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The monogenean species of the genus Gyrodactylus are harmful to the common carp Cyprinus carpio. In this study fish sampling were collected from al-Tarmiyahm fish farm, Baghdad Iraq. The presence of the monogenean Gyrodactylus mutabilitas is reported in the present study for the first time on the gills of the common carp. Morphological characterization and measurements of this parasite are provided. The distribution of this monogenean on the gill arches of the hosts revealed a specific right-side preference, with a notable affinity for the second gill arches. Typically, accurate diagnosis of the monogenean relies on traditional methods by their morphology and it can only be achieved by fish post-mortem dissection. To support common carp conservation and management in the fish farm, a non-lethal method for pathogen detection is urgently needed. In this study, gill swabbing proved to be a promising technique for obtaining Gyrodactylus mutabilitas DNA samples. Fisheries managers may find this method be a useful tool to assess infection status which may prevent the spreading of any possible infection. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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As relações entre Brasil e Iraque durante as décadas de 1970 e 1980 foram um componente importante da política externa brasileira. Durante os governos Geisel e Figueiredo, o Brasil buscou consolidar sua autonomia por meio de uma política externa ativa, que incluía a ampliação de suas exportações de armamentos e a cooperação tecnológica e nuclear com países do Sul Global. Este estudo objetiva aprofundar o conhecimento sobre a operacionalização dessas relações e sua relevância internacional. Para isso, é realizada análise documental de fontes primárias da CIA e do SNI que evidenciam como as exportações de armas e a cooperação com o Iraque eram percebidas pelo Brasil e pelos Estados Unidos. Os documentos revelam que a política de exportação envolveu uma complexa rede de diplomacia, empresas privadas e setor militar. A análise histórica e documental apresenta uma perspectiva da dinâmica das interações Brasil-Iraque, suas implicações para a política externa brasileira e sua dimensão internacional – medida pela forma como foi acompanhada pela inteligência estadunidense.

Copyright of Fronteira: Revista de Iniciacao Cientifica em Relacoes Internacionais is the property of Instituto de Ciencias Sociais, Departmento de Relacoes Internacionais, PUC Minas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Carta Internacional is the property of Associacao Brasileira de Relacoes Internacionais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Conjuntura Austral is the property of Conjuntura Austral and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Em março de 2003, os EUA deram início à intervenção no Iraque, evento que mobilizou trilhões de dólares para reconstrução do país dentro numa perspectiva de política externa intervencionista. Porém, apesar do seu caráter coercitivo, é notório que articuladores da intervenção buscaram durante todo processo justificar a legitimidade de tal ação. Sendo assim, como os EUA buscaram legitimar suas práticas intervencionistas no Iraque? A partir da metodologia process tracing, este artigo analisa criticamente a consolidação da reconstrução do Iraque por meio de ferramentas jurídicas e argumentos morais. Analisamos o processo jurídico interno dos EUA que aprovou a invasão, bem como as Resoluções da ONU sobre invadir, ou não, o Iraque, e por fim os documentos jurídicos e atos institucionais promovidos pela Coalizão de Autoridade Provisória, órgão administrativo da reconstrução iraquiana, liderado pelos EUA. Na prática, esse processo de legitimação se deu em três níveis: domesticamente, por meio do aparato político decisório dos EUA; internacionalmente, pela aprovação posterior da ONU que fosse criado órgão administrativo internacional de transição política e reconstrução; e no Iraque – já como potência ocupante – com a reformulação do aparelho jurídico-institucional do Iraque para execução do projeto de reconstrução do país.

Resumo Sob a perspectiva da disciplina história das relações internacionais, o artigo discute as relações de segurança e de cooperação técnico-militar brasileiro-iraquianas, entre 1978 e 1991. Quatro estudos de caso examinam a ascensão, queda e legado de uma significativa parceria, bem como processos de tomada de decisão que resultaram em massivas transferências de material de emprego militar - inclusive de grandes sistemas de armas - de fabricação brasileira para o Iraque, transformando o país árabe num dos principais receptores de armas brasileiras no mundo. O manuscrito é resultado de pesquisa com fontes primárias consultadas no Arquivo Nacional. Conclui-se que as relações de segurança entre as partes foram alicerçadas em afinidades eletivas, convergências geopolíticas, interesses comerciais, e transcendente cooperação técnico-militar.

O artigo aborda a estratégia urbana do grupo Estado Islâmico do Iraque e do Levante (2014-2015) na região de sua atuação primária entre os anos de 2014 a 2015. Busca-se analisar como a organização utiliza-se de seu domínio sobre territórios para construir as bases territoriais do autoproclamado califado, fornecer pontos logísticos que permitam o controle de novas localidades, além de institucionalizar sua presença na região do Iraque e da Síria.

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Há um consenso literatura acadêmica sobre a criação dos Estados modernos no Oriente Médio cujo ponto de partida para compreensão desse processo se dá no momento da desintegração do Império Otomano e sua substituição pelas potências europeias. No caso do Iraque, a campanha militar e os períodos de ocupação (1914-1920) e de mandato britânico (1920-1932) na Mesopotâmia prepararam o caminho para a criação do estado do Iraque, influenciando de forma significativa seu desenvolvimento político-histórico posterior. No entanto, para além das ações diplomáticas estabelecidas por acordos e tratados internacionais sob a partir das diretrizes estabelecidas pela Liga das Nações, esse processo não ocorreu num espaço vazio como, frequentemente, é mencionado nessa mesma literatura. Os embates por acessos ao petróleo da região, exemplificado pela disputa da região de Mosul, demonstram o caráter político-econômico da construção das novas fronteiras. Além disso, esse resultado não foi unicamente consequência de uma ação política planejada pelo Império Britânico, mas derivou também das revoltas anti-imperialistas em toda a região. Desta forma, o resultado político no Estado Iraque, e seu desenvolvimento subsequente, refletiu não apenas a presença das estruturas de poder imperiais, mas também devido a participação das comunidades e grupos locais, em conexão com movimentos internacionais.

Este artigo analisa as limitações e desafios que o discurso orientalista promovido pelo Ocidente apresenta à interpretação das mulheres do Iraque e seus movimentos, e como ele ofusca sua participação histórica na política do país. Através de uma análise de discurso de notícias de 5 emissoras dos Estados Unidos no período pós-invasão do Iraque (2003-2013), percebe-se que ocorre reafirmação do discurso orientalista de estereótipos sobre a mulher árabe e da sua necessidade de interferência externa

Digressões sobre o fenômeno do terrorismo de base fundamentalista islâmica e as posturas de autoridades (oficiais e acadêmicas) no Brasil.

Congenital disabilities affect a remarkable proportion of neonates and have a significant role in hospital admission, morbidity, and pediatrics mortality. Besides, the long-term morbidity and disability caused by birth defects may have a considerable effect on the development of the child and family and health care systems. In Misan, congenital disabilities are considered a third common cause of neonatal mortality. This study aimed to estimate the prevalence, types, and risk factors of congenital disabilities to have an action plan toward preventing the occurrence of these defects. A cross-sectional study performed in the neonatal care unit in Misan Hospital for Child and Maternity during the period of two years (2018 and 2019). Misan province is located in the South East of Iraq. The information was collected from the files of patients and registration records. Any delivered a live neonate with birth defects was enrolled in this study. These cases were diagnosed depending on history, clinical examination supported by other investigations, and radiographic studies whenever needed. The prevalence rates of congenital disabilities were 7.1/1000 and 6.6/1000 live birth in 2018 and 2019, respectively. Central nervous system involvement was the most typical pattern. Congenital disabilities were more frequent in male, single, and term babies of maternal age 18-35 years living in an urban area with a consanguinity history. Thus, the prevalence rate of congenital disabilities was notably high in Misan. Efforts toward prevention, as well as improving the prenatal diagnosis, would be essential. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Trichomonas vaginalis is an extracellular flagellated parasitic protozoan. It adapts to live in anaerobic conditions of the women's vagina and causes Trichomoniasis, a non-viral, sexually transmitted disease (STD). This parasite spreads in all regions of the world, and the global prevalence rate of vaginal Trichomoniasis in women is higher than in men. It is considered a neglected disease in Iraq, as there are few studies about this parasite, especially in Maysan province, where researches are near absent. In this study, two hundred and twentysix vaginal swabs were collected from women who visited hospitals, health centers, and medical clinics in some areas of Maysan province (Amara district, Al-Kahla district, Al-Maymouna district, Al-Majar Al-Kabir district) during the period from November 10, 2019 to February 10, 2020. The microscopic examination of vaginal smears showed that the overall infection rate was 75.22% (170/226). AL-Kahla district had the highest rate of infection (96.15%), while the lowest was in the Maimouna district (60.00%). The age group 34-40 years had the highest infection rate (86.95%), while the age group < 15 years had the lowest infection rate (37.50%). Married women had a higher infection (80.92%) than unmarried women (40.62%). The infection rate among nonpregnant women was high (81.11%) than with pregnant women (78.57%). This study showed that vaginal pH has a significant role in protecting the women vagina from Trichomoniasis, once the highest rate of infection (96.63%) was recorded in the vagina with a pH 6, while no infection was recorded at pH 4. It can be concluded that Trichomoniasis is widely spread among women of the Maysan communities, and the condition was affected significantly by some demographic factors such as age, occupation, marital status, husband polygamous, vaginal secretions, and itching and pH of the vagina. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Forty-eight taxa of saprophytes fungi were isolated and identified from submerged plant debris samples collected from different sites in Misan province, southern Iraq, which are Maymouna, Al-Salam, Majar Al-Kabir, and Amara. Among them, 24 species belonged to Ascomycota (six of which are sexual state), 19 species to hyphomycetes (anamorphic fungi), 4 to Zygomycota, and one to Oomycetes. Six species were isolated and newly recorded from Iraq, which are Aniptodera margaration, Cirrenalia iberica, Cordana lignicola, Cordana verruculosa, Pseudoacrodictys appendiculata, and Scytalidium thermophilum. However, in the evaluation of both moist chamber and direct culture methods, 34 species were isolated by the first method and 27 species by the second method, meantime, 13 species (9 belonged to Ascomycota, 2 to hyphomycetes, and 2 to Zygomycetes) were recovered by both methods. Aspergillus terrus was appeared in highest frequency and occurrence (11.76%, 42.55%, respectively), followed by Aspergillus horti (10%, 36.17%, respectively), and then A. niger with a frequency and occurrence of 5.29% and 19.14%, respectively, while 17 species were appeared lowest frequency and occurrence to reach 0.58%, 2.12%, respectively, for all. One hundred and seven isolates have been recovered from all study sites. Meantime, sixty-four isolates have been reported from Majar Al-Kabir, as compared with other sites, followed by Amara (43 isolates), while 39 isolates have been isolated from the Maymouna, and 24 isolates from Al-Salam. The biodiversity of fungi isolated from submerged plant debris was compared with previous studies. Brief descriptions of the new recorded fungi were given. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study was conducted to estimate the level of some heavy metals, mainly Lead (Pb), cadmium (Cd), chromium (Cr) and cobalt (Co) in the soil and wheat leaves of some wheat fields in Basra and Maysan province; the sampling areas were Al-Qurna, Al-Madinah, Al-Amara, Kumit, Ali Al-Sharqi, and Ali Al-Gharbi. It was performed the analysis using the Flame Atomic Spectrophotometer. The results indicated an increase in the concentrations of above mentioned these heavy metals in all examined areas; the levels in agricultural soils were found to be exceeding the internationally permissible limits according to EU-2000 standards, the highest levels of pollution were observed at Al-Qurna site with significant differences than other sites for both available and total HMs concentrations in soils. Indicating that the arrangement of the metals according to their available concentrations in the analyzed soil was as follows: lead (21.32)˃ cobalt (14.63) ˃ chromium (11.06) ˃ cadmium (1.15) as mg/Kg of soil. Additionally, results showed that the highest lead content in the wheat leaves was examined in the Qurna fields (0.175 mg/kg), followed by Amara with a concentration of 0.136 mg/kg. The lowest concentration of lead was observed in wheat leaves in the Kumit fields (0.007 mg/kg). In terms of Cd concentration in wheat leaves, the highest level was observed in Al-Qurna, with a significant difference from other fields, reaching 0.009 mg/kg. The lowest concentration of this HM was recorded in Ali Al-Gharbi, which reached 0.002 mg/kg. The results of the correlation between the available concentration of heavy metals elements and soil characteristics revealed a significant correlation between the soil pH and lead, cadmium, and chromium available concentrations, whereas no correlation with cobalt and a significant correlation between soil EC and lead was observed and a highly significant negative correlation with the cobalt. Results proved the high levels of pollution in all examined areas in Basra and Maysan provinces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Carta Internacional is the property of Associacao Brasileira de Relacoes Internacionais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

A nova guerra ao Iraque se instala como o processo constituinte de uma nova ordem mundial, unipolar e unilateral. É um assalto ao mundo. Um mundo pequeno demais para o grande capital e sua onipotente máquina de guerra. O clube privativo dos incluídos procura ampliar as fronteiras dos seus privilégios. A exclusão deixa de ser uma externalidade para se tornar um investimento ou uma proteção do investimento. As áreas de exclusão passam a ser zonas de guerra. Guerra contra os diferentes, contra os pobres, contra os fracos.

A obsessão da atual administração americana com o Iraque está tirando realmente o meu sono. Tenho tentado entender as razões de Washington querer tanto a cabeça de Hussein, mas, infelizmente, as horas perdidas de sono não têm se revelado compensadoras, pois simplesmente não disponho dos dados necessários para chegar a uma conclusão. Sendo assim, tudo o que fui capaz de obter, através da leitura dos principais jornais e sites e de conversas tanto na Universidade como em ambientes mais populares, como padarias e supermercados, foi uma lista das principais opiniões correntes tanto na mídia como entre a população em geral para explicar a situação. Meu exercício de reflexão conseguiu, apenas, ir eliminando as hipóteses menos prováveis e talvez seja de utilidade, num momento em que as opiniões estão tão a flor da pele, colocar tais hipóteses no papel e verificar as mais consistentes.

This article intends to shed light over the reasons for the rise and strengthening of the jihadist group ISIL - The Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant - and its activities in Syria and Iraq as well as how the administration of the life of millions of people residing in the territories under its control is managed. Additionally, we seek to clarify the political, historical and social foundations that enabled and fuelled its appearance and current military advances in both countries. It has been verified that ISIS has, fundamentally, political origins and is a reflex of the dismantling of the Iraqi state after the fall of Saddam Hussein in 2003 as well as of the power vacuum instated in Syria in the aftermath of its civil war in 2011.

The United States has gone further than any country in the "privatization of security". Other countries may find the economic or financial logic in the use of contractors persuasive. The US experience with contracting out security, particularly in Iraq, was problematic, and can serve as a cautionary tale in order that other countries might learn how to avoid the pitfalls.

The Islamic State's actions in northern Iraq represented an existential threat to the different societal groups that inhabited the territories that were held by the self-proclaimed caliphate. However, its actions are not senseless violence, irrationality or brutality. These are part of the Salafist conception, which indicates that Islam is in existential risk, therefore, violence against minorities is considered necessary to defend monotheism (tawhid) and the fight against polytheism (shirk) and the infidels (kuffar). The article analyzes how the securitization of religion carried out by the Islamic State represents a threat to minority groups in Iraq and Syria. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

; O estudo da guerra clássica desenvolvido por Clausewitz influenciou a formulação de doutrinas de emprego militar por quase dois séculos e passa por fortes questionamentos desde o fim da Guerra Fria. Teóricos observam o fim do Paradigma Clausewitziano e buscam uma atualização do conhecimento sobre a guerra. Dentre as diversas novas teorias, tem-se a Teoria das Gerações de Conflitos, descrita por Willian Lind em 1989. Esta pesquisa propõe-se a analisar a aplicabilidade desse modelo teórico, mais precisamente quanto à verossimilhança de um dos seus tópicos, a chamada Quarta Geração de Conflitos Armados, em relação à realidade das guerras ocorridas após o fim da Guerra Fria. A metodologia empregada será o teste teórico de Conflitos de Quarta Geração para um estudo de caso da Segunda Guerra do Golfo de 2003, para, findo este trabalho, verificar se a teoria em questão é consistente o suficiente para a aplicação na definição das novas doutrinas de emprego das Forças Armadas.

Everyone knows that democracy played a role in the Bush Doctrine. What not everyone knows is that this role was essential for the doctrine to be put into operation under which the Iraq invasion was prepared and launched. We argue moreover that, even if aggressive, the Bush doctrine is compatible with the American Liberal Tradition. To demonstrate these arguments we analyze the links between democracy, security, and the US national interests as expressed in the pillars of the American foreign policy since the end of Cold War. The consequential belief of the Bush Administration on the positive effect of exporting democracy by the use of force to Afghanistan and Iraq to fight terrorism will be remarked. It will be shown, however, that in the first years of the Bush Administration, among the justifications for the military interventions in the two countries, security reasons prevailed over democratic concerns, although the latter was significantly present since the early hours after September 11. It was only when it became clear that WMDs did not exist in Iraq that the exporting of democracy as the ultimate weapon to fight terrorism grew remarkably and prevailed over security reasons to invade those rogue states. The paper uses quantitative and qualitative content analysis of the speeches of President Bush and his Secretaries of State and Defense.

The stereotypes of the islamic word are frequently disseminated by through the media, through the signs of the chaos, terror, inferiority and evil. These signs are part of a concept called orientalism, proposed by a historian Edward Said (2007). By understanding of this concept, as a cultural vision of the West over the East, the aim of this work is to understand how is the representation of these signs in the Brazilian press, specifically, in the case of representation Iraq’s coverage of the Gulf War in 1991 and the North American invasion in 2003 by the magazine Veja. The research identified this discourse through ideological signs, from the axes of meaning production of Harry Pross (1980) and the concept of ideology discussed by Terry Eagleton (1997), a marxist basis. It was seen that in both cases, the positioning of the magazine is made from a orientalist vision. However, in 1991 and the enemy to be defeated was figured by Saddam Hussein; already in 2003, the opponent was the Iranian nation as a whole.

No artigo se propõe analisar as relações entre o Brasil e o Iraque, com ênfase no período de 1973 a 2007. Para tanto, são examinados os aspectos econômicos, políticos e estratégicos do relacionamento bilateral, passando pelos dois choques do petróleo, a Guerra do Golfo e, finalmente, a ocupação do Iraque em 2003.This article aims to analyze the Brazil-Iraq relations, from 1973 to 2007. For this purpose, the economic, political and strategic aspects of the bilateral relations were examined, including the 1973 and the 1979 oil crisis, the Persian Gulf War and, finally, the US-led invasion of Iraq, in 2003.

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O autor procura entender por que processos de paz não são eficazes em estabelecer uma paz estável e duradoura depois que conflitos intra-estatais são encerrados. Ele argumenta que a insistência na construção de Estados em regiões marcadas por conflitos intra-estatais pode explicar a falha de grande parte dos processos de paz. Afirma, então, que o "elo que falta" nas explicações apresentadas por boa parte da literatura sobre resolução de conflitos é a questão da construção de identidades. Em seguida, explora como alguns autores lidam com o tema da identidade para defender uma postura influenciada pelos escritos de Habermas sobre comunicação, política e Estado. Na conclusão, avalia o processo de peacebuilding na Bósnia, e afirma que, longe do fracasso que muitos atribuem a esse processo, a intervenção naquele país conseguiu suspender as hostilidades e iniciar um processo político lento que pode levar a uma nova configuração política, diferente do Estado-nação, entre as partes. Finalmente, o autor afirma que o referido processo pode fornecer elementos fundamentais para a transição política agora em curso no Iraque, após a invasão americana em 2003.The author tries to explain why intra-state conflicts are less likely to be successfully concluded by peaceful settlements than inter-state conflicts. The author affirms that his main hypothesis is that those peace processes fail because they insist on building states as the only possible political space. The author argues that the missing link in the existing literature on conflict resolution is the social construction of identities involved in such conflicts. He discusses how different authors deal with identity construction before he settles for a position defended by Habermas, which relies on new ideas on communication, politics and the state. The author concludes his argument by evaluating the Dayton agreement in Bosnia. According to the author, the Dayton agreement cannot be evaluated as a failure since they managed to cease the hostilities and to begin the construction of a new political process that does not necessarily coincide with the state. The author presents the Bosnian evolution as a model to what might happen in Iraq after the US invasion in 2003.

As intervenções humanitárias (Bósnia 1995-2003, Somália 1992-1993, Kosovo 1999-2003) e de substituição de regimes ditatoriais (Haiti 1994, Afeganistão 2001-2003, Iraque 2003) na política internacional têm sido objeto de muitas controvérsias acadêmicas durante a última década. O presente artigo, à luz dos teóricos das relações internacionais e da ciência política, analisa a legitimidade dessas atitudes por meio do unilateralismo norte-americano.Humanitarian interventions (Bosnia, 1995-2003; Somalia, 1992-1993; Kosovo, 1999-2003) and the replacement of dictatorial regimes (Haiti, 1994; Afghanistan, 2001-2003; Iraq, 2003) in international politics have aroused much academic controversy throughout this past decade. This article analyzes, in light of the views of international relations and political science theorists, the legitimacy of such initiatives from the standpoint of the United States' unilateralism.

The work developed under this theme focus its main questioning on the conceptual configuration of the State sovereignty, facing the conflicts broken out in America-Iraq war, counterpointing the negotiation environment conducted by the UN, based on the established principles in the constitutive text of this international system. The theoretical perspective contemplates the international relations transformation and the national State model adequacy in its classic configuration, concerning the new imperatives of the political diplomacy order environment and the conflicting interests in the Middle East.

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This paper has several objectives. First, it briefly examines the nature and characteristics of contemporary transnational religious actors and, second, identifies the concept of 'transnational religious soft power', which, I argue, such actors must have in order to achieve their objectives. Third, I focus on transnational Shia networks in the context of Iran's current attempt to acquire increased foreign policy influence in Iraq. The paper argues that transnational Shia networks in Iran and Iraq have relatively limited capacity to forge and pursue religious collective goals, as they are significantly undermined by nationalist and statist concerns. This is not to allege that nationalism and statism necessarily trump transnational religious goals – although in our case study this is indeed the case. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]