-course. Apart from enunciating the scientific and political endeavours to date, the article traces the historical evolution of India's Arctic dialogue by political, strategic and academic experts and the process of India's engagement in the region. The objective of the article is to trace the historical context of India's Arctic policy. The article's analysis of India's recently published Arctic policy suggests that India's cooperation with Arctic council countries needs to be expanded, and it also must build up on its Arctic expertise by forging links with scientific institutions and universities across the Arctic. The practical significance of the article is in its use by policymakers and researchers interested in cooperation with India in the Arctic and for academic use at universities.

The author traces the evolution of military presence in the Arctic by Russia and NATO in the article. He analyses the impact of military posturing on Arctic geopolitics. The author advocates that while military capabilities are essential for deterrence, unnecessary military rhetoric by NATO and Russia is detrimental to peace and security in the Arctic. Arctic geopolitics is fraught with tensions due to regular highly publicized military exercises and posturing in the area. The new Arctic Cold War is likely to affect Russia more adversely due to Western sanctions post-2014 and the requirement to develop the NSR as an inter-nationally competitive transport corridor. Russia has a legitimate right to protect its security in the Arctic. However, the author argues it is unnecessary to highlight such events regularly, and it may be more useful to focus on the economy and rationalize military spending. Russia needs to focus on its relationship with the Nordic countries and reemphasize its peaceful and cooperative engagement in the Arctic. Its leadership of the Arctic Council is crucial to reducing tensions in the Arctic.

Aim. To introduce the scientific community to the main results of the international scientific and practical conference “National Identity and Patriotism in States in the Conditions of International Crises” which was held on October 28, 2022 and organized by the Department of Comparative Political Science of the Faculty of Political Science of Lomonosov Moscow State University with the support of the electronic network publications “Bulletin of the Moscow Region State University”.Methodology. This article presents the abstracts of the speeches of the conference participants who devoted their reports to the problems of national identity and patriotism. The authors were researchers from Moscow State University named after M. V. Lomonosov, INION RAS, Institute of Sociology FNISTs RAS, Northern (Arctic) Federal University named after M. V. Lomonosov (Arkhangelsk), Eurasian National University named after L. N. Gumilyov (Republic of Kazakhstan), University of Mumbai (Republic of India), University of Tair Recep Tayyip Erdogan (Republic of Turkey).Results. Using materials from Russia, Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan, Georgia, Belarus, Latvia, China and the Republic of Korea, the speakers showed a wide range of problems of national identity and patriotism. The main attention was paid to the topical issues of the formation of national identity and patriotism, the specifics of national identity in Russia and post-Soviet countries, the impact of stigmatization that fragments national identity and marginalizes the discourse of patriotism. Research implications. The published materials are of significant theoretical and practical importance in ensuring the sovereignty of Russia and other states, preserving and developing national identity and patriotic education of citizens under the influence of destructive socio-political technologies. The conclusions and recommendations of the researchers can contribute to the solution of urgent political, educational and educational problems.