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This analysis examines the Israeli geographic security arrangements in the Gaza Strip, focusing on the significant measures taken by Israel to reshape the region's military and security landscape. It employs a descriptive and evolutionary survey approach, particularly in light of the challenges faced by the Gaza Strip, primarily the devastation caused by the ongoing genocidal war by Israel against Gazan civilians and their infrastructure over the past 15 months. The analysis concludes that Israel aims to reorganize the Gaza Strip by isolating the northern region from the rest of the territory. Key initiatives include the construction of the "Netzarim Corridor or Axis," control of the "Philadelphi Axis," and the reconstruction of the destroyed Rafah crossing. Additionally, Israel is establishing a buffer zone between the Gaza Strip and surrounding Jewish settlements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper examines the backgrounds and manifestations of the exceptional U.S.-Israeli partnership during Israel's war on the Gaza Strip following October 7, 2023. Following the events of October 7, a strong alliance quickly formed. This partnership featured seamless coordination of advanced warfare shipments and strategic battlefield planning bolstered by robust intelligence support. It showed an unusual relationship that developed rapidly within days after the October 7 events by bridging domesticated warfare shipments and planning battlefield operations with intelligence support. The United States has reasoned for such development by claiming that Israel is facing a coexistence threat, while Israel used to be the incubator and protector of the US and European vital interests in the Middle East, as per President Biden. This unique partnership has led the United States to exceed the boundaries of values, rules, and international norms governing conflicts in the global community, crossing many red lines established by international humanitarian law and even US laws. Through its unprecedented political and military support for Israel, the US stands in defiance of the entire global community, rejecting calls for a ceasefire in Gaza and showing indifference to the ongoing genocide there and its potential consequences. The central hypothesis of this paper is the profound shock of October 7 that destabilized the US views and prospects of the Middle East, where it assumed Israel as the cornerstone of the region at the economic and security levels. As such, this new dynamic prompted an exceptional approach to dealing with Israel's Genocidal war against Palestinian civilians in Gaza. It was characterized by unlimited support for Israel and a blatant abandonment of the normative international order to recover what was lost. In this context, the paper leverages tools from both the realist and constructivist schools to interpret the unique ties between the United States and Israel. The paper concludes that the US commitment to ensuring Israel's military superiority over its adversaries in the Middle East has driven it to rebuild the deterrence framework shattered by the events of October 7. Such a conclusion has been achieved not only through covering up genocide and war crimes in Gaza but also through extraordinary participation in supporting Israel while behaving as such. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Tourism in Palestine functions as a potent instrument of political resistance, serving to counter the dominant narratives imposed by the Israeli occupation and to reinforce Palestinian claims to self-determination and sovereignty. Through deliberate engagement with cultural and historical sites, we contend that tourists become active participants in a form of resistance that celebrates and preserves Palestinian identity. We maintain that each act of cultural consumption – be it visiting a historical landmark, participating in traditional storytelling, or purchasing local handicrafts – serves not just as an economic transaction but as a political gesture that asserts Palestinian narratives and resists cultural erasure. We further argue that the global spread of Palestinian cultural tourism, facilitated by the diaspora, functions as a strategic form of international advocacy that situates the Palestinian struggle within a broader context of global awareness and solidarity. Palestinian tourism is a vital channel through which the political reality of Palestinian life is communicated and understood, forming an essential component of the broader campaign for Palestinian rights and recognition on the world stage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Arts & Social Sciences (JASS) is the property of Sultan Qaboos University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This essay focuses on the role of mathematics and Israeli mathematicians in serving the Israeli occupation of Gaza and the West Bank, including east Jerusalem, since 1967. It analyzes recently de-classified Israeli archival documents from the period 1967–1969, including minutes of ministerial meetings that discussed how to control the newly conquered people and land as discussed by Shafer Raviv (Journal of Contemporary History, 55(1), 161–181, 2018 and Middle Eastern Studies, 57(2), 342–356, 2021) as well as mathematical formulas created 40 years later as part of an Israeli policy to restrict food supplies to the Gaza Strip. It sheds light on the way in which mathematicians and mathematics can be employed to maintain and justify a racialized system of control. Drawing on Bonilla-Silva's (American Sociological Review, 62(3), 465–480, 1997 and Journal of Political Ideologies, 8(1), 63–82, 2003) racialized social systems approach, the essay argues that mathematics and mathematicians professionalize and legitimize the dominant racial discourse in the Israeli military which, in turn, shapes the social and racial discourse in Israeli society that privileges Israeli Jews over Palestinians. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on Levinasian concepts of sleep, insomnia, and the il y a, this paper examines the liminal states of insomnia and sleep within the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. Sleep and insomnia, being proximates of death as well as displacement and anonymous existence successively, are topics that have not, to the best of our knowledge, received any critical commentary within (post)colonial studies. This paper argues that the Israeli military occupation deprives Palestinians from sleep, casting them into the horror and anonymous existence of insomnia which, like the Israeli occupation, signifies impervious dialogue and is a catalyst for both psychic and physical displacement. As the Israeli occupation deprives Palestinians of place and sleep, two terms in the words of Levinas recognised as intertwined, it is the ethical responsibility of Palestinians and Palestinian leaders to arm themselves with wakefulness so as to secure their homeland (place) and to fortify themselves against displacement and the horror of the night. Sleep reveals an ethical dimension when examined closely within the Israeli-Palestinian conflict due to its subtle proximity to death. Hence, we contend that falling asleep on the part of Palestinians is unethical due to its direct adverse effects, namely, displacement and death. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Omran for Social Sciences is the property of Arab Center for Research & Policy Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The report deals with a systematic analysis of the content of the Palestinian narrative, its tools, and documents, in contrast to the Israeli narrative, its tools and documents. The report shows the Israeli methodology used in promoting its narrative based on the fact that it is the victim and that the Palestinians are a terrorist group targeting civilians in Israel. Thus, the events of October 7 and what followed are being falsified and fabricated through the Israeli narrative. In exchange, the Palestinian banner presents facts from the field and without any modification, despite the dominance of the Israeli narrative in the early days in the West and at the digital and traditional media levels. Nevertheless, the Palestinian banner made a noticeable breakthrough at the public, parliamentary, and media levels, even though the battle is still raging and renewed. At every turn, the report revealed the importance of social media and communication with the general public and the importance of mass movements in support of the Palestinian cause. Social media is essentially important in establishing the Palestinian narrative and accusing the Israeli occupation of practicing genocide. The report also revealed the importance of individual roles, not to mention the collective and institutional media roles in this path. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The analysis examines the repercussions of Operation "Al-Aqsa Flood" on the Palestinian internal front. This was studied through three axes: implications for the conflict with the Israeli occupation, repercussions on the Palestinian political culture, and repercussions on the Palestinians' orientations and the weights of the Palestinian powers The analysis concluded with a set of results, the most important of which are: This battle brought about a change in the view of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict as a conflict that cannot be jumped upon and that it is with a brutal military occupation that is 75 years old. It constituted a nuclear shift in the culture of resistance and the view on the enemy, his time, and his capabilities, which made the operation successful. The "Al-Aqsa Flood" shook Israel and broke its military and intelligence reputation. The operation also caused the development of the perception of the Hamas movement and its great relative weight in the Palestinian political system to the extent that it is a determining factor for the Palestinian future. It also succeeded in influencing Israel's ongoing strategy to reengineer Palestinian society in the West Bank, which was working to change the Palestinian thought in the conflict with the Israeli occupation towards relative coexistence by describing the prevailing resistance thought in the Gaza Strip as nihilistic and unproductive. However, the operation proved that the opposite is accurate and that the resistance in the Gaza Strip, Hamas, is the most capable of confronting the occupation, raising the Palestinian cause, and perhaps achieving the Palestinian goals of national liberation. On the other hand, the Al-Aqsa Flood operation energized international awareness of the Palestinian cause under the Israeli unjust military occupation for 75 years. It also shattered the Israeli ideology of cheap occupation, the self defense right, as Palestinians attacked Israel for no reason except terrorizing civilians. Many Israelis have come to know the reality of frustrating the Palestinian nation under occupation by Israeli soldiers and ignoring their fundamental rights as humans. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines Palestinian digital archiving in the context of the Israeli regime's settler-colonial suppression and erasure of Palestinian knowledge. Looking closely at the efforts of three digital archives, the Palestinian Museum Digital Archive, the Palestinian Oral History Archive, and the Palestine Poster Project Archives, it argues that Palestinian digital archival projects, despite structural and technical limitations, serve to safeguard Palestinian knowledges and histories from Zionist violence. Noting examples of Israel's looting, destruction, and closure of physical Palestinian archives, the author posits that researchers should use digital archives in tandem with materials accessed in Israeli colonial archives to challenge dominant and distorted Zionist narratives, and to fill in the knowledge gaps in the long arc of the struggle for Palestinian liberation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Palestinian-Israeli land conflicts are rooted in the United Nations Resolution of 1948 declaring the statehood of Israel and causing forced displacement of Palestinians from their ancestral homes. Israel's fascist and settler-colonialist practices have violated basic human rights for generations of Palestinians, including the current generation of Palestinian young adults: the Jil Oslo. In this paper, I discuss the traumatic effects of Israeli law, and the role of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in influencing conditions. I also discuss the various forms of resistance and activism among the Jil Oslo in Palestine and abroad. I conclude with a call for increased coalition building aimed at the fight for an independent Palestinian state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite some improvement to the lives of Palestinians through human rights activism, this article argues that the legal regime governing Occupied Territories, combined with a rigid legalized conception and application of human rights, limits the ability to achieve human rights protections for those living under prolonged military occupations. Drawing on a critique of liberal legalism, this article will identify four key barriers to change through an analysis of court cases and human rights reports in the Israeli military occupation of the Palestinians. It will trace key shifts in human rights organizations in Israel and Palestine, which seek to overcome these limitations in an effort to secure long-term human rights for Palestinians. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article scrutinises the disastrous impacts of Israeli occupation on Palestinians in the Palestinian-Irish playwright Hannah Khalil's Plan D (2010) by decoding the diacritics of the Palestine Nakba of 1948. Plan Dalet was a Zionist master plan for the military occupation of Palestine and the plan became central to the Zionist expulsion of the Palestinians and Palestine Nakba in 1948. Khalil's play (Plan D) portrays a rustic family undergoing a crisis against a background of enforced mass deportation and ethnic cleansing of Palestine in 1948. The playwright gives a voice to the victimised Palestinians as the play represents an indictment of ecological imperialism which weighs upon Palestinians who are crammed into unlivable ghettos. Khalil's attachment to her native environment shapes the portrayal of her characters and their environment which is exposed to demographical changes and distortion by reason of the Nakba. Psychologically, the play delves deeply into the tragedy of Palestinians who are forcibly deported from their farm houses to live in other ecological units such as the woods and outskirt camps and how they adapt to the new-found ecology as a survival mechanism aloof from the unscrupulous aggression of occupation. Put differently, it dismantles the diacritics of the plight of Palestinians and deconstructs projections of otherness in order to find an ecological outlet for them to rethink their life-threatening crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that editors of newspapers in the US, in their capacity to select and arrange news related to tragic events in Palestine/Israel, tend to follow an underlying political agenda largely conforming with US foreign policy towards Israel, the Palestinians and the Arab or Moslem world more generally. This is part of a popular American geopolitical imaginary, now being reconfigured through the primacy of 'terror' as the enemy number one of the American way of life, and most certainly, by proxy, of the Israeli way of life or the life of any Washington-oriented democracy. Reportage on cases of Palestinian tragedy and agony were represented as part of or the byproduct of protracted conflict within a kind of historical amnesia or bracketing out: Israeli state policy which victimises the Palestinians tends to be rendered invisible in such manipulation of reported reality. In other words, a deft editorial arrangement deflects possible blame on Israel by removing the events from their broader context and time frame. The reports centre on symptoms of the pathology rather than its underlying causes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article, which employs interviews as its central methodology, examines Palestinian mothers' reproduction of, opposition to, the Palestinian culture of martyrdom. Palestinian nationalist discourses encourage mothers to produce fighters and to re-produce the religious and national discourses on martyrdom by receiving their sons' acts of martyrdom with celebration which signifies their adherence to the hegemonic masculine model of bereavement based on emotional restraint and expressing the necessity of martyrdom. Based on this logic, religious and national discourses function as a defensive mechanism that helps mothers to cope with their loss. However, some mothers prefer the well-being of their families over the abstract ideals of heroism and sacrifice, opposing the religious and national discourses that shape the Palestinian collective identity. While the mothers who perpetuate the culture of sacrifice are promoted socially, politically and symbolically, those who express their grief and condemnation of this culture are deemed traitorous and un-Islamic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Several Palestinian women and girls have witnessed the experience of detention along the years of the Israeli occupation. Despite that, they resisted the prisons with faith and steadfastness, and maintained their right to resistance after their release. This study aims to realize the Israeli practices against the female prisoners, and highlight their social role after their freedom. The researcher uses the historical methodology. Also, the study addresses two claims: 1) the Israeli Violent Measures against Female Prisoners, and 2) Role of Female Prisoners in the Struggle and Community. This study has found that the Israeli arrests increase during the Palestinians' confrontation to the occupation's attacks against the citizens and holy places. Also, the female prisoners suffer from different ways of physical and psychological torture, as well as they provide a model of national unity by supporting every prisoner exposed to the prison's administration's arbitrary measures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research aims to get a better understanding of the impact of conflict on risk perceptions and attitudes of affecting Dutch travel behaviour towards Palestine. The research process involved an online self-administered method created with one of the leading research and web-based survey tools called Qualtrics. The questionnaire was filled in by 462 respondents. Findings indicate that Palestine is perceived as an unsafe destination to travel to. Palestine is perceived as moderately appealing as a holiday destination. The weather, price, culture, and religious features are seen as important factors which are appealing to Palestine as a holiday destination. The respondents who had past travel experiences in Palestine the most were likely to revisit the destination. The advice given by friends and relatives is seen as the most trustworthy information source. Traveling with an organised tour and traveling in a group are seen as the most effective risk reduction strategies which can be applied during the trip and, therefore, could have implications for Destination Management Organisations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The public policy field generally answers the question as to what a government should or should not do. In the case of Palestine, the Water Reform Process has however been characterized by a gap between the design of policies and their implementation that reinforced a status quo and has severe negative impacts on water service policymaking. This gap derives from geopolitical realities created by the Israeli Occupation including the full control of Area C and of 85% of the water resources along with restrictions on Palestinian extraction and transport of their own water resources. A consequence and cause of this formulation–implementation gap is a fragile water governance structure and an undermining of the two-state solution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The judicial system in Palestine arose and developed under the rule of the colonial countries, starting with the Ottoman rule, passing through the British Mandate period, then the Arab rule of Gaza Strip and West Bank, and ending with the Israeli occupation, and the return of the national authority as the beginning of the establishment of an independent state. In comparison to other nations, the legal situation in Palestine is both complicated and unique, owing to the fact that a number of authorities throughout history have ruled Palestine. In Palestine, many legal systems have existed. As a result, numerous legal systems have impacted Palestine's political and legal institutions. The division of Palestine has also resulted in the development of complicated and disparate legal systems in the West Bank, Gaza Strip, Jerusalem, and portions of Palestinian areas captured in 1948. This research provides a series of findings and recommendations for strengthening Palestine's legal and judicial systems by reducing uncertainty by harmonising and modernising laws throughout Palestinian regions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

'Leave your psychopathic behaviour outside this playground, there are small children here', screamed a furious father at Malki Tesler, an Israeli artist staging a public intervention in the center of Tel Aviv's Meir Park, where she peacefully sat, physically blocking the playground's slide and preventing children from using the amenity. Tesler's site-specific work is an antagonistic act that evolved into a participatory event, thereby blurring the lines between public art, performance, and activism. Predicated on a determined refusal to play and a public presentation of a vulnerable body, this act instigated an incredibly violent reaction by children and chaperones alike, and therefore exposed the fragility of the so-called Israeli social bond and the exclusionary practices that sustain it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Shaul Magid's Meir Kahane: The Public Life and Political Thought of an American Jewish Radical (2021) has the potential to urge American and Israeli Jews to "own" Meir Kahane and hold him up as a mirror reflecting the toxic and tragic dimensions of modern Jewish history. Such a look in the mirror can only happen once Jews see Palestinian suffering as central to the building of the state of Israel and also how they are complicit and implicated in such suffering. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The attempt to anticipate the possibility of a Palestinian-Israeli confrontation in 2022 does not mean that the confrontations are halted or intermittent, as the West Bank is witnessing a permanent confrontation with the Israeli occupation army and armed Jewish settlers, which can be called "liquid resistance" due to its multiple forms, means, and presence throughout the West Bank. However, it is necessary to anticipate the occurrence of comprehensive confrontation, which means the transition of the Palestinian nation to this collective confrontation. This analysis answers the question of the prospects for possible confrontation between the Palestinians and Israelis in 2022 and its possible forms? Finally, this article analyzed the environment, opportunities, and challenges of such a possibility to occur. The analysis reached several conclusions; the most important is that the reality in the West Bank leads to the fact that the continuation of confrontations is inevitable, whether in the Palestinian refugees' camps, in Jerusalem, or the areas adjacent to Jewish settlements. The possibility of the current confrontation turning into a comprehensive one seems weak in many-objective and subjective conditions. Such a conclusion would be proper, similar to the previous uprisings in 1987 or 2000 or Seif Al-Quds in 2021. The analysis clarified that the Palestinian cause could not maintain the status quo, whether at the level of the internal national structure or the relationship with Israel. The analysis also stressed that the next confrontation is contingent on one of two central elements: the first is that the forces exploit the mass uprisings and provide them with the conditions for continuity and development so that the uprising itself becomes a compelling actor for the leadership to unite and formulate a general national political goal for the confrontation. Moreover, it should stand with a broad national front, including the forces able to drive the confrontation. Nonetheless, to include the rest of the components of the Palestinian people. Such an approach requires the Palestinian factions' agreement. The agreement should decide on the nature of this front, its mechanisms of action, and its program. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This report results from the discussions of papers submitted by many researchers and experts from seven Arab countries. The discussions of participants also were inserted in this paper. The symposium was held by the Middle East Studies Center (MESC) in Jordan at its annual symposium in 2021. Twenty-three researchers, academics, and strategic experts from Jordan, Palestine, Algeria, Egypt, Morocco, Iraq, and Lebanon submitted their papers in front of distinguished participants and guests from different fields to discuss the Arab strategy in dealing with the Arab-Israeli conflict. The report aims to study the opportunities, tools, and strategies to achieve the Arab and Palestinians' struggle goals. The symposium also aims to develop a strategic vision with specific features for the current decade (2021-2030) in confronting Israel and its expansion project, ending the occupation, and implementing refugees' return in the short and medium term. The outcomes would serve the Arab and Palestinian decision-making process regarding the conflict, which suffers from a vision absence. The symposium discussion for the last decade of the conflict provided an accurate and deeper understanding of the obstacles hider strategic conclusions of the conflict. It also highlighted the needed strategic components in managing the conflict with Israel. The symposium found out that the Palestinian resistance in Gaza Strip created an advanced situation in thwarting and defeating the Israeli army in four battles since 2008. Furthermore, the "Sword of Jerusalem" battle in May 2021 has significantly impacted the direction of many politicians and experts to reconsider the course of the conflict, the halted peace process, and the current controversial relationship with Israel. The symposium was organized in eight sessions. Each session discussed one ax, including Arab strategies and tools in conflict management and its consequences during the period 2011-2021, Palestinian strategies and tools, the opportunities and transformations imposed by the Palestinian-Israeli confrontations 2008-2021, the role of thought and ideology in conflict management, the vision and potential prospects for conflict trends and tools at the Palestinian, Arab and international levels during the period 2021-2030, and the features of a new Arab strategic vision to deal with the Arab-Israeli conflict and the Israeli expansion project in the region. The report concluded with the main findings of the symposium and proposed a project for the new Arab strategy. The most important is the vision, objectives, means, and potential until 2030. Finally, 15 Arab researchers and experts reviewed the resulting vision draft from the participants. The strategic vision was to confront, contain and limit the Israeli aggression and its expansion project. The new strategy aims to reduce Israeli risks to the Palestinian cause, Arab national security, and the nation's higher interests in the short and medium-term by developing a new workable Arab strategy governed by precise objectives. It also concluded that the Arabs officially hold their responsibilities towards supporting the resilience of the Palestinian people and creating the necessary environment for an advanced situation to form a unified Palestinian National Front. The ground gains should support such a front during the recent battle named the "Jerusalem Sword" 2021. Therefore, it is essential to revive and redefine the Palestinian national project based on the national program and Palestinian priorities. Moreover, Arab countries, political forces, Palestinian factions, Arab research centers, and Arab civil society institutions were encouraged to adopt the symposium strategy. Research and studies centers also have to take on their duty to bridge the gap between the cultural and intellectual dialogue of the elite and the decision-makers choices to make any proposed strategy a reality and public opinion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of University of Sharjah Journal for Humanities & Social Sciences is the property of University of Sharjah - Scientific Publishing Unit and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Rachel's Tomb area and nearby checkpoint 300 in the north of Bethlehem have become an arena of cultural opposition to an Israeli geography of oppression that excludes, fragments, shrinks, and closes off Palestinian space. The article describes how a spatial-narrative politics - articulating counter-narratives through the strategic use of space - has helped to rewrite the Israeli military geography of power and control. Over the last fifteen years both locals and foreigners in the area have inscribed narrative discourses of home, freedom, and welcoming into this geography in rhetorical contrast to the discourse of military power. While opposition to the Wall is important in all these practices, Van Teeffelen considers the Wall as part of a broader military geography rather than standing by itself. Oppositional politics is illustrated by analyses of statements of daily life sumud or steadfastness, examples of Palestinian Christian religious practices, the Palestine marathon in Bethlehem, and the iconic graffiti of British artist Banksy. The author reflects upon the potential of a spatial-narrative politics consisting of three stages: affirmation of rootedness, creative opposition, and border-crossing. The arts, religion, sports and political struggle, while fundamentally different human experiences, have in principle a potential to transcend borders toward a more hopeful horizon while connecting local and global narratives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Upon the 2014 State of Palestine's accession to Geneva Convention III, captured Palestinians who took part in belligerent acts against the occupier should be treated as prisoners of war due to the fact that they belong to a party to an armed conflict. These individuals fall under three categories: members of security forces, affiliates of armed resistance groups, and uprisers who fight the occupant spontaneously on an individual basis. Contrary to established rules of IHL, Israel does not make any distinction regarding the status of these three types. Unilateral Israeli treatment of its captives does not hold water under international law. Such actions may trigger liability based on international criminal law, particularly as the ICC decided in 2021 that it possesses jurisdiction to investigate crimes occurring in the territory of Palestine. The mere fact of confining prisoners of war after the cessation of hostilities may constitute a ground for criminal prosecution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Sheikh Jarrah neighborhood, which is located north of the Old City of occupied Jerusalem, witnessed protests and escalating tension due to the Israeli intention to evacuate the homes of the Palestinian citizens in favor of the Israeli settlement associations. The neighborhood's story began when 28 Palestinian families who refuge from their homes and lands under Israeli gang’s threats and massacres in 1948 have been resettled in this area in East Jerusalem. The Jordanian government and the refugee families signed a contract in 1956 to build their new homes on this land owned by the Jordanian state. However, the June 1967 war prevented the land from being registered in the names of the families as Israel has occupied the whole West Bank, including East Jerusalem, by force. In 1972, Israeli committees claimed ownership of the newly occupied lands on which Palestinian houses were built. They submitted to the Israeli court to evict four families from their homes on the pretext of assaulting others' property—a false declaration by Israeli settlers as part Judaizing plan of the Whole city by the Israeli government. The tension coincided with calls by extremist temple groups to storm Al-Aqsa Mosque, Ramadan 28 / May 10, to celebrate the so-called "Unification Day of Jerusalem." Palestinian activists called on social media to repel this attack and defend Al-Aqsa Mosque. A group of institutions called on the people of Jerusalem and all Palestinians from different regions to stay in Al-Aqsa Mosque from the evening of 27 Ramadan / May 9 until the afternoon of 28 Ramadan / May 10 to repel the settlers' attacks. In response to the subsequent Israeli violations and aggressions, the Palestinian Resistance in Gaza alerted the Israeli government until 6 p.m. on May 10 to withdraw its soldiers from the Al-Aqsa Mosque and Sheikh Jarrah. Furthermore, they called upon Israel to release detainees during the recent events in Jerusalem, or there will be another response to the Resistance. Israel bombed several sites in Gaza, and as retaliation, the Palestinian resistance factions responded from Gaza by missile strikes on different cities and military posts in Israel, including Jerusalem. The report, which covers the period from April 13, 2021, to June 5, 2021, is intended to monitor events in chronological order, from the events of Sheikh Jarrah and Al-Aqsa to the military escalation between Palestinians and Israel as the occupier state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The online mode of education has created a space for a decolonial pedagogy that allows student liberation from in-class education which perpetuates students' passivity. Drawing on Freire's concepts of banking education, dialogue and democracy, Said's various works and concepts, including 'margins' and 'centres', and students' testimonies concerning online and in-class modes of education, we contend that online education shatters the hegemony of instructors over the process of education. While students air their proclivity for emancipation from the hegemonic intricacy of the traditional classroom, instructors also highlight the importance of dialogue, research and enriching discussions that subvert the teacher-student hierarchy. While some instructors used to follow research and dialogue in class, they encountered challenges in introducing topics related to sexuality, politics and religion. However, these issues have shored up during online education as the emphasis on the part of instructors and students has been on constructing arguments rather than memorising materials. Thus, the online education we have been forced to adopt is a call for a paradigm shift in the sense that the traditional mode of education perpetuates students' passivity and suppression of their voices in ways that resonate with the suppression of Palestinian voices by the Israeli-settler colonialism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Israeli municipality in Jerusalem plans to turn the only small industrial zone in East Jerusalem into a "hightech zone," causing the removal of dozens of small shops and auto repair garages that were established before the 1967 occupation. The author reports on the impact of the plans on Palestinians in Wadi al-Jawz, who fear imminent eviction from their shops, and loss of the only source of their livelihood. They disclaim the intentions of the Israeli municipality to create a "Wadi Silicon," modeled on Silicon Valley in the United States, as a pretext. Palestinian officials and experts argue that the project comes in the context of Israeli plans to erase the Palestinian Arab face of Jerusalem. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Considering the unpredictability of the continuous Israeli military invasions for most of the Palestinian cities, this study takes the Old City of Nablus as a case study to shed light on the importance of everyday life. This paper is part of an ethnographic research on the interrelationship between people and their built environment under an extremely conflicted political situation, and the households’ everyday living experiences that present their resistance and “sense of place”. It attempts to discuss the responsiveness of the everyday of the Old City of Nablus and its urban fabric competence not only to the socio-economic needs, but also to the accelerated political struggle and resistance facing the continuous invasion and occupation by the Israeli military.To reveal the silenced stories, the paper’s structure follows an ethnographic, exploratory, and analytical approach based on the researcher’s observations, interviews, photos, and available literature. This paper serves the research on people’s everyday life and urban public space in the city of Nablus, and continues researching the interrelationship between urban and social fabric and how it impacts the function and harmonization of public space, and “forbidden space” at certain times. Similarly, it documents and introduces Palestine as a case study that represents the everyday urbanism practices under the occupying Israeli military operations, to available theories for scholars who have discussed the everyday urbanism practices and tactics in different contexts. In this sense, history is incorporated in the phenomenon of this research case study as ongoing implication on both present living experience and space.

This paper argues the built structure of Israeli military occupation in the West Bank is only part of the mechanism that serves to define territorial boundaries and restrict Palestinian movement. A more pervasive and debilitating process of boundary formation occurs through affect-laden performances that typically take place in border areas or sites of surveillance, where state actors and technologies police Palestinians. These performances serve to produce fear and shame: two affects that circulate and act as structuring agents preventing Palestinian movement and resistance. Thus, Israel extends its borders through socio-spatial-technical practices, deep into Palestinian spaces. The underlying evidence for this study originated out of critical performance ethnography and a drama workshop conducted with Palestinians, theorised in part through Sara Ahmed's notion of an 'affective economy' of emotions. Overall, this study re-orients the predominant view of occupied space in the West Bank as an oppressive architectural blockade, to that of an affective regime constituted by a set of relations that require repeatable performances to produce the effect of territory. This re-framing opens possibilities for re-thinking resistance to the occupation by suggesting Palestinians may disrupt or alter the circulation of affect in order to reclaim their space and curtail Israeli extraterritorial ambitions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of IUG Journal of Humanitarian Research is the property of Islamic University of Gaza and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)