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For the first time in modern history, China has become an active, if somewhat still elusive, member of the global system. With this momentous transformation comes myriads of new linkages, new contexts, new demands, new opportunities and new costs and consequences for China/global interaction. Proceeding from the premise that what China does or does not do becomes part of the global problem or part of the global solution, the article seeks to situate post-Mao China in the global/local problematique. The article advances the concept of global learning as a way of exploring diachronic changes and shifts in Chinese global thinking. Global learning is conceptualized as a two-way interactive linkage process in which domestic actors' restructuring of their cognitive maps and the changing global reality mediated by positive participatory experience in the global system become reciprocal in terms of cause and effect, constituting mutually essential parts of the same global/local process. Global learning is applied as a guide to examining Chinese global policy in three issue areas -- global peace; global development; and global human rights. Global learning is also suggested as a possible bridge linking Chinese global policy and global policy studies. The paper concludes that some changes and shifts in Chinese global thinking have occurred and explains them as interest-driven adaptive readjustments to the dual logic of modernization imperative and of the world situation. From a post-Tiananmen perspective, the paper also critically evaluates the nature and scope of Chinese global learning as well as its new possibilities and old limitations.

This article examines the systemic constraints and opportunities confronting the United Nations, specifically as an instrument for making and implementing 'global policy', in an era in which universal and formal organizational approaches to international co-operation are seriously being called into question. The author argues that global policy entails some manner of global organization which can provide the necessary apparatus for engaging the international system in policy-relevant political--intellectual routines at the system-wide level. The UN could play a special role in facilitating decisions by the international community as to what type of policy device is possible and desirable in a given problem area (norms, rules, organizations, or other outputs) as well as what the policy scope might be (global or subglobal). However, under the present set of arrangements--labeled 'functional eclecticism'--the UN is poorly equipped to help determine how much formal institutionalism and globalism is optimal for the international system. Another model--'dirigible pluralism'--is articulated that suggests an alternative set of arrangements whereby the UN might move toward routinizing international public policy processes and furnishing a degree of central guidance compatible with an increasingly subsystem-dominant, polyarchical world.

Introduction After the Cold War ended, human rights became part of the new international security paradigm. Deterrence, balance of power, nuclear disarmament, proxy wars arid other Cold War tools went [...]

This article attempts to locate and understand the place of Third World states in the international system both in terms of their collective impact on the system as the 'intruder' element into the Eurocentric system of states and in terms of their role as individual new sovereign states trying to adjust to an international order that can only be defined as an 'anarchical society.' Often the dual pressures generated by these two roles can make conflicting demands on these states' decision-making centers, which themselves are under severe internal strain due to the lack of 'unconditional legitimacy' for both Third World state-structures and the regimes that preside over them. It is argued that an expanded definition of the concept of 'security' is essential for the construction of any paradigm that would have sufficient power to explain why Third World states behave as they do within the international system. It is also argued that the present difficulties they face in adjusting to the system of sovereign states is analogous to the growing pains of adolescence rather than to the schizophrenia of the demented.

I appreciate the opportunity to be here with you as we recall the ongoing tragedy in Cambodia. The presence of so many people here testifies to the deep and abiding [...]

I am pleased to have this opportunity to meet with you and other members of the committee today to discuss recent developments in the Philippines and their implications for U.S. [...]

News Conference of October 31 Secretary Shultz held a news conference at the Department of State on October 31, 1985.(1) My trip to Moscow is part of a continuing and [...]

News Conference of September 17 (Excerpts) We need stronger growth not just at home but throughout the world. And we must have free and fair trade for all. This is [...]

MR. ADELMAN I am pleased to appear before this distinguished committee today to discuss the peaceful nuclear cooperation agreement between the United States and China--the first agreement with a nuclear-weapon [...]

Secretary's Visit to Korea and the Philippines Seoul, Dinner Toast, May 7, 1986 Since its founding in 1948, the Republic of Korea has made remarkable progress in all fields. U.S.-Korean [...]

Hemispheric Cooperation in the Administration of Justice The countries of the Western Hemisphere all have constitutions or other fundamental laws that guarantee rights and offer remedies for a range of [...]

President Reagan has often stated his desire to improve our relationship and improve communications with the Soviet Government and to find ways to narrow the differences between us. He sees [...]

The U.S. delegation wishes to note that on July 18, 1984, we last raised the matter of Nicaragua's failure to live up to its solemn promises of july 12, 1979, [...]

President Reagan's April 4 initiative offers an important opportunity for Nicaragua to move toward peace--with its own people, with its neighbors, and , therefore, with the United States. The President's [...]

The Need for Continuity in U.S. Latin American Policy This renewal of cooperation between the reelected Administration and the new Congrees is an appropriate time to look realistically at what [...]

I'm honored to come before you today, the first American President ever to address your nation from the Great Hall of the People. My wife Nancy and I have looked [...]

Secretary Visits Canada Secretary Shultz visits Canada on November 21, 1986, to meet with Secretary for External Affairs Joseph Clark. Following is a joint news conference by the two Secretaries. [...]

U.S. Foreign Policy Achievements and Challenges Address before a State Department regional foreign policy conference in Salt Lake City on October 18, 1986. This is a beautiful setting in which [...]

I appreciate your invitation to review with you the human rights situation in Peru. Both the country and the topic are important. And there are many developments to discuss. In [...]

NEWS CONFERENCE, MOSCOW, NOV. 5, 1985 We all have just concluded around 14 hours of intensive discussion, with General Secretary Gorbachev this morning, with Foreign Minister Shevardnadze yesterday and this [...]

Many countries worldwide have expressed their condolences over NATO's bombing of the Chinese Embassy in Belgrade, Yugoslavia, on May 8 1999, with some also condemning NATO's bombing campaign against Yugoslavia. Russian President Boris Yeltsin deemed NATO's attack on the Chinese Embassy as tyrannical and barbaric. Vietnam interpreted the attack as a violation of international law, while India deemed NATO's aerial bombardment as unacceptable. South Africa, Cambodia and Peru also condemned NATO's campaign.