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What drives mass mobilization? A substantial body of theoretical work in diverse fields, including political science, communications, sociology, and economics, is built around the idea that an individual’s willingness to participate in a mobilization is driven by her beliefs about public opinion – that is, about what the majority of the public thinks. Despite the centrality of this idea, rigorous empirical evidence is scarce. We test this idea using original data collected during and after the massive street protests in Israel in the summer of 2011. Our analysis shows that individual beliefs about average societal support for the protest movement (i.e., the “climate of opinion”) are indeed a strong predictor of participation. Experimental manipulation of information about the trend in societal support for the protests further suggests that this relationship is causal, and that it is mediated by expectations about how many people are likely to show up to protest.

How do citizens think about elections? Building on democratic theory, political psychology and political communication theories, we conceptualize how voters interpret elections in terms of election frames, and explore the interplay between them and media frames. Election frames are deduced from the empirical and normative body of work on elections and democracy and they are tracked empirically through in-depth interviews with citizens, carried out during the 2009 parliamentary elections in Israel. The article highlights three major findings. First, all election frames are represented in people's reasoning about elections, but there is considerable variability in their usage, and they are usually applied in rudimentary form. Second, the frames vary over different political contexts. And third, the public does not seem to absorb passively frames from the media, but rather plays an active role in the process of election interpretation, relying on diverse sources. It is proposed in the article that publics’ e...

We have found that the hybrid organic-inorganic perovskite-like formate Mn(HCOO)(3)[(CH(3))(2)NH(2)] shows a dielectric transition around 190 K. According to single crystal X-ray diffraction, the compound shows rhombohedral symmetry at room temperature and monoclinic symmetry at low temperature (100 K), and the main difference between both structures is that the (CH(3))(2)NH(2)(+) (DMA) cations are disordered in the high temperature phase but cooperatively ordered in the low temperature one. The vibrational spectra of this compound reveal that significant changes take place in the vibrations ascribed to the DMA cation (changes in the frequency of certain vibrations, splitting of particular vibrations, and changes in the intensities), while no significant changes have been observed in those attributed to the formate anion. On the basis of all this information, we attribute the origin of the dielectric transition to the dynamics of the DMA cations: above 190 K these cations can rotate inside the cubooctahedral cavity created by the [Mn(HCOO)(3)](-) framework, while for lower temperatures such rotation gets frozen, and their cooperative arrangement inside the cavities give rise to the observed dielectric transition.

Elections are a prime topic of research for political scientists and political communication scholars, with most studies focusing on electoral behavior and election campaigns. Our interest lies in the construction of meaning of elections, and in particular electoral mandates—defined as policy directives sent from electorates to their elected leaders. Mandates emanate from the electorate, but assignment of meaning to elections is a typical political communication process, and this is the focus of our study. Here we propose a model with several necessary conditions for mandate election interpretations. Our empirical case study is Israel between 1992 and 2003, a period characterized by numerous turnabouts in government and policy, landslide election results, and significant public opinion shifts, when mandate elections could be expected. Making use of a rich set of data on the five elections during this period, we explore the necessary conditions for mandate election interpretations and actual post-election ...

Surface enhanced Raman scattering (SERS) and FTIR were used for the vibrational characterization of the sepia melanin pigment extracted from the cuttlefish or Sepia officinalis, a material used in works of art from at least the late 18th century. The heterogeneous polymeric nature of the pigment, together with its fluorescent background, makes its identification by normal Raman spectroscopy difficult. In the present study, SERS and FTIR spectra of sepia were obtained. SERS proved to be suitable to characterize this complex material in micro-samples because of its sensitivity, ability to quench fluorescence, and minimal preparation required. For the SERS measurements, different substrates were tested in contact with the sepia pigment. It was found that a sodium borohydride reduced silver colloid gave the best performance, particularly when applied as a drop on top of a solid sepia sample, and subsequently dried. A larger enhancement was observed in the SERS spectrum of the sepia sample extracted in the laboratory, when compared to the more pure commercial sample, consistently with the higher metal binding capacity of less pure sepia melanin reported by other authors. The FTIR and SERS frequencies observed were found to be consistent with those reported in the literature for closely related compounds, such as indole, pyrrole and substituted pyrroles, and were assigned by comparison with them and with other published data for functional groups in organic chemistry.

The Israeli—Palestinian conflict is one of the most intractable conflicts in the world today. During the period of the 1990s and early 2000s, its salience was especially high. In this article, we explore the role of elections in the conflict, focusing on deliberation, legitimation, and representation. We analyze the five Israeli elections between 1992 and 2003. Our findings raise significant doubts as to the quality of deliberation on the conflict in these five election campaigns, and suggest that the campaigns and election interpretations did not contribute to legitimation of policy in this area beyond procedural legitimacy. Nevertheless, the elections had a major impact in molding the conflict through their role in transferring power and in producing dynamic representation. Although our focus is on a single case, this article falls within the body of empirical research about elections as instruments of democracy and their role in shaping the course of international conflicts.

Television programs' production value is highly regarded by professionals as a crucial dimension of program quality. This study examines the degree to which lay viewers, rather than professionals, are sensitive to television programs' production value as a distinct evaluative dimension, their ability to pass educated judgments on production value, and the impact of these judgments on their overall program appreciation and quality assessment. Based on a large-scale survey of television viewers in Israel, we find that production value makes up a distinct evaluative dimension, indicating that viewers are sensitive to production considerations. Production value assessments also explain television program appreciation and quality evaluations. On the other hand, there are indications that lay viewers are not very good at discerning gradations of production value among different programs and genres. These findings are discussed in the context of the conflicting interests among Israeli program makers and televisi...

The article focuses on public opinion as a policy-relevant imperative in negotiators’ two-level games, in the context of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Specifically, it highlights two characteristics of public opinion: its multifaceted nature and its susceptibility to framing efforts. The two are related in the sense that they provide negotiators with opportunities to shape their own and the other side’s win-sets: the sets of possible agreements that will gain majority support among their constituents. Both characteristics are exemplified using data from joint Palestinian-Israeli surveys focusing on two of the most difficult issues in the Israeli-Palestinian dispute: the recognition of the Palestinian refugees’ right of return by Israelis and the recognition of the Jewish identity of Israel by Palestinians. First, the study shows how framing a solution to the Palestinian refugees’ problem as the implementation or surrender of the right of return greatly affects respondents’ support for it. The article then discusses the implications of constructive ambiguity and framing for negotiators. Next it demonstrates the utility of a multifaceted approach to public opinion research in detecting pluralistic ignorance and mutual misperceptions on the issue of Israel’s national identity, pointing again to the implications of these conditions for policy-makers involved in two-level games.

The luminescence spectrum from Gd(III) contains vibronic sidebands that provide the vibrational frequencies of molecules that comprise the solvation shell surrounding this cation. The vibronic sidebands obtained from Gd(III) in porous sol−gel matrixes as a function of added glycerol and in trehalose-derived glassy matrixes are used to probe matrix- and solvent-induced changes in the hydrogen bonding between first- and second-shell solvent molecules. The results provide direct insight into the origin of the damped dynamics observed for guest proteins within these types of matrixes. The results are also consistent with the retention of water within the first solvation shell for both the glassy matrixes and the glycerol-bathed sol−gel.

Definitions of political violence as terrorism are often tainted by self-serving motivations. Groups in conflict in particular tend to justify the use of indiscriminate violent means by highly regarded political ends. This study explores such self-serving perceptions of terrorism in the context of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. In two surveys during December 2001, Israeli Jews, Israeli Arabs and Palestinians were asked whether 11 local and international incidents were acts of terrorism in their view, and whether they were considered acts of terrorism by the international community. Self-serving judgments on both sides were expected, but their extent is striking, and they extend also to the international incidents. Israeli Arabs judge all acts of violence as terrorism in high percentages. Israeli Jews and Palestinians' definitions present a mirror image; however, they do not project these definitions to the international community. Instead, they perceive an international norm largely divergent from their own point of view, inflating world judgment of their own acts of violence as terrorism and underestimating world judgment of the other side's violence, in what amounts to a hostile-world phenomenon. Language: en

This joint Palestinian-Israeli study stresses the importance of public opinion in reconciliation processes. It was conducted in the wake of the Arafat-Barak Camp David summit and intended to set up a baseline for sentiments of compromise and reconciliation among Israelis and Palestinians at the peak of the Palestinian-Israeli peace process. The study is based on surveys of representative samples of the Israeli adult population ( n = 525) and the Palestinian adult population in the West Bank, the Gaza Strip and East Jerusalem ( n = 1,259). It focuses on the role of expectations for lasting peace and democracy in shaping attitudes towards reconciliation and political compromise. Both publics felt that there is no room for further compromise on the most critical issues of the conflict; the majority in both samples believed that their delegations have made too much of a compromise already. A reliable reconciliation scale was devised from a range of steps listed in the reconciliation literature as prerequisites for successful reconciliation following protracted conflicts. Palestinians overwhelmingly supported reconciliation steps, which promise normalization and a chance for economic well-being. They were more reluctant to support steps towards political alliance and ethos-transforming steps. Israelis' support for all reconciliation measures except for open borders was noticeably higher. Expectations were found to account for reconciliation and compromise sentiments beyond demographic and political-orientation variables for both the Israeli and Palestinian samples.

This paper suggests that content analysis of questions in public opinion polls may provide an attractive approach for assessing public discourse. Adopting a linguistically‐oriented content analysis, we apply this approach in the context of Israeli discourse on peace and the territories. We study Israel's self‐image by looking at the status of Israel, the Palestinians and the Arab states as actors in the questions over time. By analyzing the content and type of questions we identify changes in discourse frames from a general abstract and simplistic frame to a concrete and policy‐oriented one. Relying on semantic dependencies of key terms in the questions we recognize a shift in discourse from land to people, exposing a fundamental value conflict which surfaces gradually.

This paper relies on panel data from Israel to test the spiral of silence theory's assumptions concerning overt expression of opinion. The research design provides a way to examine the effect of a changing climate of opinion on who speaks up and who silences out over time and changing circumstances. In addition, a multivariate approach is adopted to test the role of climate perceptions relative to other factors, and extend our understanding of public speech. Perceptions of the climate of opinion are found to be related to overt expression of opinion cross-sectionally; however, their impact is not consistent and weaker than other factors. General political involvement is most important, and also various sociodemographic characteristics of people are more powerful than climate perceptions. Over time this relationship does not hold, and the paper focuses on political discontent and value expression considerations.

Researchers have recently leveled criticism at the realist approach to conflict resolution by pointing out the importance of symbolic aspects of this issue. Few studies, however, have hitherto focused on symbolic demands in conflicts. The present study examines the role of symbolic as well as concrete demands in conflict resolution, and is therefore innovative in this regard. A demand is categorized as “concrete” if it is based on an interest that is viable and applicable, in that it involves tangible resources that may change hands or be divided. A “symbolic” demand, on the other hand, pivots on either refraining from or taking action rather than on a tangible result. With reference to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, this research suggests that the relationship between symbolic and concrete demands can serve as a tool for achieving conflict resolution – not only by compensating for symbolic demands with concrete demands and vice versa but also by balancing between the symbolic and the concrete aspects within the same demand. These findings may have valuable implications for the use of symbolic discourse as an instrument to transform conflicts. Author Bio(s) Rotem Nagar is a Ph.D. student in the department of Communication at the Hebrew University, Jerusalem. She is the vice director at the Mosaica Conflict Resolution Center, which develops models and paradigms of conflict resolution at the grassroots level as well as at the theoretical micro level. Her research deals with communication aspects in international processes of conflict resolution and transformation, including discourse and linguistically related trade-offs. She is a contributing author to a book on the community mediation practices in Israel, to be published in 2013 by JDC-Israel and the Israeli Ministry of Social Affairs. Email: rotem.nagar@mail.huji.ac.il; Address: Topaz 9, Mevasseret Zion 90805, Israel; Phone Number: +972 542 511149 Jacob Shamir is an Associate Professor of Communication and Senior Research Fellow at the Harry S. Truman Institute for the Advancement of Peace, the Hebrew University, Jerusalem. His research interests include political communication, public opinion, media and conflict resolution. Together with Khalil Shikaki of the Palestinian Center for Policy and Survey Research, he has directed, since July 2000, the Joint IsraeliPalestinian Poll ( JIPP; http://truman.huji.ac.il/). Professor Shamir has published numerous articles in major international journals of communication, political science and conflict resolution. His most recent book, titled Palestinian and Israeli Public Opinion: The Public Imperative in the Second Intifada, co-authored with Khalil Shikaki and based on the JIPP, was published in 2010 by Indiana University Press as part of its Middle East Studies Series. Email: jshamir@mscc.huji.ac.il; Address: Department of Communication and Journalism, Hebrew University, Mount Scopus Campus, Jerusalem, Israel 91905; Phone Number: +972 80228852 This article is available in Peace and Conflict Studies: http://nsuworks.nova.edu/pcs/vol20/iss2/5 Peace and Conflict Studies

Values have been conceptualized as inherently comparative and competitive. As such they require the setting of priorities and value trade-offs, and we suggest that conjoint analysis provides an appropriate operationalization of values so conceptualized. Compared to the commonly used rating and ranking methods, conjoint analysis is less obtrusive and its task design simulates real-life considerations more closely. We suggest that it provides value importance scores that are more realistic, less abstract, less declarative, and less tainted by social desirability. Moreover, conjoint measurement offers a fuller description of value systems, including value balancing and weighting, combinations, and interactions among values. We discuss the advantages and disadvantages of conjoint analysis in the measurement of values, and apply it to competing values in current Israeli politics. This analysis yields new findings on the value structure of Israeli Jews. We find that two values override in Israeli Jews' considerations: the most basic notion of Zionism—Israel as a Jewish state with a Jewish majority—and peace. Democracy is found to have no significance on its own, but in interaction with the other values that count, it is cherished. Greater Israel has only marginal significance.

This article explores the informational assumptions in Noelle-Neumann's spiral of silence theory. It is based empirically on data from in-depth interviews employing the “thinking aloud” protocols methodology, and survey data from Israel during the Intifada. Our respondents base their estimates of the climate of opinion on a broader, sounder, and more robust information array than the rather narrow and socially based overt opinion expression cues assumed by Noelle-Neumann. Different information cues are used for assessing opinion distributions and opinion trends. Aggregate trend analysis further supports the inconsistency between these alternative indicators of the climate of opinion. These results are discussed within the framework of structural constraints and major competing approaches to public opinion. The information environment is suggested to be the primary factor in specifying the role of social adjustment mechanisms versus event information in determining the direction in which public opinion evolves.

The optical and Raman spectra of several salts of croconic acid were investigated in order to obtain a better understanding of solid-state effects. The results indicate that for the sodium and barium salts the perturbations can be ascribed to a decrease in the local symmetry of the anion. On the other hand, for the thallium and silver salts the perturbations are much more dramatic, clearly indicating the presence of charge-transfer effects. For the silver salt, the abnormal enhancement in the Raman spectrum is ascribed to the presence of silver microparticles in the surface of the solid.

The Raman and infrared spectra of the tetracoordinated SnS 4 compound spirocyclic bis(ethane-1,2-dithiolato[2-]-S,S'-tin(IV) (1) and its related hexacoordinated SnS 4 L 2 complexes with pyridine (2), 2-(2-pyridyl)ethylamine (3) and 3-aminopyrazole (4) were recorded and interpreted. The skeletal vibrations of SnS 4 and SnS 4 N 2 were asigned and are discussed. The tetrahedral SnS 4 core in 1, which has essentially T d symmetry changes into a square planar with D 4h symmetry when coordinating to the N-donor ligands (2, 3 and 4). This change in structure and symmetry also causes the Sn-S vibrations to change both in number and wavenumber

This study examines psychological correlates of Jewish-Israeli support for post-conflict political reconciliation with Jordan. An analysis of data from a public opinion survey conducted with a representative sample of Israeli-Jews (n=1000) indicated that appraisal of outgroup collective threat, as well as hatred and (lack of) sympathy towards Jordanians, predicted Jewish-Israeli decreased support for peaceful reconciliation with Jordan. Our findings point to the crucial role of threat perceptions in hindering post-conflict reconciliation and to the importance of sympathy towards the other side in increasing support for such reconciliation.

The complexes between Al(III) and hematein, the main coloring matter in alum logwood inks, were characterized by Raman and 27Al NMR (nuclear magnetic resonance) spectroscopies. Raman spectra of the crystallized complexes and of the compounds applied on a paper substrate are presented and assigned based on published data for the parent compounds. These Raman spectra show that the coordination of the hematein to the Al(III) ions takes place in both cases through the carbonyl and hydroxyl groups in the molecule, and that the aromatic rings are also involved in the interaction. The Raman spectra of the pure hematein–Al(III) complexes were found to be consistent with those recorded for a logwood ink prepared following a late 19th century recipe, using logwood chips instead of pure hematein, and applied on a paper substrate. These spectra can be used as references for the noninvasive identification of the compounds in works of art. 27Al solid-state NMR showed that the coordination of the Al(III) atoms in the crystallized powder is predominantly octahedral, while when applied on a paper substrate the colorant is present mainly as a tetrahedral complex, with an octahedral coordination also present in a smaller proportion. The fact that the predominant coordinations for the complexes in the crystallized material and for the ones present on the paper substrate are different is relevant for the study of the lightfastness and thermal stability of works of art bearing these media. Copyright © 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

The reported degree of professional ethics in public relations jobs is strongly related to personal ethics, this study shows, regardless of how long one has been in the public relations profession. This mail survey of 198 members of the Public Relations Society of America (a 66% response rate) indicates that a strong predictor of professional ethical standards is the degree of reported personal ethics while there also are relationships—but somewhat weaker—between age and experience and professional ethics, as measured by this study which employed Likert scales.

The first‐order Raman spectra of individual 8‐μm‐diam PAN‐derived carbon fibers which had been annealed at five temperatures from 1700 to 2800 °C are measured as a function of incident laser power from 1 to 140 mW. In all fibers studied, the Raman frequencies of the graphite G band at ca. 1580 cm−1 and the disordered‐induced D band at ca. 1360 cm−1 shift to lower frequency with increasing laser power. The largest shifts observed before the fiber is physically damaged are about 13 cm−1 at a laser power of 30 mW. The band positions decrease further at higher laser power, up to a maximum of about 20 cm−1 at 40 mW, and at powers above 30 mW the linewidths and the ID/IG intensity ratio change irreversibly as the fiber begins to erode. The irreversible changes extend several hundred μm away from the 2‐μm spot illuminated by the laser. The effects are attributed to laser heating. To quantify the degree of laser heating the temperature dependence of the Raman shift (G band) in pure bulk, highly oriented pyrolytic...

Raman and infrared spectra of Te2(CF3)2, Te2(C6F5)2 and Te(C6F5)2 were studied and their structures determined. Polarization measurements of Raman lines of the neat liquid Te2(CF3)2 and of CCl4 solutions of Te2(C6F5)2 and Te(C6F5)2 were also performed, allowing the assignment of symmetric and asymmetric vibrations. The observed coinciding wavenumbers supported the skeletal C2 symmetry structure for the Te2R2 compounds. Copyright © 2002 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

The low-frequency Raman and infrared spectra of a series of gold(III) chloride complexes of the type of LAuCl 3 (where L is thiazole, oxazole and their derivatives) were studied. The skeletal gold-chlorine and the gold-ligand vibrations were assigned

The Raman spectra of three LnAl 3 Cl 12 compounds (Ln=Gd, Tb and Dy) were studied and the observed bands are interpreted on the basis of terminal and bridging Al−Cl bonds and Ln−Cl bonds. The results support the suggestion that the AlCl 4 species are of anionic type in association with cationic Ln species