Search

The subject of the study is the conceptual, theoretical, empirical, methodological and applied foundations of the international legal status of the WTO in the context of economic globalisation. Methodology. General scientific and specific legal methods were used in the research process. With the help of the analysis the quantitative and qualitative characteristics of international trade are determined as a prerequisite for the determination of the international legal status of the WTO in the conditions of economic globalisation. The synthesis ensured the formation of characteristic features of the legal status of the WTO as an international organisation. The comparative legal method allowed to identify the common and distinctive features of international organisations in this area, as well as to clarify the defining aspects of the legal personality of the WTO in the modern international legal field. The formal-legal method created the conditions for formulating conclusions on the effectiveness of the implementation of the legal personality of the WTO in the sphere of ensuring the rules of international trade in the conditions of economic globalisation. The purpose of this article is to identify the characteristics of the international legal status of the WTO under the conditions of economic globalisation. The results of the study showed that the international legal status of the WTO in the conditions of economic globalisation is based on the basic principles of legal regulation of international trade and is mediated by the purpose of activity, legal personality, the order of formation and powers of the governing bodies, principles and procedural aspects of the functioning of this organisation. Conclusion. The international legal status of the WTO in the conditions of economic globalisation is considered from the standpoint of a dichotomous approach to this category from the standpoint of economics and law. Economic preconditions for the introduction of international trade rules in the form of GATT, 1947 and WTO research through the analysis of primarily statistical data of the periods 1947-1948 and 2017-2022, reflected in the consolidated information data of the WTO, as well as the study of individual theoretical considerations of scientists. Statistical indicators show clear signs of globalisation of the world economy, which is mediated by international trade operations, as a result of which the creation of transparent mechanisms for the circulation of goods within the framework of trade activities as a kind of existence of the world community through various static and dynamic legal constructions, among which WOT occupies almost the most significant importance along with other international organisations. The above is demonstrated by the example of the impact of COVID-2019 on international trade, the corresponding reaction to which was the revitalisation of trade processes, primarily in the field of pharmaceutical industry products. The above has covered the main principles of international legal regulation of trade relations at the formal and substantive level, which is carried out at the universal international legal, regional international legal and national levels. In connection with the differentiation of the components of the legal personality of the WTO, the definition of international legal capacity is given as the ability of a subject of international activity to acquire appropriate rights for itself by its own actions and to exercise them independently, as well as to create corresponding obligations for itself by its actions, to fulfil them independently and to bear responsibility in case of their non-fulfilment. In terms of the nature of this organisation, its place among other similar international organisations, in particular those operating within the framework of the UN, was invented by the field of activity, where attention is paid to the predominance of the latter in order to maintain international peace and security. The purpose of the activities of the WTO is to create and ensure international, multilateral, open, based on fair competition and other features inherent to trade in modern society, where the quasi-procedural moment, based on the replacement of a number of bilateral and multilateral agreements, is an external manifestation of such activity. It characterises the original and derivative legal instruments of the WTO's operation, defines the socio-economic and legal purpose of its activities, defines the structure and powers of the WTO's governing bodies, and focuses the organisation's legal personality on the procedural aspect of its activities, in particular through the implementation of relevant principles, among which the principle of maximum contribution plays a leading role.

Scholarship on global environmental assessments call for these organisations to become more reflexive to address challenges around participation, inclusivity of perspectives, and responsivity to the policy domains they inform. However, there has been less call for reflexivity in IPCC scholarship or closer examination of how routine concepts condition scholarly understanding by focusing on science and politics over other social dynamics. In this article, I suggest that scholarly reflexivity could advance new analytical approaches that provide practical insights for changing organisational structures. Through reflecting on my understanding of the IPCC, I develop actors, activities, and forms of authority as a new analytical framework for studying international organisations and knowledge bodies. Through its application, I describe the social order of the IPCC within and between the panel, the bureau, the technical support units, the secretariat and the authors, which is revealing of which actors, on the basis of what authority, have symbolic power over the writing of climate change. The fine-grained analysis of organisations enabled by this analytical framework reveals how dominance can and is being remade through intergovernmental relations and potentially, identifies avenues that managers of these bodies can pursue to challenge it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Dag Hammarskjöld Library at the United Nations (UN) Headquarters in New York supplies the staff of the UN secretariat and member states' permanent missions with research data and information services. The services are also available to interested parties around the world. Its online repository, the United Nations Digital Library, offers free access worldwide to the official UN documentation records and publications of the organisation. The article gives an overview of the library's history and available information products and services to promote findability and open access to authoritative UN information. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Uzhhorod National University Herald Series Law is the property of Uzhhorod National University, State Higher Educational Establishment and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article deals with the issue of inspections and evaluations as part of the internal oversight of the United Nations. It is described the powers and activities of the Inspection and Evaluation Division (IED), which operates within the structure of the Office of Internal Oversight Services. In particular, it is indicated that the Inspection and Evaluation Division conducts programme evaluations to conduct analytical and critical assessments of programme implementation and legal frameworks, checking whether changes in them require a review of implementation methods and the relevance of administrative procedures. The main functions of the Division include: preparing a report on programme implementation at the end of each biennium containing qualitative and quantitative information; assessing, on a systematic and objective basis, the relevance, effectiveness, efficiency and efficiency of the Organisation's activities in achieving its objectives; submitting a report to the UN General Assembly on strengthening the evaluation function and related oversight activities within the UN; conducting special inspections of programmes and organisational units to identify problems affecting the efficiency and effectiveness of the implementation of programmed activities and recommending corrective measures to improve programme delivery; providing internal management advisory services to programme managers, upon request etc. It is stated that the Division carries out several types of evaluation activities, including: programme evaluations; thematic evaluations; inspections; biennial studies on evaluation; evaluation dashboard etc. Themes covered by evaluations include: peace and security; sustainable development; human rights and humanitarian assistance; and organisational management and support. The main target audiences and users of the IED evaluation materials are: the Secretary-General, UN programme managers and staff, member states, primarily the Committee for Programme and Coordination (CPC) and the Administrative and Budgetary Committee (Fifth Committee) of the General Assembly and Security Council, UN stakeholders and partners. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article describes the provisions of international legal acts on support and protection of the rights of victims of terrorism (UN Global Counter-Terrorism Strategy, UN GA resolutions, Good Practices in Supporting Victims of Terrorism within the Criminal Justice Framework, The Criminal Justice Response to Support Victims of Acts of Terrorism, the Handbook of Good Practices to Support Victims' Associations in Africa and the Middle East, Model Legislative Provisions to Support the Needs and Protect the Rights of Victims of Terrorism etc.) It is indicated that the Global Counter-Terrorism Strategy and its attached Action Plan provide for the establishment of national assistance systems on a voluntary basis that will take into account the needs of victims of terrorism and their families and contribute to the normalisation of their lives. It is emphasised that the UN General Assembly reviews the Global Counter-Terrorism Strategy every two years, which makes it a living document linked to the priorities of member states in the fight against terrorism. In particular, in the Eighth Review of the Strategy (2023), the UN GA reaffirmed the role that victims of terrorism, including the role in disincentivising terrorism, stressing the need to promote international solidarity in support of victims of terrorism and to ensure their dignified and respectful treatment. It is pointed out that the resolutions adopted by the UN GA (72/165, 73/305) on victims of terrorism made it possible to lay a more solid foundation for intensifying the efforts of Member States to provide assistance to victims. It is emphasised the role of the UNODC in supporting victims of terrorism, under the auspices of which a number of acts have been developed containing strategies for building institutional capacity to involve victims of terrorism in investigations and prosecutions; national experience, programmes and legislation on supporting victims of terrorism are summarised. It is indicated that in 2022, the Model Legislative Provisions to Support the Needs and Protect the Rights of Victims of Terrorism were adopted, which are based on the international legal framework for victims of crimes and grave human rights violations and are intended to assist Member States in protecting the rights and addressing the needs of victims of terrorism in their national legislation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The International Labour Organization is a specialised organisation of the United Nations. Regarding membership, the founding agreement provides for the possi- bility of a Member State withdrawing. These regulations do not include detailed stages of the procedure, but they indicate specific actions that should be taken by the state to withdraw from the ILO. With the end of the withdrawal procedure, the Member State should be prepared for the emerging (political, economic, stra- tegic) consequences of such a procedure. Importantly, the statutory provisions regarding the procedure for withdrawing from the ILO have been implemented many times, with examples being the breaking of the membership ties by South Africa or Indonesia.

While often recognised as a difficult actor in global efforts addressing the proliferation, control, and disarmament of nuclear weapons, the EU is also assumed to have the potential to play a more cohesive “state-like” role, especially in multilateral forum such as the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons review cycle. Such assumptions raise expectations of EU external action and influence, which the EU then invariably fails to meet. This article offers a reframing of how we understand the EU as an actor, focusing on its role in the nuclear weapons regime complex. Specifically, the article considers how, and under what conditions, the EU orchestrates within and across the nuclear weapons regime complex. Drawing on the orchestration and regime complex scholarship, alongside empirical data of EU external action from 2003 to 2019, the article shows how the EU’s natural proclivity for effective multilateralism, coupled with its functional limitations, the political cleavages impeding both the EU and multilateral progress within the regime complex, and the presence of like-minded intermediaries, create ripe conditions for EU orchestration in this field. It further argues that while the EU has struggled to inject agency within individual nuclear negotiation forums, its use of orchestration as a soft and indirect mode of governance is not only well-established but advancing. Orchestration is therefore found to serve as an important metric for understanding and evaluating the scope of EU agency in the nuclear weapons regime complex.

How do external actors promote regional international organisations (RIOs) through their regional foreign aid? Whereas most leading theories of regionalism stipulate that RIOs are designed and shaped by intra--r-egional actors from 'within', this study develops a novel framework for exploring donor involvement in RIOs during various stages of the foreign aid policy cycle. The research design is based on a comparison of the four largest European donors of regional foreign aid (EU, Germany, Sweden and the UK) towards the largest recipient in Africa (African Union). The comparative analysis reveals considerable variation and each donor employ their own distinct approach, which we conceptualise as Bully (EU), Overseer (UK), Micromanager (Germany) and Samaritan (Sweden). This comparative design enables us not only to escape the EU-centrism that currently distorts the research field but also to analyse the different ways by which European donors try to influence and even control RIOs in Africa through their foreign aid. The deep donor involvement in RIOs in Africa challenges us to rethink external intrusion, the meaning of ownership as well as conventional boundaries of 'inside'/'outside' in the study of regionalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article refers to the economic diplomacy of Türkiye and illustrates some changes during the history of the country’s political and economic diplomacy. The background of the economic diplomacy process has been clarifi ed and detailed information has been included. Bipolar and unipolar periods are analysed within the framework of economic and political diplomacies in their natural state. The development process of the Turkish economic diplomacy strategy is identified during particular periods in Turkish history. The structural transformation of Türkiye as regards its inward-oriented to outward-oriented economic policies has been evaluated. The mechanisms of Türkiye’s multi-directional foreign policy, bilateral trade, and diplomatic relations between Türkiye, the EU and other countries are examined. The role of dependence and interdependence in economics are given in the context of economic globalisation. For this research, the historical methodology has been used. It is suggested that collaborative problem solving with all the institutions involved in economic and political decisions could lead to better outcomes for the country in the international arena.

The main purpose of this article is to explore the challenges that a researcher in Interpreting Studies may encounter in writing an ethnographic account of a field mission, being herself an internal observer and working as a conference interpreter for an organisation to which she has pledged allegiance. The article reports reflexively on dilemmas and challenges in conducting the research from an insider position. It demonstrates the ways in which the reflections on these dilemmas and challenges were used to reach a decision on the type of ethnographic account to write. After exploring some forms of ethnographic accounts, the article argues that an impressionist tale is a suitable approach when the researcher is part of the researched subjects and when she and her colleagues are the main characters in a delicate and emotionally charged environment characterised by the need to safeguard confidentiality and anonymity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While often recognised as a difficult actor in global efforts addressing the proliferation, control, and disarmament of nuclear weapons, the EU is also assumed to have the potential to play a more cohesive "state-like" role, especially in multilateral forum such as the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons review cycle. Such assumptions raise expectations of EU external action and influence, which the EU then invariably fails to meet. This article offers a reframing of how we understand the EU as an actor, focusing on its role in the nuclear weapons regime complex. Specifically, the article considers how, and under what conditions, the EU orchestrates within and across the nuclear weapons regime complex. Drawing on the orchestration and regime complex scholarship, alongside empirical data of EU external action from 2003 to 2019, the article shows how the EU's natural proclivity for effective multilateralism, coupled with its functional limitations, the political cleavages impeding both the EU and multilateral progress within the regime complex, and the presence of like-minded intermediaries, create ripe conditions for EU orchestration in this field. It further argues that while the EU has struggled to inject agency within individual nuclear negotiation forums, its use of orchestration as a soft and indirect mode of governance is not only well-established but advancing. Orchestration is therefore found to serve as an important metric for understanding and evaluating the scope of EU agency in the nuclear weapons regime complex. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Critique of Law: Independent Legal Studies / Krytyka Prawa: Niezalezne Studia nad Prawem is the property of Akademia Leona Kozminskiego and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The primary aim of this paper is to investigate the objective of India’s joining the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO). The significance of this research lies in finding the correlation between the norms adopted by the organisation and the real reason for a country’s joining that organisation. Similarly, special attention has been paid to the concept of international organisations as norm disseminators. The paper first discusses the normative theory of international relations and tries to bridge it with international organisations (IOs). Additionally, the paper assesses the role played by norms in driving international organisations or vice versa. The main argument is that India has adopted a cooperation and competition approach to the SCO, considering its bitter relations with China and Pakistan. This is a qualitative study that considers primary and secondary sources to connect the theoretical understanding with the empirical study.

Abstract This research delves into the way in which Hans Morgenthau had studied and discussed the United Nations as an organisation, mainly during its first twenty years. Drawing on the influence of Carl Schmitt and Hans Kelsen and on his own personal disappointment with the League of Nations, Morgenthau strongly criticized the UN. The author considers that the organisation propounds lofty principles but harbours old-style diplomacy. After establishing a succinct comparison with Raymond Aron, the article highlights the reasons for Morgenthau’s criticism, including some abiding features of realism, such as the focus on great powers, a limited attribution of agency to other actors and an emphasis on security to the detriment of cooperative activities. It underlines how Morgenthau rejected the UN as a basis to build a world state. It concludes by arguing that Morgenthau’s realism highlights the frailties of the UN but does not explain why states still insist in the multilateral institutions.United Nations, international organisation, Security Council, Hans Morgenthau, General Assembly

This research delves into the way in which Hans Morgenthau had studied and discussed the United Nations as an organisation, mainly during its first twenty years. Drawing on the influence of Carl Schmitt and Hans Kelsen and on his own personal disappointment with the League of Nations, Morgenthau strongly criticized the UN. The author considers that the organisation propounds lofty principles but harbours old-style diplomacy. After establishing a succinct comparison with Raymond Aron, the article highlights the reasons for Morgenthau's criticism, including some abiding features of realism, such as the focus on great powers, a limited attribution of agency to other actors and an emphasis on security to the detriment of cooperative activities. It underlines how Morgenthau rejected the UN as a basis to build a world state. It concludes by arguing that Morgenthau's realism highlights the frailties of the UN but does not explain why states still insist in the multilateral institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Multilateral trust funds have become an increasingly prominent funding mechanism in international development. Yet marked differences exist in the extent to which donors support trust funds. In this study, we argue that differential support for trust funds originates in donor domestic politics. Specifically, it results from differences in national bureaucratic rulebooks that incentivise aid officials to support trust funds more or less. Because trust funds place a high premium on performance and results, aid officials from donor countries whose aid bureaucracies are set up to promote performance and results are more likely to support trust funds than their counterparts from aid bureaucracies that are less performance-oriented. We find robust support for differential use of trust funds in terms of incidence of usage, type of preferred fund and outsourcing behaviour, drawing on a data set of World Bank trust funds. Our project contributes to the understanding of international development cooperation by mapping donor political economies to the rise of trust fund usage. We also contribute to a better understanding of the global diffusion of performance-based evaluation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

RESEARCH OBJECTIVE: The objective of the article is to define the conceptual framework of the contemporary governmental system and its style of functionality to strengthen democratic values, norms, and the rule of law. The purpose of the article is to elaborate governance that shares state power to facilitate the democratic rights of the people in the contemporary world. THE RESEARCH PROBLEM AND METHODS: This article aims to analyse the power and governance in the current structure of democracy. The article evaluates the dynamics of contemporary democracy and how the government shapes the power for better governance. Future research highlights the conceptual framework of the qualitative approach and relies on discourse analysis to find out the outcomes of this study. The study uses a theoretical approach to examine contemporary governance, different approaches and how to build socio-political cooperation. THE PROCESS OF ARGUMENTATION: It discusses various aspects of modern democracy in the context of the governability of those who hold power. Furthermore, the article argues how the states are shaping modern democracy. How a new political order pioneers the norms of the state through its governance. What is the legitimate principle of the work for the new political order? RESEARCH RESULTS: As a result, the article tries to find out that modern democracy is running under a populist government in various countries in the world. The emergence of ultra-right-wing power groups diminished the norms of liberal democracy. CONCLUSIONS, INNOVATIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS: The article highlights the points as a conclusion of democracy facing many challenges in the new populist governance worldwide. The contemporary global communities are trying to make governance for peace, prosperity, and respect for the humanities but and on the other hand, international communities are failed in some places i. e. Afghanistan. This discussion recommends about international communities to create an environment for cooperation among different nationstates to make an international partnership for the establishment of peace, cooperation for the well-being of the people, and stop conflicts and recurring wars. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article refers to the economic diplomacy of Türkiye and illustrates some changes during the history of the country's political and economic diplomacy. The background of the economic diplomacy process has been clarified and detailed information has been included. Bipolar and unipolar periods are analysed within the framework of economic and political diplomacies in their natural state. The development process of the Turkish economic diplomacy strategy is identified during particular periods in Turkish history. The structural transformation of Türkiye as regards its inward-oriented to outward-oriented economic policies has been evaluated. The mechanisms of Türkiye's multi-directional foreign policy, bilateral trade, and diplomatic relations between Türkiye, the EU and other countries are examined. The role of dependence and interdependence in economics are given in the context of economic globalisation. For this research, the historical methodology has been used. It is suggested that collaborative problem solving with all the institutions involved in economic and political decisions could lead to better outcomes for the country in the international arena. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of the study is to identify the role of the People's Republic of China in the activities of the organisation, based on the Chinese vision of its role in the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation as one of the ideological and philosophical leaders that determine its focus and ideology. In particular, China implements the principle of polycentrism in Eurasia and interstate partnership and promotes the idea of state-regulated economic globalisation. The methodology of this scientific research is based on the analytical method of studying the issues related to the topic of the scientific research. China proceeds from the concept of ensuring full sovereignty by the member states of the organisation, but against the backdrop of low development rates of national economies (up to 2–2.5%) and lack of awareness by countries of their national interests in the region, Chinese business will strengthen its expansion, relying on both the World Trade Organisation rules and using protectionist measures by absorbing ineffective business entities. China is guided by the principles of non-interference in the internal affairs of other states, while maintaining its socio-political model based on the fusion of the communist ideology and the traditional philosophical doctrines of China and the mentality of the country's population, excluding the democracy export policy, denying the desire for undivided hegemony and to rule the world community. This is confirmed by the main key elements of the People's Republic of China's foreign policy, determined by the Chinese leadership. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores whether and to what extent expert recommendations affect decision-making within the Security Council and its North Korea and Iran sanctions regimes. The article first develops a rationalist theoretical argument to show why making many second-stage decisions, such as determining lists of items under export restrictions, subjects Security Council members to repeating coordination situations. Expert recommendations may provide focal point solutions to coordination problems, even when interests diverge and preferences remain stable. Empirically, the article first explores whether expert recommendations affected decision-making on commodity sanctions imposed on North Korea. Council members heavily relied on recommended export trigger lists as focal points, solving a divisive conflict among great powers. Second, the article explores whether expert recommendations affected the designation of sanctions violators in the Iran sanctions regime. Council members designated individuals and entities following expert recommendations as focal points, despite conflicting interests among great powers. The article concludes that expert recommendations are an additional means of influence in Security Council decision-making and seem relevant for second-stage decision-making among great powers in other international organisations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article relies on two international projects to argue for the existence of a 'centrarchy' in the fields of education and technology (and beyond). Centrarchy denotes a power structure in which power rests with 'the Centre'. The Centre signifies well-respected departments, top-tiered journals, the best editors, critical reviewers and leading authors; the Periphery denotes anyone else. The Centre has assigned itself the mission of guiding the Periphery out of its underdevelopment. It has served as a proxy for quality scholarship and believes that Periphery's societies require a saviour (the Centre). It has ignored the knowledge that has (and could have) been produced by the Periphery's researchers. Its ways of researching the world have been internalised and taken for granted by the Periphery's academics, who have come to see these ways as the natural order and common sense. It has seen the Periphery's societies as outliers appropriate merely for local case studies, whereas its case studies transcend locality and have universal value. The Centre–Periphery 'wall' is unbreachable because of empirically uninspected factors, which are unearthed here. This article, furthermore, shows some academics to be on 'the periphery of the Periphery'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What is the role of values and principles in sustaining and reforming trade multilateralism? After several years of crisis and gridlock, by the end of 2018 the reform process became a central issue at World Trade Organization (WTO) discussions. Whereas members agreed on the idea that WTO reform was a necessary condition for the preservation of trade multilateralism, whether and how that reform is still possible is uncertain. While the discrepancies in the positions among the proposals have been considered in several papers, the role of the values and principles behind them has been overlooked. In this paper, recalling Ruggie's theory on multilateralism, I propose to identify whether in the reform debates countries still share a core of principles and values that could sustain trade multilateralism and move the WTO beyond its current paralysis. To do so, I use evidence based on a data set of coded statements of WTO members at the General Council meetings in the period 2019–2020. The paper shows that, although sharing a willingness to support multilateralism, members diverge in the values and principles that give meaning and shape to this type of international cooperation, challenging the capacity of the WTO to find its way through the reform. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An agreement was reached at the Rio+20 Sustainable Development Conference in 2012 on the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), which built on and continued the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) to address global challenges. The United Nations, in partnership with governments, academics and civil society, conceived the sustainable development framework for the post-2015 period. As a result of this work, on 25 September 2015, the 193 member states of the United Nations accepted a set of 17 goals and the set of proposals for the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. The International Federation of Library Associations and Institutions (IFLA) has always had a strong strategic focus on international cultural policy, the formulation of sectoral policies and their adaptation to the library sector. An obvious area of library advocacy is cooperation with world organisations that have a global impact on our societies, with a comprehensive agenda on issues affecting our planet. So, naturally, even as the new UN global program was taking shape, responsible leaders of the IFLA were already involved in the process, raising awareness of the importance of library support. The aim of IFLA is to ensure that, through advocacy, library associations and organisations, as well as public libraries, should be included in these sustainability development plans at both global and local levels, as institutions to be utilised to achieve the goals and as working partners, and should also appear in the UN voluntary national review materials. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Review of International Affairs (04866096) is the property of Institute of International Politics & Economics and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Despite various efforts made by the international organisations over the decades, the idea of concluding an international agreement on foreign investment is still some way off. Due to the protest from the developing states, at this moment, international organisations do not have this item on their active agenda. The objective if this paper is to provide a thorough understanding of the law of foreign investment and the interplay between law and politics in regulating foreign investment. This paper examines two questions, namely, what are the efforts of the international organisations of regulating foreign investment? How has the law been interpreted over the years? Using doctrinal research method, this paper will critically analyse various international instruments in order to find out their effort to regulate FDI in host states. The findings of this study show that contribution made by the UN and other international organisations may not have led to a triumphant conclusion of a universal instrument but they have spelt out the main principles of law governing the treatment of foreign investment under international law.

The study of policy transfer initially focused on transfers and transmissions among developed countries or from developed countries to the developing world. Today the circulation of policy and knowledge has become more dense and complex. The articles in the special issue concentrate on the growing velocity of policy innovations spreading from the developing world to other parts of the developing as well as into developed countries and towards international organisations. The context of international development cooperation has been particularly fertile in the cross-pollination of ideas, models and policy experiments, and the articles in this Special Issue draw deeply on this insight. Using a ‘development lens’ enables the authors to view processes of knowledge diffusion and policy transfer not from the centre, in the ministries of national governments, but from policy perimeters, in cities and local government, among those outside political power in opposition groups and movements, and bottom-up from policy implementers.

Copyright of Africa Spectrum is the property of Sage Publications Inc. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Declarations of a "New World Order", and the "end of history", formed part of the optimism that, with the end of the Cold War, international organisation as a process, and international organisations (IOs), the physical manifestations of this process, held promise as never before for the provision of international peace and security. Yet East Asia was missing out. With ongoing ideological divides, deep historical mistrust, territorial conflicts, and jealous defence of sovereign state prerogatives, it seemed that the region was doomed to be an exception. Three decades later, despite the proliferation of IOs, East Asian exceptionalism persists. This paper, therefore, assesses why the peace and security-generating function of international organisation has proven so difficult to manifest in East Asia, what hope there may be for progress, and the prospects of several of the main candidate organisations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

ASEAN has adopted decision-making by consensus. Taking ASEAN as a case study, this article aims to explain how competing positions are reconciled and international agreements reached in organisations that have adopted consensus, a process that risks non-agreement because each participant has veto power, as their sole decision-making rule. ASEAN roundtables with the foreign ministers of its member states have indeed generated some meaningful agreements. I argue that rules and customs associated with ASEAN chairmanship effectively comprise a reconciliation mechanism. The chair is empowered to play an agenda-setting role, and the combination of rotating chairmanship and a limited number of member states means that every state will enjoy the strong power, within a reasonably short period of time. Since each state knows that its turn will come soon, all are willing to allow the others to exert the power of the chair and guide consensus toward agreements that are consistent with the chair's national interests. This article analyses the impact of a strong ASEAN chair via empirical case studies of decisions reached (or not) under consensus regarding issues where member states had conflicting interests. This analysis of ASEAN decision-making contributes to the ongoing debate on effectiveness of ASEAN and has theoretical implications for the understanding of international organisations that operate under similar institutional settings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With 194 members, INTERPOL is the most influential actor in matters of transnational policing. Regrettably, the organisation is vulnerable against cases of misuse. Certain states manage to exploit the tools of the organisation, to persecute and track political dissidents or non-aligned members of the media outside their borders. As such, INTERPOL has become a prime example on how non-democratic countries can exert their influence and expand their reach well beyond their domestic jurisdictions via their participation in international organisations. Not wanting to allow the proliferation of criminal havens in certain regions, the organisation has opted to connect with and bring together as many police forces of different states as possible. Evidently, such connections are created with little or no consideration of the state of criminal justice systems and forms of government of the countries involved, as well as any subsequent risks. Such a complex state of affairs demands a thorough reflection on whether it is acceptable to compromise between the need for security and the rights of individuals and procedural justice. The issue has vast legal and practical ramifications, and it is ultimately a question pertaining to the realm of global constitutionalism. Does INTERPOL have the legal authority to be in charge of finding a balance between security and procedural justice? If so, on what legal basis, and to what extent? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By virtue of Protocol on the Privileges and Immunities of the European Union and its in-stitutions, the latter are granted immunity of jurisdiction and immunity of enforcement. However, such an immunity is an exception in any procedural law. Both procedural im-munities only apply where there is interference with the functioning of the EU, insofar as the EU is not hindered by the ongoing national proceedings in the performing of its tasks and duties, no immunity can be granted. The Court of Justice of the EU applies the doctrine of functional immunity developed for international organisations and the general synallagmatic principle of law of the sincere cooperation between the EU and its Member States (Article 4(3) TEU) to set up duty of institutions to cooperate with national judiciary in national proceedings.

This article explores how, in the quest for new global order, global governance might acquire greater sociological legitimacy. What are the sources of legitimacy in global governance? In other words, what conditions generate confidence and trust in global-scale authorities? To explore this question, the article first elaborates on the general concept of legitimacy as it relates to global regulation. Thereafter the discussion considers, under three main headings, a broad range of possible drivers of legitimacy beliefs vis-à-vis global governance. First, some of these sources are institutional, relating to features of the global regulatory organisations, such as their procedural inputs and their performance outputs. Second, other sources of legitimacy are individual, relating to the characteristics of the subjects of global governance, such as their identity orientations and their levels of social trust. Third, further sources of legitimacy in global governance are societal, relating to the general ordering patterns of world politics, such as prevailing norms, capitalism, and a hegemonic state. The article concludes by urging that researchers break from past habits of treating institutional, individual and societal sources of legitimacy separately and in isolation from each other. Instead, legitimacy in global governance can be more fully understood – and more effectively promoted in practice – if one examines these various forces together, and in terms of their mutual constitution.

As regards the fight against tax evasion individual states do not act isolated, on the contrary the key role is being played by international organisations. Because of the wide fiscal sovereignty of states such cooperation takes many forms and outputs. On the one hand, this article aims to identify areas within which the fight against tax evasion occurs. Furthermore, it aims to analyse the development and current status of important international organisations that fight against tax evasion and to present their selected outputs.

Interest in gender norms is rising within the field of global health and among its funders. With more resources available for norms change work, international institutions seek to develop thoughtful strategic and programmatic responses to a variety of issues, including violence against children. Yet changing deeply rooted gender norms requires sensitivity to local context. This can present a challenge for mid- to large sized organisations, as well as funders, who are typically required to develop strategies that encompass multiple contexts. This paper presents practical lessons learned from a mapping study of UNICEF's existing work to change discriminatory gender norms. As the world's leading children's rights organisation, preventing violence against children (0–9) and adolescents (ages 10–19) is a key component of UNICEF's work. This mapping formed the foundation of the institution's efforts to build out a coordinated strategy and programme of work around 'positive gender socialisation.' The mapping was unique in that it accounted for differences across and within regions and sought to develop an institutional programme of work based on local experience and existing priorities. The lessons learned are relevant to other organisations and practice-oriented research programmes embarking on work to change norms that lead to violence against children. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper handles two Eurasian international financial institutions, the Eurasian Development Bank (EDB) and the Eurasian Fund for Stabilisation and Development (EFSD), focusing on interaction with their international counterparts, including international financial organisations and multilateral development banks. We attempt to explain the reasons behind the choice of partners, modalities of interactions, underlying incentives and constraints, and varying dynamics of these two entities. It covers the following questions: What are the reasons behind the varying dynamics of international interactions for both institutions? What conditions the choice of institutions to cooperate with? Which constraints do the Eurasian institutions face? What is the relation between competition and complementarity in these interactions? The paper eliminates gaps in understanding the modalities and dynamics of the EDB and EFSD's interaction with their counterparts among international financial institutions and provides a set of explanations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The EU has not yet found effective answers to constitutional crises in its Member States, in particular Hungary and Poland. Due to systemic problems of compliance with the common values of Art. 2, the legitimacy of the EU constitutional order and its smooth functioning are under threat, but the EU lacks instruments of direct enforcement and coercion. Several authors have therefore proposed to ‘federalize’ EU mechanisms and to guarantee to EU institutions, in particular the Court of Justice, more powers to intervene vis-à-vis Member States. However, the current Treaty framework presents a series of obstacles to federal-like enforcement. Solutions to national crises must ultimately respect the constitutional balance between the Union and the Member States.

INTERPOL was not created by a treaty, nor was it created by states. INTERPOL was developed by a group of diverse domestic police officers, who structured the international entity and designed its legal framework in order to co-operate within the limits set by the laws of their respective countries. As a product of the police environment, for many years INTERPOL was constituted in a way that made it look like a private police club, feeding the general confusion concerning the membership, the role, and the legal status of the organisation. Addressing many of the historical traits of INTERPOL provides a key for understanding the reasons behind the current configuration of central parts of INTERPOL's legal framework, as well as their past and present significance. For this purpose, this article explores the history of INTERPOL by presenting fragments of historical legal documents, which are then analysed and contextualised. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This special section turns its gaze inwards to explore how legitimate authority is constructed in the field of peacebuilding. Authority building in peacebuilding has attracted much research interest since peacebuilding efforts have become unending 'transitions' from war to peace. Commonly, the main reference point of these debates is Max Weber's distinction between bureaucratic, traditional and charismatic legitimacy. Drawing on the articles in this special section, the introduction discusses the limits of a Weberian approach and suggests a number of amendments in order to better frame research into the political sociology of global institutions of peace. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article assesses the significance of the League of Nations as an experiment in world order and explains its relevance to the contemporary world order. It does this by studying three world order institutions introduced by the League namely, intergovernmental organisations, collective security, and international law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

International organisations (IOs) are increasingly going public by pursuing proactive public communication. How is this trend changing the terms under which global public debates on international issues take place? The article argues that IO public communication may have highly problematic repercussions for public discourse, because it tends to prioritise some voices, while marginalising others. I discuss a problematic prioritisation/marginalisation of voices in relation to three logics of public communication. First, as public information, public communication privileges organisational leaders by heralding their official narrative of goals, internal processes and outside action. Second, as governance, it strategically sides with norm entrepreneurs and orchestrates advocacy campaigns. Third, as self-legitimation, it seeks to construct symbolically procedural fairness and inclusiveness. Based on these logics, public communication may play a questionable role in marginalising critics of IO policies and procedures while facilitating public (mis)perceptions of its democratic credentials and the depoliticisation of institutional inequalities. My argument is illustrated by the results obtained from a combined reconstructive and quantitative text analysis of the United Nations' communications in the Arms Trade Treaty process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How did the transition from a world of empire to a global international system organised around the sovereign state play out? This article traces the transition over the past two centuries through an examination of membership debates in two prominent intergovernmental organisations (IGOs). IGOs are sites of contestation that play a role in the constitution of the international system. Discussions within IGOs reflect and shape broader international norms, and are one mechanism through which the international system determines questions of membership and attendant rights and obligations. The article reveals that IGO membership policies during this period reflected different compromises between the three competing principles of great power privilege, the 'standard of civilisation', and universal sovereign equality. The article contributes to Global IR as it confirms that non-Western agency was crucial in bringing about this transition. States in Africa, Asia, and Latin America championed the adoption of the sovereignty criterion. In this, paradoxically, one of the core constitutional norms of the 'European' international system – the principle of sovereign equality – was realised at the hands of non-European actors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]