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This article focuses on innovative conceptual definitions to capture the various terms and ideas that abound concerning the delivery of military assistance, aid, and training in fragile states, often subsumed under the term security force assistance (SFA). It highlights different Kurdish militias and units within the Iraqi Security Forces (ISF) to demonstrate inherent problems with any SFA program. We conduct a conceptual, theoretical, and empirical analysis to evaluate variations, concluding that in these contexts the definition of success and military effectiveness is contextual, often deviating from what the providers, such as the U.S. and other nations, may desire. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents an assessment of the Ballistic-Missile and Space Program of Iran. The author says that ballistic missiles play an important role in the country's defense and deterrence strategy with its significance during the war between Iran and Iraq, strict sanction regimes, and the country's advancement in missile capabilities. The author expresses the view that Tehran's determination to acquire and develop missiles and its willingness to pay a high price need to be examined.

The Trump administration has an opportunity to counter Iranian influence in the Middle East – but its incompetence could prove disastrous. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of History Studies (13094688) is the property of History Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In modern historiography, Sasanian Iran is commonly perceived as a land power. However, various primary sources indicate that the Sasanian navy played an important role in the military efforts of the Persians in late antiquity. The Sasanian navy was established to ensure the external security of the Persian state by exerting control over the sea lanes in the Persian Gulf region, and based on the aspiration of the Sasanid authorities to enhance their military and political, as well as commercial, influence in the northern part of the Indian Ocean. The most dynamic phase of the Persian navy’s activities occurred during the reign of Khosrow Anushirwan (531–579 CE), when fleet operations enabled the Persians to conquer Yemen and there was an attempt to establish the navy in the Black Sea basin. The last phase of Sasanian naval activity took place during the Byzantine–Persian war of 602–628 CE. In this conflict, the Persian fleet initially achieved some success in the Mediterranean Sea, but eventually it was completely defeated by the more skillful Byzantine navy. The main areas of the Persian navy’s activities were the Persian Gulf, the Red Sea and the Arabian Sea. The Sasanids’ attempts to establish fleets in the Black Sea in the 540s and Mediterranean in the 620s were ended by Byzantium. After the fall of the Sasanian Empire, Persian ships became part of the Arabian armed forces and for some time continued to participate in wars on the side of the Arabs, whose victories over the Byzantines were, to some extent, due to the naval experience of the Persians. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of History Studies (13094688) is the property of History Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) is a multilayered political, ideological, and security institution that has steadily acquired an increasing role in Iran's economy in recent years. This article analyzes the growing economic and business involvement of the IRGC in the broader context of Iranian statesociety relations in general, and its civil-military dynamics in particular. More specifically, we look at the political and socioeconomic processes within which the IRGC operates at the interrelated levels of the state and society. This analysis sets out the framework based on which we examine the IRGC's increasing power in the course of its engagements and various conflicts in both political and societal arenas, in particular its economic expansion under Mahmud Ahmadinejad's presidency. This article concludes by discussing the implications of the IRGC's rise on the economic policy of the government under President Hassan Rouhani. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A proper understanding of any military establishment is predicated on a sound understanding of the distinctions of its various components, including the relationship of elite units to those of lesser standing. The infantry of Achaemenid Persia has been given increased attention in recent years, especially in my three recent articles on (a) the permanent Achaemenid infantry, these being the 10,000 so-called Immortals (ἀθάνατοι) and the 1,000 Apple Bearers (μηλοφόροι), (b) the κάρδακες, whom I identified as a kind of general-purpose infantry of indeterminate ethnicity, and (c) the defensive equipment of Achaemenid infantry. In these articles, the Persian cavalry, or asabāra in Old Persian, was mentioned in passing, yet a thorough appraisal of elite Achaemenid cavalry is still required. For example, in his overview of Xerxes' army, Barkworth pays particular attention to the elite infantry, but the cavalry is mentioned only in passing, while Shabazi, in his entry on the Achaemenid army or spāda, does not mention elite cavalry at all. In a recent important study, Tuplin looked carefully at the evidence for Achaemenid cavalry and the degree of importance attached to cavalry among the Persians, but only mentioned what might be termed elite cavalry twice – he did not offer any in-depth commentary on their relationship to other cavalry units. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The author gives a description of the arms, armour, infantry, and servants of the Iranian military tradition of West Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In this article the author models the Iranian military tradition of west Asia on the basis of the Roman literature of the early Byzantine period and the Arabic and Persian literature of the Muslim period. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article looks at the history of the Persian Empire, focusing on the dating of the construction of the harbor at Akko (Acre, Israel) in the context of an assessment of the extent to which the Achaemenid, or First Persian Empire, was capable of operating in terms of a grand strategy. Topics include Persian campaigns against Egypt, Persian Kings Cambyses and Artaxerxes II, and Akko during the Hellenistic period.

Under the leadership of Sheikh Ubeidullah of Nehri, in the last months of 1880 tens of thousands of Iranian and Ottoman Kurds marched on northwestern Iran and temporarily took control of several cities. This movement, coupled with the response of the Iranian army, resulted in great violence and displacement. Despite its failure, in the limited literature on Kurds this revolt is seen as the birth of Kurdish nationalism. Using extensive and underutilized historical documents—including official correspondence from Iranian and Ottoman authorities as well as British consuls, and day-to-day reports and memoirs from American missionaries active in the region—this project suggests that Sultan Abdulhamid's (Sunni) pan-Islamist agenda, Shi'i–Sunni tensions, the rise of Armenian nationalism, and missionary activities in the region also played significant roles in the formation of this movement. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article discusses the future presence of U.S. military forces in the Persian Gulf Region, through examining the history of British and American presence and military bases in the region from 1950s through the early 2010s. An overview of the relationship between oil and the U.S. and British military presence in the Persian Gulf Region is provided. An overview of the military power in the region, including in regard to the growth of military power in Iran and Iraq in the 1970s, is also provided.

The article examines the role of Iranian military campaigns against Rome in aristocratic politics and the expansion of the Iranian empire during the 6th and 7th centuries. Particular focus is given to the significance of mythical histories in Iranian foreign policy. According to the author, the cosmological symbolism of the Roman wars influenced aristocrats' political attitudes and actions. It is suggested that Iranian leaders' claims of universal sovereignty, supported by Roman tribute, were key to their successful negotiation of power with the aristocracy. Topics discussed include Zoroastrianism, the Sasanian empire, and the mytho-historical text the "Book of Kings".

This paper re-examines the causes of outbreak of Second Russo-Iranian War and the factors that played a role in its escalation into fully fledged war. The paper challenges the common perception that Qajar Iran played a major role in the outbreak of the war and proposes that the Qajar court took a defensive posture vis-à-vis aggressive Russian provocation originated in Tiflis and was merely reacting to it. The paper then examines policy differences between Tiflis and the court of St Petersburg as a contributing factor in the outbreak of the war. Finally, the paper examines two different and contradictory views of imperial Russia and its internal politics and military capabilities among Qajar Iran's decision makers during 1825–28. It is argued that the two perceptions eventually translated into two factions, each lobbying the shah for and against escalation of hostilities with Russia. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The Basij, a massive Iranian paramilitary organization, has played a crucial role in the country’s politics, economy, and society at large for the past two decades. While the Basij’s increased formal involvement in the Iranian economy was initially meant to guarantee the welfare of its personnel, the Basij has since extended its influence to every sector of the economy, from construction and real estate to the stock market. The expansion of its economic activity has enhanced the Basij’s control over society and its influence on domestic politics. This article investigates the history, justifications, and consequences of Basij engagement in business and the economy in postrevolutionary Iran. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

During the last 65 years, European, American and Russian historians have often tried to study the reasons which led to the Allied invasion of Iran on 25 August 1941. For a long period, the main obstacle was the limited access to official documentary sources. Gradually, British and Russian archives started to declassify their documents concerning the events of August 1941. That, in turn, caused a new wave of publications on this topic. Unfortunately, even with newly available sources, modern researchers were frequently unable to grasp the whole picture, emphasizing only one reason for the invasion or even exaggerating its importance. This paper attempts to analyze the most common explanations of the reasons for the occupation of Iran offered by different historians and try to find out which of these causes impelled the Allies to invade Iran. The research paid special attention to existing Russian primary and secondary sources on the issue which are less well known to English readers. Important information found in them allows events related to the Allied occupation of Iran in 1941 to be described from a relatively new angle. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article examines the parameters of the irregular army in Qajar Iran, including its assembly, numbers, and provisions, as well as the army's organizational structure: its administration and the divisions of the ad hoc forces (provincial militia and tribal cavalry) and of the standing forces (the shah's bodyguard and artillery corps). Until the creation of the so-called regular army units in Iran at the beginning of the nineteenth century, the irregular army was regarded as the only military force in the service of the Qajar dynasty. Despite the existence of a “regular army,” irregular forces, particularly tribal cavalry, continued to play a significant role in Iran's military system throughout the nineteenth century. By understanding the features of the irregular army—its role in Qajar society, its organizational and social structures, its ethnic composition, and other characteristics—we can better understand the character of the state itself. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article discusses the events of the year that preceded the Persian army's attack on Babylonia in 539 B.C., relying heavily on the Babylonian text the "Nabonidus-Cyrus Chronicle." Particular focus is given to the Babylonian ruler Nabonidus' order to send statues of gods, including of Marad, Baṣ (or Šapazzu), Bēl-ṣarbi (Lord of the Poplar Tree), Kiš and Hursagkalamma, to the extinct city of Babylon. The relationship between Nabonidus and Babylonian cities, including Borsippa, Cutha and Sippar, is discussed.

Matthew Canepa's recent study of the cultural and political interactions between Rome and Sasanian Iran, has provided an opportunity to reassess Sasanian rock reliefs in light of the claims and counter claims between these two empires. Since victory over Romans meant a victory over an-Erān, and generated the most potent of all farrs, i.e. the Aryan farr, many rock reliefs were conceived to show its reflection on the king. What is most interesting, though, is the array of nuances that are incorporated in them to account for the differences that were particular to each situation. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article offers information on Iran, which according to the author, is a country that thrives on war and must have a war with Israel and the U.S. if it is the way to survive. It states that to strike first, strike hard and strike deep was the doctrine that has come down through the centuries and Iran intends to strike first in the Middle East and the U.S. It also states that its war plans have been entrusted to two units, the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corp. (IRGC) and Quds Force, which have been trained in Fourth Generation warfare. It adds that IRGC was established to be a military force separate from Iran's traditional military and is capable of penetrating any country and conducting guerilla or terrorist operations. It also adds that the Quds Force is considered to be the special forces of the IRGC.

Analyzes the exegetical texts pertaining to the opening verses of Surat al-Rum (30:1-5) concerning the Byzantine-Persian wars of the early seventh century, and attempts to establish a history of reader reaction to the Qur'an. Use of Qur'an commentaries; Information on other early exegetical texts of the late second/eight and early third/ninth century; Main traditional reading explaining the opening verses of Surat al-Rum.

The article provides information on a study which examined the role of water land model in developing passive defense strategies in Iran.