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Grasping the various aspects of Islamophobia in Muslim societies requires much finer methods in order to decipher the intentions of the actors in distinctive life situations varying from the media to education. This article engages in a debate as to whether Islamophobia is a new type of racism, i.e., cultural, geographical, phenotypical, or Xeno-racism, and the relatively recent type that has emerged in neo-liberal states: anti-Muslim racism. In a Muslim-majority society, the culture of members is fairly homogenous, so Islamophobia takes another cue, focusing on external markers, like the headscarf or beard. While anti-Muslim racism is sometimes exercised along more subtle lines of cultural difference in Muslim societies, it prevails through old-fashioned, phenotypical racism. The representation or rather misrepresentation of Islam and/or Muslims in the media can be understood as the prevailing source of antagonism between the secular and the traditionalist segments of Turkish society; indeed, Turkish media representation produces and reproduces a racialization of the majority, predominately by rendering Islam invisible, or by depicting Muslims in ways that denigrate their clothing, manners, style, and way of living across various mass media forms. Keywords: Islamophobia, Racism, Turkey, Media Representations, Militant Laicism, Introduction Islamophobia has often been treated as a new form of racism in terms of its ideological, structural, and cultural configurations. (1) It is argued that cultural racism differs from [...]

While communal violence has been an ongoing and unfortunate reality for post-colonial and post-partition India, there's no sidestepping the fact that attacks and hate crime incidences against the country's Muslim minority by members of the Hindu majority have occurred in greater frequency and ferocity in the years since Prime Minister Narendra Modi, leader of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), came to power in 2014--on the back of a Hindu nationalist agenda, one in which anti-Muslim animus and discrimination features in mainstream political discourse and government policy These realities have brought Muslims to the brink of genocide in India and Kashmir. Keywords: India, Kashmir, Hindu Nationalism, Hindutva, Bharatiya Janata Party, Narendra Modi, Introduction Narendra Modi was sworn in as India's 14th Prime Minister on May 26, 2014, after promising to revitalize the Indian economy and implement the same kind of economic policies [...]

A major exhibition spread across 18 venues in France seeks to highlight the rich variety of Islamic art. But will its heady mix of the sacred and profane be enough [...]

Starting in the 1970s neoliberalism began to undermine and chisel away at liberalism, taking aim at the social wage. By the twenty-first century this had resulted in a structural crisis of overaccumulation and a political crisis of legitimacy as social dislocation and precarity became prevalent. The war in Iraq created through war and reconstruction new spaces for accumulation. The invasion and occupation were premised on and worked to maintain anti-Muslim racism in order to scaffold legitimacy for a neoliberal state that is hollowed out of its previous liberal promises. No longer offering a social wage, this becomes the affective wages of neoliberalism, premised on the reification of ontological difference between a civilized, humane and rational West, and a fundamentally illiberal Muslim other. At the same time that liberalism is eroded by neoliberalism, the latter draws from and reinforces the liberal logic of deflection manifest in frontier logics. Keywords: neoliberalism, liberalism, Iraq War, anti-Muslim racism, capitalism, And we go forward with confidence, because this call of history has come to the right country.... The liberty we prize is not America's gift to the world; it is [...]

This article critically examines responses to the 2017 Quebec City Mosque massacre as expressed in a letter written to the public by the killer's parents in January 2018, and various forms of media coverage related to the letter. While the letter attempts to communicate the parents' grief and to express solidarity with Muslims affected by the attack, this article argues that Islamophobic logic is evident throughout, maintained precisely through the emotionality of the letter and media responses, and through the apparently well-intentioned gestures of empathy and solidarity they represent. This analysis draws on theoretical literature that contextualizes the roles of emotion and civility in constructing and reinforcing racialized boundaries, and in shaping the lived experiences of Muslims in Quebec and Canada. By further considering statements and responses from the Quebec Muslim community, this analysis also briefly discusses the ways in which the emotionality displayed by the victims' families and community seeks to refocus the conversation back onto the ongoing problem of anti-Muslim racism in Quebec and Canada, calling for a deeper accountability around this pervasive issue. Keywords: Islamophobia, Quebec, anti-Muslim racism, emotions, Quebec City Mosque attack. Cet article examine de maniere critique les reactions a l'attentat de 2017 contre la grande mosquee de Quebec, telles qu'exprimees dans une lettre ecrite au public par les parents du meurtrier en janvier 2018, ainsi que sous diverses formes de couverture mediatique liee a la lettre. Alors que la lettre tente de communiquer le chagrin des parents et d'exprimer leur solidarite avec les musulmans touches par cet attentat, cet article affirme qu'une logique islamophobe est evidente, maintenue precisement par l'emotivite de la lettre et de la couverture mediatique, ainsi que par les gestes bien intentionnees d'empathie et de solidarite qu'ils representent. Cette analyse s'appuie sur une litterature theorique qui contextualise les roles de l'emotion et de la civilite dans la construction et le renforcement de frontieres raciales et dans la faconnement des experiences vecues par les musulmans au Quebec et au Canada. En outre, en prenant en compte les declarations et les reponses de la communaute musulmane a Quebec, cette analyse aborde egalement brievement la maniere dont l'emotivite manifestee par les familles et la communaute des victimes cherche a recentrer le debat sur le probleme actuel du racisme antimusulman au Quebec et au Canada, et a insister sur une responsabilisation plus profonde autour de cette question omnipresente. Mots-cles : Islamophobie, Quebec, racisme anti-musulman, emotions, attentat sur la mosquee a Quebec., Le soir du 29 janvier 2017, nos vies aussi ont bascule et depuis, nous avons l'impression de vivre un veritable cauchemar. L'immense peine et la douleur causees aux innocentes victimes [...]

TABLE OF CONTENTS I. INTRODUCTION 1282 II. BACKGROUND 1286 A. Pre-Ottoman Rule and Ottoman Rule 1286 B. Post-Ottoman Rule, Soviet Rule, and Post-Soviet Rule 1289 III. ANALYSIS 1293 A. Illegality [...], Bulgaria is the geographic and political center of the European migrant crisis, which has the Bulgarian citizenry uneasy about its security. Bulgaria's societal disdain for Middle Eastern migrants stems from hundreds of years of subjugation and non-Muslim Bulgarians' second-class citizenship under the Ottoman Empire. Roving bands of civilian migrant hunters have begun taking the law into their own hands by capturing migrants and turning them over to the Bulgarian authorities for deportation. This Note discusses the illegality of such migrant hunting under Bulgarian domestic law. It then discusses how the impunity enjoyed by migrant hunters is an abdication of Bulgarian and European Union human rights obligations under the European Convention on Human Rights. Finally, it offers a three-tiered solution that seeks to achieve justice for those wronged, assist in societal reconciliation, and ensure that Bulgaria and the European Union take their human rights obligations seriously.

ABSTRACT In the last two decades, Islamophobia in the West has become mainstream. Covertly, Islamophobia is the last link in the chain of a long tradition of Eurocentrism, ethnocentrism, xenophobia, [...]

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O’Donnell analyses the confluence of Islamophobia and anti-government conspiracy theory in the works of the far-right think tank, the Center for Security Policy (CSP). He argues that, rather than only being a contemporary form of the religious and racialized demonologies that code ‘Islam’ as being the constitutive outside of ‘the ‘West—irrational, religious and authoritarian versus rational, secular and democratic—Islamophobic conspiracism should also be examined in the context of anxieties over the erosion of personal and state sovereignty under neoliberalization. Mobilizing an Islamophobic demonology that constructs ‘Muslims’ as inassimilable to ‘American’ subjectivity, the CSP's Islamophobic conspiracism projects this construction of absolute alterity on to American social and state systems. In doing so, O’Donnell contends, Islamophobic conspiracism takes neoliberalization's estrangement of the state and its citizens to its logical conclusion, transfiguring the societal processes that impact on the freedom of the individual—notably the state and civil society—into something inassimilable to that individual's claims to self-ownership and self-mastery. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Arab Australian communities and social science academics have argued that the racial descriptor 'of Middle Eastern appearance' increases anti-Arab racism in Australia. These stakeholders argue this descriptor is heavily racialised, gendered, criminalised and inaccurately racially profiles Arabs as Muslims with a range of phenotypical characteristics. Identifying the flawed nature of this racial profiling descriptor, this article argues that this inaccuracy enables a range of discourses attempting to legitimise and undermine anti-Arab racism. The Cronulla pogrom of 2005 is examined as a case study that details these discourses. Ultimately, this article points out how this descriptor produces a number of paradoxes, limitations and unanswered questions common in attempts to racially profile Arab Australia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Anti-Islamic sentiments have become central to right-wing populist mobilization in Western societies, which often results in negative portrayals of Muslims in political campaigns. Although these portrayals may have detrimental effects on minority members' identity formation and attitudes toward majority members, little is known about their effects on members of the depicted group. A lab experiment with 145 young Muslims reveals that right-wing populist ad exposure increases perceived discrimination, which in turn decreases individuals' self-esteem and national identification, and encourages hostility toward majority members. Religious identification, in contrast, is not affected by ad exposure. Implications of these findings for intergroup relations and democratic processes are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present study aims at exploring and analysing the contemporary Islamophobia and its historical perspective tracing down through to the eleventh century Crusades. It illustrates that Islamophobia or "fear of Islam" is not a new phenomenon: the prejudice and negative construction ot Islam as an existential threat developed in the eleventh century in context of the Crusades.Islam/Muslims were diabolised in the popular consciousness, a propaganda pursued and deployed with great zeal by the ruling elite and clergy at particular moments. In this background, the paper discusses among other things the Western Europeans' anti-Islam discourse formation, its influence on the contemporary Western policies and attitudes towards the Muslim world. However, unfortunately this legacy of bitterness is overlooked by most Europeans. Many Muslims see "Islamophobia". "war on terror", "colonialism", "imperialism" and other Western policies and hegemony over the Muslim world as neo-Crusades. This paper argues that today Islamophobia serves the US and its allies politically, economically in the same way as the Crusades served the medieval Christian Europe against the Muslim world. Diabolising Muslims and Islam is central to the discourse. The paper advocates the intellectuals and academics to critically investigate and demystify the Western misconceptions and negative image of Islam/Muslims because Islamophobia is not only a threat to Muslims but also to the rule of law and democratic values the world over. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Islamophobia describes the racism, exploitation, and violence experienced by Arabs, individuals of Arab descent, and Muslims. Although social workers are meant to challenge social injustice, social work codes of ethics and the literature are without guidance for unlearning Islamophobia. Arguing that one’s ability to interrupt Islamophobia is strengthened by an understanding of the historical record and theoretical tenets of Orientalism, we offer social workers explicit linkages between Orientalism and Islamophobia and engage with the idea of Islamo-racism. In this article, we attend to the ways in which Orientalism is used to “other” individuals while strengthening white hegemony, and we link those processes with Islamophobia and Islamo-racism. We conclude with some strategies derived from postcolonial theory to disrupt Islamophobia. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]