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Australian foreign policy traditionally claims middle power and good international citizenship credentials, although it also resorts to unilateral actions due to its deep-rooted condition of 'frightened country'. This article argues that the country's irregular migration governance embodies this tension, and thus seeks to shed light on this increasingly-neglected aspect of Australian external engagement. Following a theoretical understanding of Australian foreign policy, it investigates the country's irregular migration policies between 2000 and 2024. The article finds that there is a strong continuity in such policies irrespective of the type of government in power, supported by foreign policy bipartisanship, resulting in specific foreign policy tools to stem seaborne arrivals. These include military missions; territorial excisions from the migration zone; offshore processing and/or externalisation agreements with Nauru, Papua New Guinea, Cambodia, and Sri Lanka; pushback manoeuvres, and at-sea processing of asylum claims. Inevitably, such measures complicate Australia's international status as they emphasise the uneasy coexistence of both the globalist middle power and the self-interested nation images in its foreign policy, therefore warranting new research on this under-examined condition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Irregular migration is rapidly becoming a permanent feature of the twenty-first century. Amid the European "refugee crisis", Italy and Spain represent two major destination countries that are affected by substantial irregular flows. Despite this comparable condition, and notwithstanding the significance of their relevant policies, they have rarely been compared, a gap in the literature that this research addresses through a novel comparative analysis of their irregular migration governance. Following a broad contextualisation of destination countries' strategies against irregular migration, this article delves into the two case studies' external dimension of control policies from the 1990s to 2024 inclusive. In doing so, it assesses the nature of their foreign policy on irregular migration, their specific measures, and their geographical scope. It finds that there is a noticeable convergence towards readmission measures and externalisation, along with the growing use of informal deals. In terms of differences, the article highlights Italy's much higher number of irregular arrivals compared to Spain, and the impact that this has had on domestic debates, priorities, and relevant policy formulation processes. As a novel investigation of two influential case studies, this article therefore contributes to the literature on both externalisation and Italy's and Spain's foreign policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on the advancement of fantasy policy solutions to irregular migration, drawing on the case study of the UK/French border. In 2018 people began to cross the English Channel in significant numbers to seek asylum. This led to much commentary and a raft of new legislation seeking to criminalise people crossing the Channel and end rights to seek asylum in the UK. In this article, we explore the interaction between two sets of fantasies that are advanced by politicians and mainstream political parties in the UK. That is: the liberal technocratic fantasy – that this phenomenon can be efficiently 'fixed' through interventions in policing and multilateral cooperation with neighbouring EU states; and the illiberal fantasy that extreme and performative punishments can solve it. These fantasies intersect and break at different points in time, and involve many of the same policy solutions which are represented in different terms. Importantly, both of these fantasies reproduce racialised and colonial logics and ultimately serve border imperialism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Turkey has been a hub for migrants since the Syrian crisis and has been home to 3.7 million refugees. The literature on migration focusses largely on Turkey's response to refugees from Syria, host country citizens' attitudes towards Syrians and their integration challenges, the EU–Turkey refugee deal, and its political implications for the EU and Turkey. Nonetheless, there has been a sharp rise in the number of Afghan migrants to Turkey since the complete withdrawal of US military forces from Afghanistan in 2020. Both scholarly and grey literature highlights that Turkey has recently been an attractive hub for Afghan migrants and other ethnic minorities, following Pakistan and Iran. Nonetheless, this literature has not substantially explored the Turkish government's attitude towards the new influx of migrants. For this purpose, the article draws upon qualitative research based on secondary and grey literature (including semi-structured interviews with representatives from migration-related NGOs in Turkey). The article underpins its findings from the public policy framework of NATO (nodality, authority, treasure, organisation) by demonstrating how Turkey's ambivalent response to the refugee inflow is shaped by limited information (nodality), weak legal mechanisms (authority), exploitation of new inflow as cheap labour (treasure), and migration system restructuring (organisation, treasure) after the withdrawal of external actors like the EU and UNHCR. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Migrant destination states of the Global North generally seek to stem irregular migration while remaining committed to refugee rights. To do so, these states have increasingly sought to externalize migration control, implicating migrant origin and transit states in managing the movement of persons across borders. But do externalization policies actually have an impact on unauthorized migration flows? If yes, do those impacts vary across different migrant categories given that both asylum seekers and other migrants can cross borders without prior authorization? We argue that these policies do have an impact on unauthorized migration flows and that those impacts are distinct for refugees and other migrants. Using data on "irregular/illegal border crossings" collected by Frontex, the Border and Coast Guard Agency of the European Union (EU), we first find that the geographical trajectories of refugees and other migrants who cross EU borders without authorization are distinct. Using a novel method to estimate whether individuals are likely to obtain asylum in 31 European destination states, we find that "likely refugees" tend to be concentrated on a single, primary migratory route while "likely irregular migrants" may be dispersed across multiple routes. Through an event study analysis of the impact of the 2016 EU–Turkey Statement, a paradigmatic example of externalization, we show that the policy primarily blocked likely refugees while deflecting likely irregular migrants to alternative routes. Our findings ultimately highlight how externalization policies may fail to prevent unauthorized entries of irregular migrants while endangering refugee protection. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The increase in clandestine migrants to Italy following the 2010 Tunisian uprising has been an issue of popular and political concern in both countries. This article investigates Harga (2021, 2022), a top-rated and critically acclaimed drama series. Produced and aired by Tunisian national television as a vehicle of entertainment-education, Harga strove to make a geopolitical intervention in the process of irregular migration. Combining textual analysis with interviews conducted with the production's producers and participants, the article explores how local and transnational actors came together to create a counternarrative to the popular success stories of clandestine migrants. This approach contributes to a better understanding of the relationship between media and socio-cultural and political dynamics as well as of their effect on formulating mediated narratives on clandestine migration. Due to Harga 's documentarist depiction of the social and political driving forces behind irregular migration and its open criticism of Tunisian authorities, the show is investigated within the framework of post-uprising Tunisia's mediascape, and domestic and international political environment. In this regard, it offers a good case study for examining how local politics, transnationalism, and postcolonialism are intertwined in formulating discourses on irregular migration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the last decade, Egypt has gained strategic significance in migration with the start of the Arab Spring. The situation in the region has led to a tripling in the number of refugees and asylum seekers registered in Egypt. Migration policy making in Egypt has focused on the emigration of workers and diaspora engagement. Egypt has increasingly become a country of destination and transit which necessitates a fundamental shift in Egyptian migration policies. This paper examines Egypt's migration policy development over time, along with the main strategic goals and potential policy partnerships. Accordingly, the article explains how the successive Governments of Egypt have modeled the country's migration policies to pursue other policy goals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Irregular migrants are legally excluded from formal employment, regular housing markets, and unemployment benefits, and in the Netherlands, they are also excluded from governmentally funded homeless shelters. While alternative sheltering arrangements have emerged for specific irregular migrants (e.g. minors, victims of human trafficking), unaccompanied adult men were typically still excluded from institutionalized shelter. In 2019, however, the national government launched a sheltering pilot for irregular migrants, which involves unaccompanied adult men in particular. Based on qualitative fieldwork in Rotterdam, and using Van Dijk and Steinmetz's risk model as a theoretical lens, we argue that irregular status, interacting with other relevant factors such as social capital, co-determines the men's criminal victimization risks, and fear of crime. In addition, we show how access to shelter changed the meaning and therefore the consequences of irregular status, resulting in both 'de-marginalization' and 're-marginalization': victimization risks were generally reported to be lower in the shelter than in the streets, but sheltering also introduced new risks, which were mostly attributed to the co-presence of other sheltered groups, especially marginalized European Union (EU) citizens with a stronger immigration status. Paying attention to immigration statuses, and how they are socially constructed, thus helps to shed light on contemporary criminal victimization risks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the problems of regulating illegal migration by developed countries and the European Union, the achievements that cause not always correct criticism, and the possibilities of using the experience of a number of countries and new approaches in this regulation are shown. Particular attention is paid to international organizations dealing with the problems of international migration. It was concluded that there is no clear division of their functions by type of migration, which prevents the formation of long-term policies. Proposals were formulated to strengthen the role of the International Labour Organization (ILO) in rule-making and norm-setting on labor migration, which plays an increasingly important role in sustainable development. It was concluded that it is necessary to change the status of the migration conventions, otherwise effective regulation of labor migration is impossible. The countries of the Persian Gulf that attract external labor immigrants despite the rapid growth of the local population are highlighted. The difference in countries’ policies towards labor migration in the 21st century compared to the 20th century is shown. The concept of “fiduciary duty” of federal governments in relation to external migration was introduced.

Migration towards the EU has passed for many decades via Russia, Central Asia, and the Caucasus, using Ukraine and Belarus as transit states, yet it adopted new forms under Russia’s intensified ‘hybrid’ warfare, and its 2022 military invasion of Ukraine. This paper seeks to uncover: (1) how formal policies and informal practices were interconnected in the governing of the migration ‘crisis’ on the EU’s eastern border with Belarus (2021–2023); and (2) what different modes of power were used to govern it. The paper advances a polycentric governance perspective. It demonstrates that crisis governance was not simply pursued by the Belarussian government and the EU as direct parties to the conflict. It involved a plethora of other stakeholders including Middle Eastern states, Russia, and travel agencies as non-state actors, all entangled in specific relationships with one another. This paper’s contribution is to show how relational dynamics among these stakeholders governed the crisis via a mixture of formal and informal practices that entailed different levels of coersion. The polycentric perspective advanced here is more useful when studying crisis governance than statist, multilevel governance, or EU-centric approaches emphasising institutional logics, as it emphasises relations among actors, and the power that shapes these relations and the governance system as a whole. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Informality has attracted significant attention in migration studies, yet a fresh look is needed given the succession of world crises over the past 15 years and the increasing use of informality to deal with them. This special issue considers informality as practices of governance that supplement, substitute, replace or operate beyond formal rules. It focuses on dissecting the governance of transit and irregular migration in the liminal space between formal policies and informal practices, and focuses on three major questions: Why and how has migration governance experienced informality’s expansion in policies and practices? What are the drivers, sites, temporalities, and implications of such an expansion? How do power relations among different stakeholders affect such governance compared to normative and institutional logics? This special issue ventures beyond existing constatations that the formal and informal are entangled. A core assertion is that informality can be a deeper structuring force, because informal interactions repeat over time, creating alternative or supplementary forms of governance beyond formal institutions. This collection of articles is original in shedding light on such governance from the perspective of world politics and political regimes, little discussed thus far in systematic ways. It is also at the forefront of theorizing on how stakeholders use mechanisms of power to govern polycentrically, that is from multiple centres related to each other but not hierarchically subordinated. This collection provides novel perspectives on socio-spatial and temporal aspects of informality’s use in such governance. Building on extensive fieldwork and data-driven secondary research, this collection covers Germany, Sweden, and Switzerland, post-socialist countries in Eastern Europe, including Belarus and Russia after the 2022 invasion of Ukraine, Turkey and Iraq in the Middle East, and Albania in the Balkans, as well as Thailand and Myanmar in Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

State authorities in Europe invest immense resources in what the EU insists on calling the ‘fight against illegal migration’. Based on ethnographic research in two German cities, this paper shows that a tough approach towards illegalised migration can only be implemented through state practices that operate at the margins of, or even cross, the boundaries of what is legally permissible. This argument is developed through an analysis of informal practices that frontline staff in registry offices and migration administrations deploy to prevent, or at least disturb, illegalised migrants’ attempts to regularise their status by becoming the parent of child that is entitled to German citizenship. Drawing on the autonomy of migration approach, I use migrants’ struggles within and against Germany’s migration and citizenship regime as an epistemic device to expose three kinds of informally institutionalised counter-tactics of street-level bureaucrats that qualify as unlawfare. The analysis shows that officials, in their attempts to forestall migrants’ practices of self-legalisation, frequently resort to practices that are legally questionable or outright unlawful themselves. Ultimately, not only a tough stance on illegalised migration, but the very production of migrant illegality emerges as contagious as it implicates an illegalisation of state practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Points of political crisis in Myanmar’s history have been the catalyst for forced migration, and the Thailand-Myanmar border has, for decades, been a site of significant border-crossing. But while tens of thousands arrived in Thailand in the aftermath of previous crackdowns by Myanmar’s military, the severity of the February 2021 coup has not been met with a commensurate increase in arrivals. What explains the difference? Over time, the border is demonstrating differential porosity. In this article I theorise the physical, political and social elements that shape border porosity and locate spaces where informality resides within these elements. I liken porosity to a circuit board that stretches deeply into stakeholder states, with dimmers or switches that control the porosity of the border. I examine the case of the Thailand-Myanmar border pre- and post-coup and find that the ability of local actors to exercise discretion in heeding government policy diminished over time. This decrease in informality conditioned the porosity of the border. Part geography, part policy, and part informal social construction, the concept of porosity focuses on the journey, responds to a call for radically decentring the migration governance literature, and helps to uncover the troubled possibilities that border-crossers and potential border-crossers face. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research article addresses the challenges between the phenomenon of irregular migration in Pakistan and its border management as well as the related complex issues for both the state of Pakistan and the irregular migrants. To control inbound irregular migration, the border management of Pakistan coupled with administrative and legal measures taken by Pakistan have also been discussed along with border management systems of some developed countries. The data has been collected from various research articles, books, official websites, and newspapers. The long and porous borders between Pakistan and Afghan make the border management task difficult for Pakistan which has been facing substantial security challenges posed by the non-state armed groups operating from Afghanistan. With the unprecedented growth in irregular migration to the Western countries and the strong international legal regime for the protection of these migrants, xenophobia and hatred towards the migrants have also been growing in the last two decades. In the end, it suggests some concrete policy measures for effectively addressing this issue in collaboration with the relevant international actors to ensure a balance between the protection and dignified living of the irregular migrants and the sovereignty of the state of Pakistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Notwithstanding punitive implications, immigration detention as an administrative deprivation of liberty represents a characteristic police measure, targeting deportable noncitizens with limited rights and protections. Drawing on an analysis of the detention system in Finland, I discuss different functions of immigration detention, focusing on police powers in the governance of mobile populations. In Finland, immigration detention is separated from the criminal justice system and delegated to the police, who possess broad powers to impose coercive measures for the enforcement of immigration decisions and social control in the absence of effective judicial supervision. Despite being affiliated with the removal of rejected asylum seekers, immigration detention also is intertwined with crime prevention and control of irregular migration. In addition to deprivation of liberty in the first place, police measures support removal procedures that continue during detention, as well as other administrative strategies to control deportable people and deter unauthorized residency, involving varying degrees of coercion. Though connected with criminal justice and manifestations of penal power in border criminology discussions, immigration detention can arguably be better understood as a coercive police measure, which can be employed alongside other administrative means for immigration enforcement outside of the criminal justice system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the so-called 'migration crisis' in 2015/16, EU governments' efforts to launch online campaigns to inform potential migrants about the risks of irregularity have increased. These migration management tools often apply dissuasive messages, declaring to support migrants to make informed decisions. This article investigates such campaigns through the lens of government communication, a so far under-explored issue in migration studies. Applying qualitative content analysis to two European campaigns, this research finds that the campaigns reiterate immigration policies and portray ambiguity. They therefore raise critical questions regarding the principles of neutrality and reliability in democratic government communication. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Amazonia Investiga is the property of PRIMMATE and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

We explore, using a unique survey dataset containing retrospective information on immigrants' legal status, the relationship between previous irregular experience—from arrival up to the first residence permit achievement—and fertility patterns among non-EU immigrant women in Italy. While competing hypotheses explaining migrants' fertility behaviour have been recurrently offered, there is a substantial lack of knowledge on the role of undocumented experience as a contextual barrier in shaping international migrants' family formation processes. We adopt a life-course approach, employing event history analysis and Poisson regression modelling, to investigate how irregularity among immigrant women intertwines with the timing of the first childbirth and the total number of births occurred in Italy. We find that irregular experience—as a time-dependent process—delays the transition to childbirth post-migration. Furthermore, having experienced irregular status reduces completed fertility, offering few possibilities to catch-up over the life-course with fertility levels of women continuously having the legal status. Findings suggest long-lasting effects of irregular status and the potential disruption of migrant's fertility induced by migration policies, admission systems, and regulation factors. The reduced possibility of legal entry channels and lack of migration policies for planning and managing migration into Italy may thus have an impact on family formation trajectories among international immigrant women. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines public information campaigns designed to deter asylum seekers from entering Australia via boat. Through analysing the institutional context and content of a graphic novel that was circulated within Afghan Hazara communities in 2014, I show that certain Australian public information campaigns mobilize an ethos of cultural sensitivity rooted in ethnographic data-gathering projects that reinscribe migrants as ignorant and socially deviant subjects. Such campaigns both situate Australia as an impossible destination and render migration a dangerous, futile act that will bring further misfortune to migrants' families. The Australian case shows that in contexts where cultural sensitivity and externalized border control simultaneously guide migration policy, cultural knowledge becomes weaponized not only to keep migrants immobile but also to discipline migrant subjectivity and ultimately exclude them from pathways to refuge. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Migration and security as social phenomena, which in recent times have often been levelled or even staged against each other. Migration can sometimes pose certain challenges to the interests of the state if it is perceived as a threat to national security. This perception can lead to the implementation of various political or legal measures and instruments aimed at protecting borders, regulating immigration flows and monitoring the movement of migrants. The European Parliament has tried to tighten border controls and improve the ability of Member States to manage the flow of people arriving in Europe. To achieve this, the new Pact on Migration and Asylum was approved, which proposes to better address the complexity and challenges of migration management, while ensuring that the rights and needs of illegal migrants are respected and protected. Over the past few years, the countries of the European Union have from time to time reintroduced border controls within the Schengen area, which often last for a long time. In order to preserve free movement while addressing real security threats, the European Commission presented its proposal for a revision of the Schengen rules in 2021. In February 2024, Parliament reached a provisional agreement with national governments on rules stressing that the reintroduction of border controls is a last resort. EU countries can exceptionally reintroduce border controls when there is a serious threat to public policy or internal security. This article analyses the challenges posed by migration processes to contemporary public security, focusing on the case of Lithuania. The article analyses the impact of irregular migration on the public security aspects of Lithuania and discusses possible solutions to address these challenges. The article reviews the migration situation in Lithuania over the last decade using statistical data and assesses the decision-making challenges for the actors involved in migration processes, as well as providing an overview of the latest regional legal framework. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of International Journal of Economics, Politics, Humanities & Social Sciences / Uluslararası Ekonomi Siyaset İnsan ve Toplum Bilimleri Dergisi is the property of International Journal of Economics, Politics, Humanities & Social Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Abstract Background In Bangladesh, remittances constitute a substantial portion of the country’s foreign exchange earnings and serve as a primary source of income. However, a considerable number of Bangladeshi citizens reside overseas without proper documentation, exposing them to significant challenges such as limited access to healthcare and socioeconomic opportunities. Moreover, their irregular migration status often results in engaging in risky health behaviors that further exacerbate their vulnerability. Hence, this study aimed to investigate the risky health behavior and HIV/STI susceptibility of Bangladeshi irregular international migrants residing across the globe with undocumented status. Methods Using a qualitative Interpretative Phenomenological Approach (IPA), 25 illegal migrants were interviewed who are currently living illegally or returned to their home country. The author used a thematic approach to code and analyze the data, combining an integrated data-driven inductive approach with a deductive approach. Concurrent processing and coding were facilitated by employing the Granheim model in data analysis. Results The study identified four risky health behaviors among irregular Bangladeshi migrants: hazardous living conditions, risky jobs, suicidal ideation, and tobacco consumption. Additionally, the authors found some HIV/STI risk behavior among them including engaging in unprotected sex, consuming alcohol and drugs during sexual activity, and having limited access to medical facilities. Conclusions The findings of this study can be used by health professional, governments, policymakers, NGOs, and concerned agencies to develop welfare strategies and initiatives for vulnerable undocumented migrant workers.

Abstract Individuals who reside in a country without regular authorisation generally find it difficult to access public medical services beyond emergency treatment. Even in countries with universal healthcare, there is often a gap between rights on paper and their implementation. Civil society organisations (CSOs) fill this gap by providing medical services to vulnerable populations, including irregular migrants. What, if any, are the ethical dilemmas that arise for CSO staff when delivering such services in countries with universal healthcare? Under what conditions do these dilemmas arise? And what strategies do CSO staff use to mitigate them? We answer these questions using 40 semi-structured interviews with CSO staff working in two European countries with high levels of irregularity, universal healthcare provisions on paper, and significant differences in approaches and availability of public services for irregular migrants: Italy and Spain. We show that CSO staff providing medical services to irregular migrants in places with universal healthcare coverage face a fundamental dilemma between humanitarianism and equity. CSO staff respond to the humanitarian belief in the value of taking all possible steps to prevent or alleviate human suffering, thus promoting a decent quality of life that includes access to both emergency and non-emergency care. In doing so, however, they run the risk of substituting rather than complementing public provisions, thereby preventing governments from assuming responsibility for these services in the long term. Individuals who acknowledge the existence of this dilemma generally oppose the creation of parallel structures; that is, services specifically developed for irregular migrants outside the public system; while those who ignore it essentially subscribe to a tiered system, giving up on considerations of equity. We argue that CSOs involved in the provision of healthcare to irregular migrants do not simply provide services; they also play an inherently political role.

AbstractThis research provides empirical evidence that the socioeconomic improvement effect of remittances is dependent on the local status in recipient countries. Using regression and the two-stage least squares (2SLS) method, we first show that remittance size is associated with migration travel intentions. Second, the article demonstrates that in an unstable environment, even though remittances have a positive immediate effect, the influence of remittances on other longer-term proxies is significantly negative. Such finding is different compared with most of the current studies on remittance and its effects. The reason may be attributed to the departure of skilled workers from their home country decreases local socioeconomic development. The remittances and foreign connections help people with migration intention to move out and more easily settle in destination countries. Finally, we propose a potential policy direction to encourage local residents to directly consume or invest remittances in local society to improve development and decrease migration intentions.

Background: In Bangladesh, remittances constitute a substantial portion of the country's foreign exchange earnings and serve as a primary source of income. However, a considerable number of Bangladeshi citizens reside overseas without proper documentation, exposing them to significant challenges such as limited access to healthcare and socioeconomic opportunities. Moreover, their irregular migration status often results in engaging in risky health behaviors that further exacerbate their vulnerability. Hence, this study aimed to investigate the risky health behavior and HIV/STI susceptibility of Bangladeshi irregular international migrants residing across the globe with undocumented status. Methods: Using a qualitative Interpretative Phenomenological Approach (IPA), 25 illegal migrants were interviewed who are currently living illegally or returned to their home country. The author used a thematic approach to code and analyze the data, combining an integrated data-driven inductive approach with a deductive approach. Concurrent processing and coding were facilitated by employing the Granheim model in data analysis. Results: The study identified four risky health behaviors among irregular Bangladeshi migrants: hazardous living conditions, risky jobs, suicidal ideation, and tobacco consumption. Additionally, the authors found some HIV/STI risk behavior among them including engaging in unprotected sex, consuming alcohol and drugs during sexual activity, and having limited access to medical facilities. Conclusions: The findings of this study can be used by health professional, governments, policymakers, NGOs, and concerned agencies to develop welfare strategies and initiatives for vulnerable undocumented migrant workers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the physical and technological measures in place along the border protected by border forces, a significant number of irregular migrants are being apprehended by gendarmerie (Jandarma) elements in the area designated as the second line of defense. This situation poses a crucial responsibility for the Jandarma in the context of preventing irregular migration movements, curbing smuggling activities, and combating terrorism. Therefore, it is proposed that artificial intelligence-supported technological discovery and surveillance measures be implemented in the Jandarma responsibility area behind the border. It is believed that these technological measures could be beneficial in preventing irregular migration movements, restricting smuggling activities, and enhancing effectiveness in the fight against terrorism. The implementation of these measures could contribute to public safety by increasing security and maintaining order. Within the scope of this study, a thermal camera network system powered by solar energy, featuring wireless communication capabilities, and equipped with artificial intelligence analysis, is described. Additionally, the technical architectural features of the system, installation requirements, and details of the artificial intelligence algorithms to be utilized within the system, along with their capabilities and potential algorithm specifics, are explained. The implementation of the proposed system is anticipated to enhance reconnaissance and surveillance capabilities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Üsküdar Universitiy Journal of Social Sciences is the property of Uskudar University Journal of Social Sciences (JOSOC) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper considers the implications of migration to Europe for West African governments in relation to other forms of politically relevant mobilities. This helps to understand what governments in West Africa prioritize when it comes to migration policy. No doubt, there is an increasing European influence on the migration agenda. However, despite this influence, there are still other West African interests when it comes to migration governance. These are diverse, covering development and humanitarian concerns, and include pro-active diaspora policies, restrictive immigration regimes due to economic protectionism and security concerns, as well as protecting migrants and displaced people. Thus, different countries in the region have varying sets of political priorities, though underlined by a broader unpolitical nature of migration of the everyday. The paper is based on over 130 interviews with policymakers, politicians, civil society activists, and academic experts in Niger, Nigeria, Senegal, and the Gambia in 2019. It adds to the literature on the agency of migration states in the Global South. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The subject of this paper is irregular migration and modern models of preventing the smuggling of migrants on the part of the Western Balkan route through the Republic of Serbia. The goal is to show how the new strategic approach of the Serbian police in this area can give excellent results, that the application of modern methods of policing and technical means are aimed at preventing the smuggling of migrants, i.e., the illegal movement and transport of migrants across the state border and state territory to go to countries of the European Union. Based on the conducted research, the authors have drawn certain conclusions: 1) effectiveness, efficiency, and economy in the area of suppression of irregular migration can be achieved by applying an adequate criminal strategy, 2) the new strategic approach led to the discovery and arrest of a large number of people smugglers and the discovery of illegal firearms, 3) the use of modern technical means, coordinated, joint work of different police units and management from a single center by a strategic level manager directly in charge of combating irregular migration and human smuggling in a particular area (territory) which is estimated to be a hotspot of criminal activity, is a prerequisite for success. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Unlike most immigration policy areas amidst Brexit, the government's 'hostile environment' approach has changed little since 2014, despite it making no measurable impact on the migration statistics the government prioritises, while landing it in hot water over the Windrush scandal. Why does the hostile environment nevertheless persist? Despite its strong association with today's Conservatives, the hostile environment extends a decades‐long trend of deepening various social systems' involvement in UK immigration control, creating increasing problems when long‐settled immigrants face suspicion at vulnerable life stages. Yet, the hostile environment provides a way to pursue legitimacy in immigration control given the UK state's particular limitations and pressures: it demonstrates action against 'illegal immigration', avoids revealing earlier control lapses and averts difficult reforms, like national identification cards, to monitor the population more thoroughly. The risks of this approach have only increased as Brexit has unsettled migration statuses, yet the hostile environment will likely remain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Individuals who reside in a country without regular authorisation generally find it difficult to access public medical services beyond emergency treatment. Even in countries with universal healthcare, there is often a gap between rights on paper and their implementation. Civil society organisations (CSOs) fill this gap by providing medical services to vulnerable populations, including irregular migrants. What, if any, are the ethical dilemmas that arise for CSO staff when delivering such services in countries with universal healthcare? Under what conditions do these dilemmas arise? And what strategies do CSO staff use to mitigate them? We answer these questions using 40 semi-structured interviews with CSO staff working in two European countries with high levels of irregularity, universal healthcare provisions on paper, and significant differences in approaches and availability of public services for irregular migrants: Italy and Spain. We show that CSO staff providing medical services to irregular migrants in places with universal healthcare coverage face a fundamental dilemma between humanitarianism and equity. CSO staff respond to the humanitarian belief in the value of taking all possible steps to prevent or alleviate human suffering, thus promoting a decent quality of life that includes access to both emergency and non-emergency care. In doing so, however, they run the risk of substituting rather than complementing public provisions, thereby preventing governments from assuming responsibility for these services in the long term. Individuals who acknowledge the existence of this dilemma generally oppose the creation of parallel structures; that is, services specifically developed for irregular migrants outside the public system; while those who ignore it essentially subscribe to a tiered system, giving up on considerations of equity. We argue that CSOs involved in the provision of healthcare to irregular migrants do not simply provide services; they also play an inherently political role. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2012, Barcelona City Council introduced a new city agency that would provide housing and resources for migrants and refugees living within their city--irregular migrants. This esteemed sanctuary city policy further integrated irregular migrants into city life; however, how did natives respond to this effort? Through a difference in differences methodological approach and public opinion survey data from 2008 to 2017, I provide evidence of more positive native attitudes towards irregular migrants and immigration policy. I speculate that the increase in positive perceptions occur due to contact theory. While a single-case study, these findings provide hope for how city governments feeling the burden of the ongoing refugee crisis can adequately provide support for their irregular migrant populations without fear of backlash from their citizens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent research suggests a significant rise in both international and intra-African migrations, with South Africa emerging as the primary destination for irregular migrants in the region. However, the phenomenon of irregular migration to South Africa has received limited attention despite the growing number of migrants hosted by the country. To address this gap, this study adopts a concurrent cross-sectional mixed-methods approach to explore the patterns of inter-state irregular migration in Africa, specifically focusing on Ethiopian migrants to the Republic of South Africa (RSA). The investigation draws on quantitative data collected from 316 migrant returnees, as well as qualitative in-depth interviews and focus-group discussions. The findings of this study reveal that there is a decline in the patterns of Ethiopian irregular migration to the RSA within the past decade due to tight legal restrictions. The COVID-19 pandemic has had a significant impact on the pattern of irregular migration, leading to a decline in the number of migrants from mid-2018 to 2020 due to stringent border closures. Irregular migration to the RSA tends to be temporary, with an increasing migrants returning to their home country once they have achieved economic success or as they encountered precarious conditions at the destination. Addressing the root causes that drive migration, improving border control mechanisms, and implementing inclusive integration strategies are key steps toward minimizing the risks and maximizing the benefits associated with this migration phenomenon. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The issue of migration deeply impacts European countries. Greece is one of the countries on the migrants' route. While Greece is preferred by irregular migrants because it is the gateway to Europe and is located in the Schengen area, it is also examined as a case study due to the security measures it has taken on its land borders, such as pushing back and building a steel wall on the border. This article analyzes Greece's migration policy. The aim of the study is to seek an answer to the question of whether national security concerns of countries in the fight against irregular migration can go beyond the obligation to comply with the basic principles of human rights law. In particular, it focuses on human rights violations faced by irregular migrants crossing the Meriç (Evros) border. The study references academic literature and news coverage from national and international media. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper develops a matching model to analyze the smuggling market for forced migrants, building on the empirical evidence related to the smuggling of migrants from the Horn of Africa and the Middle East to Europe in the last decade. Comparative statics for the equilibrium solution reveal that coercion-based measures targeting the smugglers reduce the number of irregular migrants and smugglers at the expense of migrants’ overall welfare. Slightly increasing legal migration opportunities has the interesting feature of reducing irregular flows, without deteriorating migrants’ welfare or increasing the total number of migrants. An extremely restrictive asylum policy has similar effects in terms of the flows of irregular migrants as a quite loose one, with the largest flows of irregular migrants occurring under a “middle-range” policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

States' bordering practices force individuals to undertake dangerous migratory journeys and put them at risk of severe human rights violations. Yet, irregular arrivals who are found not to be at risk of serious harm in their countries of origin are perceived as voluntary migrants and are therefore assumed not to be in need of protection. This article employs the concept of vulnerability to challenge the idea that both the initial and subsequent dangerous migratory journeys are undertaken voluntarily. Based on an analysis of trafficking-based asylum claims from the UK and Germany, the article shows that both re-trafficking and irregular re-migration result from vulnerabilities which converge to preclude reintegration in the country of origin and access to livelihood options. While some of these vulnerabilities are likely to be present at the time of the initial dangerous journey already, the article pays particular attention to 'consequential vulnerabilities' brought about by previous migration experiences. It then introduces the concept of 'route causes' of irregular re-migration to describe factors which heighten the risk of re-migrating irregularly and therefore establish a risk on return related to harm experienced during irregular migration, rather than in the country of origin. Thus, the article shows that the vulnerability concept informs the future risk analysis in refugee law and argues that, just like a risk of re-trafficking, a risk of irregular re-migration could form the basis of an asylum claim. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The subject of this paper is irregular migration and modern models of preventing the smuggling of migrants on the part of the Western Balkan route through the Republic of Serbia. The goal is to show how the new strategic approach of the Serbian police in this area can give excellent results, that the application of modern methods of policing and technical means are aimed at preventing the smuggling of migrants, i.e., the illegal movement and transport of migrants across the state border and state territory to go to countries of the European Union. Based on the conducted research, the authors have drawn certain conclusions: 1) effectiveness, efficiency, and economy in the area of suppression of irregular migration can be achieved by applying an adequate criminal strategy, 2) the new strategic approach led to the discovery and arrest of a large number of people smugglers and the discovery of illegal firearms, 3) the use of modern technical means, coordinated, joint work of different police units and management from a single center by a strategic level manager directly in charge of combating irregular migration and human smuggling in a particular area (territory) which is estimated to be a hotspot of criminal activity, is a prerequisite for success.