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This chapter focuses on the cultural association called Jeune France, on Pierre Schaeffer’s initial relation to Vichy, and the goals that he believed they shared. It then traces the way in which his perceptions of the regime slowly changed as he became aware of the political and cultural limits of its vision of a “new France.” While at first idealistically supporting Vichy, he later turned against it from within its own institutions. For he had sought to reinscribe the classics as well as traditional folk culture, but in a manner that opened up a progressive vision of the French community, one distant from that which would emerge under Darlan. This chapter analyzes not just the themes and texts of Schaeffer’s productions but also how he transmitted and inscribed such works, creatively presented new ones, and developed new insights into the power of sound technology and manipulation.

Musicians such as Désormière, Schaeffer, Poulenc, and Messiaen explored new ways to destabilize or challenge the meanings Vichy sought to inscribe in culture, or to open up the message of iconic works in order to disrupt the regime’s increasingly compromised national cultural representations. To perceive this, it has been necessary to examine the evolving associations of musical styles as well as the material dimensions of performance, for they were both central components of the manner in which meaning was produced, particularly in the midst of politicized attempts to control it. For the Resistance, music thus magnified the regime’s evolving collaborationist goals and cultural tactics—its eventual quest to court the Germans by promoting cooperation in all areas. According to Resistance intellectuals, music could and did contribute both to a growing awareness of political realities and to the development of new cultural tactics within its ever-growing repertoire of symbolic contestation.

Vichy was no monolith but was rather (especially at first) composed of fractious groups projecting a variety of different visions. The powers of some declined with time as a result of changes in French political direction as well as German pressures and conditions within France. Given its evolution, and the continuities and disputes that underlay the regime, this chapter examines how Vichy, as different groups within it gained power, conceived and presented itself and its image of French cultural values and national traditions to its own constituents. Within this context it also explores how Vichy’s musical policies evolved along with changes in the regime and its personnel. It also considers the Germans’ cultural structures, tactics, aims, and exigencies in music as the war advanced and the Occupation spread to the southern zone.

The Introduction examines the changing historiography of Vichy and Occupied France, particularly since the 1970s, when historians challenged postwar French myths as they discovered newly accessible archival sources and exposed the reality behind Pétain’s claim that Vichy merely acted as a shield. In fact the regime’s nationalism differed from that of many Frenchmen in stressing the soil as opposed to political principle and hence the imperative for the administration to remain on it. This, however, was at the price of collaboration with an occupying power, which not only made increasing demands but also served as an umbrella for the regime’s desired political changes. Researchers still need to examine the results for French culture and particularly music, an art of special interest to the Germans, as Vichy moved toward greater collaboration. And they must examine how composers confronted the Vichy model of French culture as opposed to that now defined by the Resistance.

Francis Poulenc, like Honegger, worked principally in the occupied zone throughout the war, but he presents a revealing contrast with the former, for his path led away from accommodation with Vichy. As he became aware of its increasing collaboration with the Germans he gradually distanced himself from the regime, joined the Resistance, and sought hermeneutically, or through style, to express his new position. While initially placing himself advantageously within the shifting French musical field, he ultimately decided rather to seek approval from the musicians and friends he admired who were in the Resistance. Like Schaeffer, his evolution away from the regime, with which at first he shared certain values, was incremental, if occurring earlier for reasons that this chapter examines.

As opposed to Schaeffer and Poulenc, Olivier Messiaen had no need slowly to distance himself from Vichy, having rejected the regime from the beginning. Like many of his fellows in a German prisoner-of-war camp, he rather chose to support another devout Catholic and patriot, Charles de Gaulle. As did other Catholic nonconformists, he grasped the implications of their dictum of subjective spiritual agency, or truth that is obtained not through obeisance to church doctrine but through the soul’s immediate contact with scripture. Messiaen expressed this through several of his wartime compositions, and although he, like Sartre (who similarly espoused subjective authenticity), was never formally a member of the Resistance, its intellectual groupings perceived his implicit opposition to compromise and lauded his works.

In light of the recent historiography of Vichy, which stresses its initial political concession, competing factions, and then escalating collaboration with the occupant, this book proposes new questions concerning the shifting nature of French cultural as well as political identity. As the occupation advanced, how did those responsible for cultural policies attempt to adapt their conceptions of French values to accord with the agenda of collaboration in all professional fields? How was French cultural identity and its relation to German culture gradually reconceived by both the occupant and by Vichy as the former played an increasingly interventionist role in music, a symbolic stake in the national self-image of both regimes? Employing the theoretical insights of Gramsci and Bourdieu into hegemony and how it is achieved and combated, this book examines the ways in which musical works were fostered or appropriated and transmitted—physically inscribed, framed, and presented during different phases of the regime as specific groups assumed power. As this study concomitantly demonstrates, we find not only accommodation but also resistance among those artists involved with Vichy’s institutions, and especially in music, where new cultural practices, strategies, and modes of communication emerged as musicians confronted the increasing loss of autonomy in their field. They were forced to assume a position along the spectrum from compliance to resistance on the basis of their perceptions, experience, and subjectivity. Some sought to maintain integrity and avoid appropriation while remaining visible, continuing subtly to innovate and incorporate alternative cultural representations proposed by the Resistance.

Arthur Honegger was used symbolically by Vichy and the occupant, but even after the reality of French state collaboration became clear he refused to assume an unequivocal resistance stance. While Schaeffer gradually grew recalcitrant and then entered the Resistance, Honegger, who had been recruited through his friends, was expelled from the Resistance for his hesitation to thwart his use as a Vichy icon. Conveniently for the Vichy regime, his ambiguous cultural identity as a Swiss (German-speaking) national born and living in France, who intermingled German and French traits in his compositions, made him an emblem of Franco-German cultural collaboration. This chapter examines the way in which the French and Germans employed Honegger and his works, above all his opera Antigone, premiered in France in 1943.

Why did the Paris Opera stage Arthur Honegger's Antigone in 1943, sixteen years after rejecting it for being too modernist? Recent theories of modernism reveal how the later production was able to penetrate the cultural “spaces” inadvertently created during Vichy's collaboration with Germany. The opera appealed not only to the German-and French-authorized press but also to the public, which viewed it as a work of existential examination, free from political and cultural propaganda.

Peu avant sa mort, survenue en 1910, Louis Bourgault-Ducoudray, professeur d'histoire de la musique au Conservatoire de Paris, reçut un jour la visite d'un invité peu commun. Celui-ci, raconte Bourgault-Ducoudray dans une lettre non datée, était membre de l'Action française, mouvement monarchiste pour lequel le professeur, quoique officiant dans une institution républicaine, éprouvait une sympathie voilée. Le but de cet émissaire singulier ? Consulter le musicien sur un projet de soirée associant littérature et musique, et ce au bénéfice de la ligue nationaliste Si le professeur multiplia d'abord les mises en garde, soulignant les risques de l'entreprise dans une saison déjà largement surchargée et où les nombreuses manifestations se faisaient concurrence, il en vint peu à peu à livrer le fond de sa pensée sur le projet et le principe même du concert mis au service de l'idéologie nationaliste:Selon moi, l'Action francaise, comme la Patrie francaise, devrait chercher dans Fart et particulièrement dans l'art musical moins un moyen de recette qu'un moyen de propagande par le sentiment. Puisque l'idée de patrie est battue […] il importe de formuler avec toute la puissance qu'il comporte les augures du sentiment national. Je lisais dans le Gaulois, cette définition du nationalisme : le sentiment profond, les traditions, les rêves, les énergies de toute une race. Savez-vous l'unique moyen de formuler cela ? C'est la musique chorale […]. Organisez un culte musical de la patrie et de la tradition franchise et donnez une audition de musique patriotique au Trocadéro […]. Vous affirmerez avec une puissance de rayonnement incomparable l'idée que nous servons.

Some time before his death in 1910, Louis Bourgault-Ducoudray, the professor of music history at the Paris Conservatoire, received an unusual guest. As he recounts in an undated letter, his visitor was a member of the monarchist Action Franraise, with which, despite his position at a Republican institution, he harbored covert sympathy.1 The mission of this singular call was astutely to solicit the musician's advice concerning the planning of an evening of both literature and music for the benefit of the nationalist league. The professor responded with caveats, pointing out the difficulties of such a venture in a season already crammed with so many competing concerts in Paris. But he gradually proceeded to expatiate on his philosophical opinion of the project and the idea of using concerts to inseminate nationalist ideology in France

Comment et pourquoi la musique francaise a-t-elle ete l'objet de la bataille politique et culturelle entre le Front populaire et ses opposants a la fin des annees 30 ? Cet article explore la facon dont le nouveau gouvernement a utilise la musique comme outil politique, comment il a soutenu les compositeurs en periode de dure recession economique. Le Front populaire a pu recruter des musiciens prestigieux qui, par leur role dans les plus hautes institutions musicales, ainsi que par leurs discours, ont contribue a redefinir une legitimite esthetique. L'article est centre sur la genese des valeurs, modeles et genres musicaux promus a cette epoque et percus comme partie de la nouvelle ideologie : il demontre qu'on retrouve leurs origines dans la periode qui suit l'affaire Dreyfus, lorsque les ligues de droite lancerent une « guerre culturelle » . Il examine aussi vers quel discours musical la droite profasciste s'est orientee et comment elle l'a propage. L'article analyse les critiques de la presse profasciste et leur diffusion dans la presse musicale. Enfin, il decrit le deplacement de l'hegemonie dans la musique de la fin des annees 30 vers un rejet grandissant des valeurs culturelles et politiques de la Troisieme Republique

W \ thin the French musical world it was patent by 1938, after a rancorous battle between its two major factions, that the hegemony had palpably shifted: only the previous year the question of the aesthetic criteria to be applied to French music had engendered acrimonious debate throughout this litigious musical culture. But now, in musical journals, in criticism in the press, in institutions of official consecration, one discourse, or a set of attitudes and legitimizing concepts is tangibly ascendent; the honorific terms that were dominant in the previous two years, revealingly, .are increasingly rarein particular "individual, free, audacious, accessible, lifelike, and heroic." In their place we instead encounter "elevated, inspired, idealistic, noble, subjective, intuitive, lyrical, spiritual," and phrases such

In January 1923 the important journal Courrier musical published an article by Louis Vuillemin entitled provocatively, "Concerts mteques": m~~tque, a term widely propagated at the time by the nationalist Ligue de l'Action Frangaise, denoted, technically, a "halfbreed," but specifically, in the usage of the league, a Jew. This nuance is unmistakable, for the article relentlessly excoriates the concerts organized by Jean Wiener, a Jewish composer, pianist, and entrepreneur. Vuillemin indicts these concerts, which presented the works of the Second Viennese School, of Les Six and Stravinsky, in addition to jazz, employing the code popularized by the league: he impugns such repertoire as appealing primarily to "cosmopolitan suckers" (implying Wiener), whom he describes as "physically seedy" and apt to wear "lunettes L la boche" (German glasses). Finally, insinuating treachery, the critic poses the invidious question of who or what machiavellian and poisoned propaganda really lies behind the venture. For he asseverates that such figures are seeking to "gangrener" the national organism and to demonstrate the decline of French taste to the many curious "foreigners" attending the concerts. Vuillemin concludes, however, by reassuring his readers that the public has uncovered the "plot" and exposed the despoiled and impotent "exoticism" that this repertoire so odiously incarnates.1 The rhetoric and racist circumlocutions the article so dexterously interweaves were by no means exceptional in postwar French writings on music or indeed in operatic works. The image of the insidious, avaricious "outsider," or the "exotic" and rootless Jew, who is not truly French but bound to international or Germanic conspiracies against the nation, is common. This discourse, moreover, links such an image to the assault on French tradition or to the modernist and cosmopolitan danger now posed to indigenous French cultural values. We may

This article introduces the convergence of two different fields: cultural history and music. It begins by discussing the revival of the cultural history of music and the theoretical synthesis that occurred within these two converging disciplines. It notes that both musicologists and historians are trying to not only return to the goal of capturing the complexity and texture of experience, communication, and understanding in the past, but also to do so by using a theoretically sophisticated approach. This article notes that cultural history and music are identifying the latter as a privileged point of entry into questions about past cultures.

This article focuses on Pierre Schaeffer's personal experience, creative journey, and understanding during the postwar years. It first looks at his spiritually and philosophically-driven quest to develop a new culture of communication with the youth of Vichy France. It is here where he learned how the radio transforms messages, either through masking or revealing meaning. It then studies how the medium of transmission may increase the sense of a work of art, and how a new technology can transform artistic traditions. The article also tries to show how Schaeffer attempted to express his own experience and provoke deep reflection on artistic language.

Acknowledgments ix PART I THE EVOLUTION Introduction: Constructions and Reconstructions of Debussy by JANE F. FULCHER 1 Debussy's Rome Cantatas by JOHN R. CLEVENGER 9 Debussy, Gautier, and "Les Papillons" by MARIE ROLF 99 Bilitis and Tanagra: Afternoons with Nude Women by DAVID GRAYSON 117 Beyond the Illusions of Realism: Painting and Debussy's Break with Tradition by LEON BOTSTEIN I41 The Symphony in Debussy's World: A Context for His Views on the Genre and Early Interpretations of La Mer by BRIAN HART 151 Speaking the Truth to Power: The Dialogic Element in Debussy's Wartime Compositions by JANE F. FULCHER 2O3 PART II THE CONTEXT Debussy, Faure, and d'Indy and Conceptions of the Artist: The Institutions, the Dialogues, the Conflicts by GAIL HILSON WOLDU 235 Debussy, Mallarme, and "Les Mardis" by ROSEMARY LLOYD 255 Debussy in Fin-de-Siecle Paris by CHRISTOPHE CHARLE 271 PART III DOCUMENTS Debussy's Paris Gonservatoire Training COLLECTED, EDITED, AND INTRODUCED BY JOHN R. CLEVENGER 299 "Le Cas Debussy": Revisions and Polemics about the Composer's "New Manner" COLLECTED AND TRANSLATED BY BRIAN HART 363 Index 383 Notes on Contributors 394

Der Pariser Verleger Laffont veroffentlichte 1969 eine Musikgeschichte von Lucien Rebatet, dem fanatischen, antisemitischen Autor, der zunachst zum Tod verurteilt worden war, nach der Befreiung aber begnadigt wurde. Wagner steht im Mittelpunkt des Werkes. Er wird (stillschweigend) als der »Erloser« der franzosischen Musik dargestellt, als derjenige, der sie von bosen Einflussen befreite und zugleich die fruchtbarsten Neuerungen anregte.1 Das in der Bibliotheque Nationale einsehbare und auch genutzte Buch ist keinesfalls das Ergebnis einer geistigen Verirrung: die hier deutlich werdende Haltung bedeutet keine anachronistische Ruckkehr in die Kriegsjahre, sondern entspricht einer langen franzosischen Geistestradition. Rebatets Geschichtsschreibung reprasentiert in etwas abgeschwachter Form den erhalten gebliebenen Strang zweier Einstellungen zu Wagner, die im Frankreich der Zwischenkriegszeit miteinander im Wettstreit lagen.