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The way in which the political/symbolic arsenal of raciality is deployed to justify two otherwise untenable wars, the Vietnam War and the Invasion of Iraq is presented. The justifications of the US military actions in Vietnamese and Iraqi territories reveal a skewed moral allegory in which freedom is temporarily shared with those who are rhetorically included in the territory of freedom.

The war that struck Iraq was wrong in its conduct and disastrous in its consequences. Australians are ashamed of the actions done in their name and some of them share the suffering of the people of Iraq.

The government-appointed Butler inquiry into the intelligence that 'justified' invading Iraq is highlighted. No government can ever justify war and killing of innocent people.

Three former Bush administration officers have told that the prewar evidence tying Al Qaeda to Iraq were tenuous and the White House had hyped about the links between Al Qaeda and Saddam HusseinEs regime in order to sell the war. The linking of Al Qaeda and Iraq has misled the people regarding Iraq and the danger from Al Qaeda. Some critics are worried that Iraq war could ultimately help Al Qaeda because the intelligence people as well as the military people working on Al Qaeda have been shifted to Iraq.

The author examines the arrest and disappearance of Dr. Huda Ammash, an environmental biologist and an outspoken critic of American and British use of radioactive weapons.

This article addresses United States foreign policy and national security regarding the Middle East. The author argues the United States must commit itself, and follow through, on the full reconstruction of Iraq before creating conflict with Syria if the United States wants to regain, or retain, any credibility with the rest of the world.

This article examines international opinion of Pres. George W. Bush's foreign policy towards Iraq, focusing on how perceptions of overbearing American diplomacy may be damaging our international relations. Topics include the political aspects of how the US decides which countries pose a threat to democracy.

This article examines how 'collateral damage' or civilian casualties are rationalized by military officials planning a US-led war against Iraq. Topics include the military policy of the George W. Bush administration, civilian casualties in the Persian Gulf War, and the history of mass casualties during World War II.

An examination of the possible refugee crisis that will arise from any military action in Iraq. It is argued that the planning for any new refugee crisis in the region is currently woefully inadequate, that military forces and international aid agencies should be taking immediate steps to develop their capacity to deal with a major refugee crisis and that policy planners ignore the potential humanitarian impact of a war in Iraq at their peril.

The professor of European thought at the London School of Economics argues that the personal morality of George W. Bush is not to blame for the catastrophe that is unfolding in Iraq and that his ethics are irrelevant as far as US policy is concerned. It is contended that the peculiar ideology of American neoconservatism is to blame for the events in Iraq and that Bush is only actually a bit-part player in the whole affair.

Ignoring the warnings and cautions of the intelligence agencies, President Bush, Vice President Cheney and Secretary of State Colin Powell mislead the United States citizens regarding the evidence about weapons of mass destruction (WMD) in Iraq. The U.S. citizens were denied the opportunity to reach fully informed judgments about an important decision like the Iraq war.

Issues relating to the apparently inevitable war in Iraq are examined from the point of view that to launch a war is the correct thing to do as Iraq needs to be freed from the despotic leadership of Saddam Hussein and the Ba'ath Party and returned to the hands of ordinary Iraqis.