Search

The legitimacy crisis of Iran's clerical state may be at a tipping point: its fading Islamist façade and crumbling republican pretensions can no longer disguise its mismanagement and failures at governance. With the public more attuned to the hypocrisy and corruption of the ruling elite, the Islamic Republic has been plagued by a succession of popular uprisings. Its characteristic response has been violence, draconian repression, and the intensification of securitisation. But the more it focuses its efforts at self-preservation, the more it risks eroding its veneer of legitimacy. The centralisation of power around an increasingly autocratic Supreme Leader, the obsequiousness of elected institutions, and the kleptocracy of unelected entities, have contributed to disillusionment even among core supporters. Concerted efforts at marginalising Iran's non-Islamic heritage, and subsuming Iranian national identity into a Pan-Islamist Shia ideology, also raise questions about whom the Islamic Republic regards as its true constituency. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The fulfilling of justice and hence political justice as the primary goal of the Islamic Republic of Iran faces challenges as it is perceived as a significant obstacle to achieving this goal and, on the other hand, poses a threat to the efficiency of the system. Therefore, the present study focuses on the topic of law in response to the main question: ‘What challenges does the Islamic Republic of Iran face in achieving political justice in the legal sphere?’ By utilizing the conceptual framework of political justice and employing a descriptive-analytical method, the research aims to evaluate the progressive challenges of the Islamic Republic based on the current status of political justice. The findings indicated that while the conditions for equality at the level of legislation are relatively favorable, the elements of equality are not well realized at the levels of implementation and monitoring. The failure to apply and promote the element of competence in lawmaking is considered a barrier to achieving political justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Iran Future Studies / Āyandah/pizhūhī-i Īrān is the property of Imam Khomeini International University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article examines the long term efforts made by Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini to create revolutionary opposition to the rule of Shah Mohammed Reza Pahlavi, while exploiting the evolving relations between Iran and Israel as a blueprint for his proclamations. Khomeini's anti-Israel policies had both anti-Semitic and anti-Zionist components that contributed to mustering different segments of Iran's opposition to the Shah and Israel. This intersection of the mutual animosities consolidated relations between Khomeini's supporters and the PLO in Lebanon, despite their major theological differences. The change brought about by the Islamic Revolution led to a restructuring of identities, values, norms and policies, which affected Israel considerably and today still calls for a new framework of analysis. Currently, the Islamic regime continues to utilise the Palestinian narrative as leverage its attempts to achieve regional hegemony and maintain its leadership in the Muslim world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

According to prevalent narratives, firstly, the Iranian revolution was the outcome of the dominance of the religious-traditional part of the society over the modern part. And secondly, it was the same religious-traditional section that took power and had their sway over the Iranian society after the victory of the revolution. This article wants to challenge both of these narratives. From this article’s perspective, the religious-traditional section of pre-revolutionary Iran itself can be divided into political and non-political parts. The discourse of “political Islam” was different from those of traditional and conservative ones which prevailed among large parts of the religion-oriented population of Iran. But the second and more important point is that even the pre-revolution discourse of political Islam did not remain the same, after the revolution and with the establishment of the Islamic Republic in the 1980s. It was found that during the post-revolutionary era, a new discourse was emerging as a result of the conjuncture of the event of war and “Imam Khomeini’s charisma”. This discourse shaped an ideology that gave legitimacy to the Islamic Republic in the sixties, inevitably demanded obedient and conservative subjects and could not remain the same discourse that nurtured rebellious revolutionary subjects prior to the revolution.

Background: With the surge in the number of infected individuals during the COVID-19 pandemic, there was also a surge observed in the number of publications discussing its epidemiology, characteristics, path-o-phys-i-ol-o-gy, diagnosis, prevention and treatment. This bibliometric analysis focuses on the papers published on COVID-19 in South Asia. Methods: We searched articles in the Scopus database from December 2019 to October, 2022. After manual screening, a list of the 100 most-cited articles was obtained, which was analyzed for various factors, including the type of article, citation count, author’s affiliation, country of origin, funding bodies, etc.Results: The majority of the top 100 articles (n=79) in South Asia were published during 2020. India was affiliated with the highest number of articles (n=68), followed by Bangladesh (n=18) and Pakistan (n=12). However, 7 articles were authored by a researcher in Bangladesh. Female authors were under represented (32.38%), with no female author in lists of authors with 4 or more articles. The average number of citations for each of the top 100 most-cited articles was 180.8. Original articles constituted the major portion of the publications (82%), followed by letters (11%) and reviews (4%). Half of the publications belonged to the field of medicine (n=49), while others were contributed by science, psychology, social sciences, and biochemistry and allied sciences (n=8). Vaccine trials were under-represented. Jahangirnagar University, Bangladesh was affiliated with the maximum number of articles. Most articles were published in Science of The Total Environment (n=8) while Indian Council of Medical Research (n=4) was the top funding body.Conclusion: These findings highlight that South Asia has a great potential to conduct research addressing its challenging health problems. But lack of funds hinders conducting trials of new medications and vaccines. Thus, there is need for allocation of sufficient funds for research and clinical trials by governments and the private sector to enhance the research productivity of this region.

In Iran, for more than 40 years, there has been an atypical political system created on the basis of Shiite Islam. The system is characterized by the dualism of secular and religious power, as well as the presence of dual legitimacy of religious institutions of power. The purpose of the article is to determine the efficiency and adaptability of the existing religious and political system. It is clarified how Islam directly affects political institutions and organizations, and accordingly is a factor of political stability and viability of the political system. In modern Iran, there are republican and religious authorities, that is, the Western understanding of democracy and the Shiite understanding of the Muslim community's life are combined. All republican authorities are elected, but religious institutions retain control over them. The last four decades were characterized by a greater concentration of power in the hands of the country's Leader and religious institutions in general. Republican elected bodies of power are subjected to increasing control by the religious side, and the very leaders (President) of these bodies have gradually become natives of religious elites. Thus, the difference between secular and religious institutions is increasingly blurred, and the mass protests of citizens are directed not at a certain type of government (religious or secular), but at the government in general. The central element of this system's stability is the Leader of the country, who simultaneously combines divine and democratic legitimacy, and according to this index is unique in the system of the state power. Political processes in Iran demonstrate that religion is not able to effectively directly influence political events and processes, however, religion is integrated into the political system, where it is dominant, is able to create an efficient state mechanism. At least temporarily, such a system is able to ensure the stability, adaptability and dynamism of political life within the boundaries of an individual country. However, the tendency towards usurpation of authority by the religious power is gradually destroying the very essence of Iran's dualistic religio-political system. And therefore, the advantages of such a system, in terms of ensuring political and socioeconomic justice, are lost. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the wake of the Taliban takeover of Afghanistan, many now anticipate that the movement will create a new set of founding documents as they establish the basic organs of the state. For this reason, understanding Islamic constitutionalism, and especially understanding the basis for women's rights within Islamic constitutionalism, has never been more important. This paper contributes to this conversation by discussing many topics that have significant impacts on women in Afghanistan, including the competing ideas of the jamhooriyat and emirate, the role of religion and the Ulema, and women's rights and citizenship in constitutions. Through comparing the constitution of the Islamic Republic and the Islamic Emirate we can understand the jurisprudential, political, and ideological forces that animate these founding documents. Understanding this can allow us to better understand how Afghan women's roles in society and politics may be shaped in the near future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present study is a qualitative research based on content analysis. The selection of the participants was based on the criterion-based sampling technique. The data collected for study was a semi-structured interview. The interview guide contained 12 questions designed in English, but sometimes Persian was used to facilitate communication. The "Grounded theory" method was used to analyze the data. Data analysis led to the presentation of a paradigm model. The paradigm model showed the role and function of "translation system" through causal conditions, contextual, intervention conditions, phenomena and consequences. This model revealed that social conditions cause translators' educational surprises in the process of translating some words and sentences into Persian. The research findings also showed the influence of the "gender" factor on the translator's practice. In addition, the research findings showed that each participant’s reaction to the impact of causal, contextual, and intervention conditions were not the same. According to the paradigm model and findings, we can mention an "Iranian translation system" in which the translator's performance is more committed to the social systems’ principles than to being faithful to the text. The findings also indicate that in the process of translation, Iranian translators face moral and behavioral restrictions that make them "educationally surprised". The current state of social systems in Iran shows that major changes in the "translation system" should not be expected to reduce the educational surprises of translators. In the current situation of Iran, one cannot expect major changes in social systems to reduce the educational surprises of translators.

In 1925, the rise of Reza Shah Pahlavi's regime led to the deliberate destruction of Qajar gardens (1785 to 1925), most of which were converted into military bases. A limited number, such as the Golestan Palace Garden, were partly preserved. However, there had been mass destruction of 'unsolicited' and 'outdated' buildings by the Qajars and the denigration of religious rituals. Following the fall of the monarchy and establishment of the Islamic Republic in 1979, the Golestan Palace Garden's meaning and function changed, and all traditions associated with the monarchy were abandoned to enforce the ideologies of post-revolutionary garden management. Through an in-depth case study, this paper narrates the transformations which have occurred in the physical and material fabric along with symbolic and social dimensions of royal gardens. Although the garden exists its rich symbolism has been rendered impotent to respond to different needs of various states. The renovation of the Golestan Palace Garden has not been appropriately completed even after it was registered as a World Heritage Site in 2013. Hence, this paper intends to question the museum-like conservation approach, which negates the social facts and meanings and is limited to the restoration of materials. The paper concludes that the revival of intangible heritage is fundamental to invigorate the garden in question. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nation branding concerns the overall perceptions toward a country at the international level. Different countries acquire different branding based on their positive characteristics and advantages, such as economy, culture, politics, governance, tourism, etc. The question that may be posed here is that, whether religious branding, as an important type of branding, can be identified and introduced to the world. Can religion branding be a positive and decisive element in raising a country’s profile, enhancing its soft power, and subsequently spreading a positive image of a nation? Currently, the Islamic Republic of Iran has expanded its sphere of influence and power through religious branding, although this power is anti-systemic and at odds with the structure and norms of the international system. By analysing the religious dimension of the branding of the Islamic Republic of Iran, this article concludes that Iran has been able to develop its religious branding in the world, which has an Ummah-centered and global dimension. Such development of branding contradicts the dimensions and components of nation branding and internationally accepted norms, resulting in the international system regarding Iran as an anti-international order and revolutionary country.

Virtual social networks have given rise to new phenomena such as virtual citizenship and virtual citizenship education in various human societies. The purpose of this study is to investigate lived experience of young generation to understand the impact of social networks on their upbringing in the context of Islamic Republic of Iran. In this research, the qualitative method of ethnography is used both as a research method (to understand analytical attitude of individuals about research subject) and as a method of data collection (observation and interview through active presence of researchers in two virtual social networks of Telegram and WhatsApp). Researchers also considered Geertz's two-step method for clear description and interpretation to present and analyze the data. The research findings revealed that technological developments have made young Iranian citizens more familiar with their citizenship rights and culture. Also, the lived experience of Iranian youth shows a change in individuals’ role as a passive citizens in real social networks to active citizens in virtual social networks. In addition, the research findings indicated the diversity of learning resources and issues related to citizenship rights. Thus, virtual social networks have created new opportunities for educating the young generation, which makes changes in current Iran’s educational policies inevitable.

Apart from their historical importance, medals are an important symbol of arts for Iranian over the last few centuries. The first important aspect of the medals is their long durability which enables them to carry arts and cultural traditions from many centuries to the Qajar era. The present article deals with the visual study of these developments and by studying the formal, decorative and graphic features of the designs and details of the insignia and commemorative coins of Iran in the Qajar, Pahlavi and Islamic Republic periods, examines art’s and visuals’ changes. A study about these historical artworks is essential due to their visual, decorative, symbolic and conceptual features, which can be classified into two groups including the jewelry and coinage. The medals are important in terms of their artistic style which has been derived from the contemporary Iranian art. The production of medals prospered since the Qajar dynasty that provided a proper condition to study the visual evolution of properties of Iranian medals from the Qajar dynasty until now. A comparative study of medals from the Qajar, Pahlavi and the Islamic Republic can identify the similarities and differences among the various cultures and arts of these periods in the history of Iran. It seems that the symbols and artistic features of each period are influenced by the previous period, but they also reveal the specific differences of that period and according to the political and social differences of each period, there are decorative differences in terms of semiotics with medals of other periods. There is also a gradual change in terms of variety in form, role and symbols used in the medals of these three periods. One of the main goals of this study is to investigate the procedure of visual changes in the medals of honor to understand the depth of Iranian artworks during the three mentioned periods. In this study, we address the following question that “what visual evolution in the medals of honor has occurred from the Qajar to the Pahlavi era and carried to the Islamic Republic period? In addition, what are the visual similarities and differences in Persian artworks during the recent eras?” In this work, an analytical and descriptive method was developed through an extensive literature review as well as Persian museums samples. The visual principles and rules, which were considered to have created the apparent characteristics of medals, were used to analyze the artworks. The statistical population of this study is all government signs made in these three periods. Ten signs from each period have been selected for a more detailed study by random cluster sampling method, so that from each category of signs, related to a topic, several samples were randomly selected and studied, which were then analyzed by related criteria in a logical and deductive way. The method of analyzing the works is based on the study of visual principles and rules, used in the physical characteristics of medals, and based on logical and deductive analysis. In this research, the badges of honor of the three periods of Qajar, Pahlavi and the Islamic Republic are visually studied and compared, respectively. These three periods and the evolution of medals in these periods are discussed. The results of this study showed a more uniform shape and decoration in Qajar medals, which contained remarkable similarities in terms of their title. A special variety in the engraving and decoration of Pahlavi medals was observed, including similar symbols with that of the Islamic Republic. In the Islamic Republic era, diversity in the shape of the medals has appeared in addition to the several engraving and decoration patterns. There are many differences between the symbols of this period and the previous ones. Comparing the medals of the three periods, it can be seen that the Qajar medals were more valuable materially and more expensive jewelry was used in them, with the medals of the Pahlavi and the Islamic Republic eras in the following places, respectively. In the Pahlavi period, the nationalist aspect was more used, while in the Qajar medals more signs related to power and Islamic symbols can be seen. The symbol of the lion and the sun is common in both periods, but is dominant in the Qajar period and is the central image of most medals. Among the symbols of the Islamic Republic, like in the Qajar period, there are many religious symbols. Also, the image of the country's leaders has been portrayed in all three periods. In general, it can be said that Pahlavi medals are more diverse in terms of variety of designs and themes, and Qajar medals are more valuable in terms of material prices and incorporated jewelry, while the medals of the Islamic Republic are comparatively much more diverse in terms of subject matter.

The current study will evaluate the role of 'irfān [the inner perception of knowledge; combining elements of philosophy, theosophy, mysticism and Shi'i thought] within the Islamic Republic of Iran as a significant component of Iran's cultural heritage. It will focus on several prominent clerics and intellectuals who represent the regime's diverse political factions. This article will demonstrate that under the Islamic Republic, 'irfān evolved from a marginalized area to a central phenomenon and became a tool to debate the political direction of the state and the relationship between its revolutionary and republican elements. While mysticism in the service of politics was more wide-spread among the reformist camp, ardent supporters of the regime resorted to 'irfān to enhance an exclusive perception of authority based on the rule of the Supreme Jurist. It also created a shared spiritual basis among the Islamic State's diverse voices. The result was a new blend between mysticism, philosophy, Western thought, politics, Islamic law, and even messianism, within an inter-connectivity between the mystical path and the Shari'a. Consequently, a complex understanding of 'irfān has to take into consideration the multiple fusions between Islamic mysticism and other trends and evaluate the result in a specific socio-political context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the often perceived rigidity of its ideology and inflammatory rhetoric, Iran's foreign policy is inherently pragmatic while nonetheless moving within the institutionalised frame of its revolutionary discourse. An alternative perspective on the Islamic Republic's and Persian Gulf relations is offered by analysing Iran's discursive and practical initiatives of constructive engagement with the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries during Hassan Rouhani's presidency through the Iranian lens. This includes strategies of discursive persuasion and initiatives such as "World Against Violence and Extremism" (WAVE) as well as the "Hormuz Peace Endeavor" (HOPE), both aimed at building confidence and improving Iran's legitimacy in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The theory of the Islamic Republic state that was established in Iran following the conquest of the Islamic Revolution in 1979 emphasizes values that are distinct from Western political systems. Therefore, the mere implementation of modern Western public administration theories, which are in line with the liberal-democratic political system, has many challenges, and cannot guarantee the realization of the justice-oriented aspirations of the Islamic Republic. Developing public administration theory appropriate to the Islamic Republic is thus critical. The purpose of this article is to take a step towards achieving the development of this theory. First, the basic values of state and public administration are extracted from the academic literature. Second, the state and public administration in the Islamic Republic of Iran are historically compared using these values. Subsequently, recommendations are made for the development of an appropriate theory for public administration, in which values such as the right path (Sirat al-Mustaqim), justice, God’s pleasure, and public interests are critical to the planning and realization of other components of the Islamic-Iranian bureaucracy.

The theory of the Islamic Republic state that was established in Iran following the conquest of the Islamic Revolution in 1979 emphasizes values that are distinct from Western political systems. Therefore, the mere implementation of modern Western public administration theories, which are in line with the liberal-democratic political system, has many challenges, and cannot guarantee the realization of the justice-oriented aspirations of the Islamic Republic. Developing public administration theory appropriate to the Islamic Republic is thus critical. The purpose of this article is to take a step towards achieving the development of this theory. First, the basic values of state and public administration are extracted from the academic literature. Second, the state and public administration in the Islamic Republic of Iran are historically compared using these values. Subsequently, recommendations are made for the development of an appropriate theory for public administration, in which values such as the right path (Sirat al-Mustaqim), justice, God’s pleasure, and public interests are critical to the planning and realization of other components of the Islamic-Iranian bureaucracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The current study will evaluate the role of 'irfān [the inner perception of knowledge; combining elements of philosophy, theosophy, mysticism and Shi'i thought] within the Islamic Republic of Iran as a significant component of Iran's cultural heritage. It will focus on several prominent clerics and intellectuals who represent the regime's diverse political factions. This article will demonstrate that under the Islamic Republic, 'irfān evolved from a marginalized area to a central phenomenon and became a tool to debate the political direction of the state and the relationship between its revolutionary and republican elements. While mysticism in the service of politics was more wide-spread among the reformist camp, ardent supporters of the regime resorted to 'irfān to enhance an exclusive perception of authority based on the rule of the Supreme Jurist. It also created a shared spiritual basis among the Islamic State's diverse voices. The result was a new blend between mysticism, philosophy, Western thought, politics, Islamic law, and even messianism, within an inter-connectivity between the mystical path and the Shari'a. Consequently, a complex understanding of 'irfān has to take into consideration the multiple fusions between Islamic mysticism and other trends and evaluate the result in a specific socio-political context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Codrul Cosminului is the property of Codrul Cosminului and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Islamic Republic of Iran, as a new government, has complexities, and it is important to understand and understand these complexities and the relationship between "Jihadist political Islam" and "Republicanism". It is also important to gain this understanding in order to better understand the functioning of the Islamic Republic of Iran and to understand these complexities these principles must be recognized and their origin properly understood. Accordingly, the main purpose of this article is to understand the basic foundations of government in the Islamic Republic of Iran. This article analyzes the foundation of the government in the Islamic Republic based on the method of Laclau and Mouffe's discourse and examines it in the form of alternative discourse for other competing discourses. Accordingly, the central sign of the discourse of the Islamic Revolution is "Jihadist political Islam" which is manifested by the establishment of the Islamic Republic in the jurisprudence of the province. The government in the Islamic Republic of Iran has drawn a paradigm shift from all previous models. This was due to the development of the discourse following the Islamic Revolution and the centralization of the Velayat-e Faqih. Therefore, it should be borne in mind that the political system based on the jurisprudence of the jurisprudence is an alternative to all its earlier discourse patterns and those of its rival discourses.

The recent Taliban takeover in Afghanistan provides the basis to consider whether Taliban's Islamic Emirate is on the same path as the Islamic Republic of Iran. This article presents a high-level comparative analysis of the Iranian revolution of 1979 and the Taliban takeover of Afghanistan in 2021 to provide a basic framework for comparison of the two regimes. Given the differences in the theocratic vision of Iranian and Taliban clerical leadership and in their audiences, and due to the different economic and institutional contexts of the two countries, the analysis in this article uncovers that the Taliban may not follow the Iranian model. Besides, Taliban may lean towards a less institutionally sophisticated version of the authoritarian regime. The analysis also reveals that Taliban are more likely to instrumentalize an authoritarian system for their theocratic vision of an Islamic state than building of an institutionalized theocracy like the Iranian Islamic Republic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that the Islamic Republic was the only alternative available to the international bourgeoisie in the face of the revolutionary crisis of 1979 in Iran during the Cold War. The task of the Islamic Republic was suppressing the revolution, which gave it a 'provisional' character in the eyes of the international bourgeoisie. However, the collapse of the Soviet Union that necessitated a re-definition of all bourgeois institutions and alliances, the defeat of the no-conservative policies in the Middle East, and the acute economic crisis of capitalist system prevent the Islamic Republic from arriving at its logical end and its replacement with an 'ordinary' bourgeois state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]