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This article examines the British trade union movement's relationship with Zionism in the period from the Arab Revolt to the Six Day War. It argues that despite an appearance of fraternalism between the British and Zionist labour movements, this relationship was, in fact, governed more by indifference and political expediency on behalf of British trade unions and unionists than by any genuine ideological solidarity or conviction. It shows the Trades Union Congress's reluctance to give any tangible support to Zionist political aims, most clearly when such aims were in opposition to the Attlee government's Palestine policy, but even at other points when the Zionist project faced existential threats to its continued existence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the multifaceted dimensions of landlockedness within the realm of international discourse, with a particular focus on its implications for managing global commons. Drawing from socio-legal literature and auto-ethnographic experiences during the recent intergovernmental negotiations for the BBNJ agreement under the 1982 Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) as a case study, the paper prompts essential inquiries into the true essence of being landlocked in the face of global environmental challenges. Beyond traditional geographical definitions, the paper reveals the dynamic nature of landlockedness and underscores the intricate interplay of social, economic, cultural, geographical, and political factors in determining who has access to ocean space and resources and who does not. It emphasizes that landlockedness is not a static legal or physical characteristic but an ongoing process shaped by historical and political constructs. Expanding beyond the national level, the article illustrates how individuals, whether coastal or inland, experience isolation from the ocean, influencing their interactions with, perceptions of, and regulatory proposals for the ocean. This approach illuminates existing paradigms in the access, use, and management of space and resources. In conclusion, the article advocates for more inclusive and adaptable approaches in international policy debates. It calls for a departure from rigid classifications, urging for upholding collective action, recognising the intricate connections between geography, politics, law, and the environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Measuring genetic diversity of wild species using DNA-based data remains resource intensive and time consuming for nearly all species. However, genetic assessments are needed for global conservation commitments, including the Convention on Biological Diversity, and for governments and managers to evaluate conservation progress, as well as prioritizing species and populations to preserve and recover genetic diversity (e.g. via genetic rescue). Recently, indicators were developed for tracking and reporting genetic diversity status and trends for hundreds of species. The indicators quantify two simple proxies of within-population and among-population genetic diversity and adaptive potential: small effective population size (Ne  < 500) and the loss of genetically distinct populations. The indicators must balance scientific credibility, practicality, and simplicity. In the present article, we summarize the advantages of these pragmatic indicators, address critiques by scientists for simplifying assumptions and by policymakers for complexity, and propose potential solutions and next steps. We aim to support practitioners putting indicators into policy, action, legislation, and reporting. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Once marginal in climate governance, supply-side policies which seek to restrict the production of climate warming fossil fuels are now gaining greater prominence. From national level bans and phase out policies to divestment campaigns and the creation of 'climate clubs' such as the Beyond Oil and Gas Alliance, an increasing number of such policies are being adopted by governments, cities and financial actors around the world. But why would states voluntarily relinquish potentially profitable reserves of fossil fuels? How can we account for the rise of supply-side policies, the form they take and the sites in which they are being adopted? What conditions and contexts are most conducive to the adoption and sustainability of 'first mover' bans and phase out policies? This paper seeks to build an interdisciplinary account fusing insights from diverse theoretical traditions from international political economy, political science, sociology and the literature on socio-technical transitions in order to capture the interaction of political, economic and socio-cultural drivers in national and international settings which can provide the basis of a more integrated and multi-dimensional understanding of supply-side policies. Such an account, we suggest, helps to understand the origins and evolution of supply-side policies and, more critically, the conditions which might enable the expansion of supply-side climate policies to new sites. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractThe Indian perspectives on climate security are influenced by both domestic and international imperatives. The logic followed by India is not typically the same as that adopted by countries of the Global North. India’s discourses on the interconnections between climate change and security are largely conditioned by developmental priorities (domestic) and geopolitical pressures (international), which are not necessarily mutually exclusive. In this context, the article contextualises India’s climate security narratives at the intersection of domestic and international/foreign-policy realms, involving different actors, including academia and think tanks, the government and its agencies, the military and non-governmental organisations. It argues that there has been a gradual process of integrating climate change into the domestic security policy-making agenda in the country, with the growing recognition of worsening climate vulnerabilities, while demonstrating reluctance to engage with the existing climate security discourses at the international level. It analyses the ways in which the ‘domestic’ and ‘international’ intermingle with each other to shape India’s discourses and practices on climate security by categorising them into two ­dimensions – domestic–international and international–domestic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Aim: In order to show the role of foreign and international policies in shaping the EU's energy and climate policies, the history of the European Communities has been traced through the prism of individual policies. Combining several of them (energy, climate, international and foreign) in this analysis is the result of viewing them in the context of causal effects. Methodology/approach: The method of the paper was based on an in-depth analysis of the European Union source documents, published on websites and in documents of the European Commission and the European Parliament. The information gathered was extended through a library search and based on the library resources of several prominent Polish universities, as well as the Oxford Institute for Energy Studies. Moreover, the analysis included academic publications, websites of institutions, companies and organisations monitoring the course and changes of energy and climate policy. Limitations: The referenced, quoted, analysed documents or packages aim to produce and regulate a common EU energy policy. However, this multitude of documents, directives and regulations does not seem to have helped the Union to demonstrate to the rest of the world that it has a coherent energy policy. Implications: Energy and climate policy issues are analysed and described based on the historical experience of the European Union and its previous economic and, above all, political structures. Value: Managing energy security in such a complex and diverse structure as the European Union requires experience and a sense of responsibility for the decisions taken. Responsibility for mistakes is often only political, which is why it is so important that any documents, decisions, directives or regulations are the work of responsible people, so energy policy should be managed like a potential crisis, based on consensus. Energy and climate policy issues are analysed and described based on the historical experience of the European Union and its previous economic and, above all, political structures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the multifaceted dimensions of landlockedness within the realm of international discourse, with a particular focus on its implications for managing global commons. Drawing from socio-legal literature and auto-ethnographic experiences during the recent intergovernmental negotiations for the BBNJ agreement under the 1982 Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) as a case study, the paper prompts essential inquiries into the true essence of being landlocked in the face of global environmental challenges. Beyond traditional geographical definitions, the paper reveals the dynamic nature of landlockedness and underscores the intricate interplay of social, economic, cultural, geographical, and political factors in determining who has access to ocean space and resources and who does not. It emphasizes that landlockedness is not a static legal or physical characteristic but an ongoing process shaped by historical and political constructs. Expanding beyond the national level, the article illustrates how individuals, whether coastal or inland, experience isolation from the ocean, influencing their interactions with, perceptions of, and regulatory proposals for the ocean. This approach illuminates existing paradigms in the access, use, and management of space and resources. In conclusion, the article advocates for more inclusive and adaptable approaches in international policy debates. It calls for a departure from rigid classifications, urging for upholding collective action, recognising the intricate connections between geography, politics, law, and the environment.

This article examines the globally important topic of gender disparity in higher education and how to, contextually address it by formulating and implementing an appropriate globally-recognized policy framework. Although gender equality is one of the seven Sustainable Development Goals of the United Nations, it is a known fact that globally, there is gender disparity that systemically limits or curtails the progress of the girl-child or women either in terms of their educational attainments or professional development. Several countries and international agencies continue to commit to eradicating gender disparity in their countries in particular and in the world in general. In spite of the efforts of the United Nations and international agencies, there is still a long way to go in achieving gender parity. This paper looks at the attainment of gender parity through the use of higher education to bring about a contextually appropriate framework that is global in its operation and implementation in the effort to eliminate gender disparity. This is an attempt to unleash the potential of marginalized people, particularly women, who have been curtailed for several decades because of their gender for the overall good of our global world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, the gender agenda has permeated all policy areas and has gained relevance through the constant work of organisations that have succeeded in making issues and challenges visible. This paper examines the interaction between international politics and the gender agenda in Argentina during the presidency of Alberto Fernández (2019-2023). Based on a triangulation of information gathered from interviews, official documents, and news reports, the paper aims to analyse, in the context of recent foreign policy, what kind of decisions are linked to the gender agenda, and at the same time, what international projection the gender policies implemented at the local level have. We propose that the gender agenda has opened up a space in Argentine foreign policy in a short period and that it has done so mainly based on the country’s trajectory in the international sphere linked to human rights and the discussion of inequalities in the world. The creation of the Ministry of Women, Gender and Diversity has been crucial, projecting the country into global gender debates in an institutionalised way. Although concrete policies are developing in some cases, the agendas in this dual track demonstrate that these profound social demands have come to the state to stay. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Realidad Economica is the property of Realidad Economica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Most of the international trade in fins (and likely meat too) is derived from requiem sharks (family Carcharhinidae), yet trade in only two of the 56 species is currently regulated. Here, we quantify catch, trade, and the shortfall in national and regional fisheries management (M‐Risk) for all 56 requiem shark species based on 831 assessments across 30 countries and four Regional Fisheries Management Organizations (RFMOs). Requiem sharks comprise over half (60%) of the annual reported global Chondrichthyan catch with most species (86%) identified in the international fin trade. Requiem sharks are inadequately managed by fisheries, with an average M‐Risk of half (50%) of an ideal score, consequently 70% of species are threatened globally. The high catch and trade volume and shortfall in management of these iconic species require worldwide fisheries management for sustainable catch, supported by full implementation of CITES regulations for international trade of this newly listed family. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Directive 2012/29/EU establishing minimum standards on the rights, support and protection of victims of crime, the Council of Europe Recommendation CM/Rec(2018)8 concerning restorative justice in criminal matters, and the recently updated United Nations Handbook on Restorative Justice Programmes testify to the increasing policy recognition of restorative justice at the international level. And yet, despite the vast and burgeoning literature on restorative justice, limited research and critical analysis have been conducted on policies, and even less on international policies and instruments. As a result, we know little about how restorative justice is framed within policy and how such framings could contribute towards the development of this field in practice. Addressing this gap, this article seeks to understand the ways in which restorative justice is construed within international policies and their conditions of possibility, using a 'policy-as-discourse' analytical approach. The article also elicits implications for the study of the relationships between restorative justice policy and practice and for future research on the institutionalization of this 'new' frontier of penality internationally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract Most of the international trade in fins (and likely meat too) is derived from requiem sharks (family Carcharhinidae), yet trade in only two of the 56 species is currently regulated. Here, we quantify catch, trade, and the shortfall in national and regional fisheries management (M‐Risk) for all 56 requiem shark species based on 831 assessments across 30 countries and four Regional Fisheries Management Organizations (RFMOs). Requiem sharks comprise over half (60%) of the annual reported global Chondrichthyan catch with most species (86%) identified in the international fin trade. Requiem sharks are inadequately managed by fisheries, with an average M‐Risk of half (50%) of an ideal score, consequently 70% of species are threatened globally. The high catch and trade volume and shortfall in management of these iconic species require worldwide fisheries management for sustainable catch, supported by full implementation of CITES regulations for international trade of this newly listed family.

This article analyses the educational policies underlying the reforms to the core curriculum in the Fédération Wallonie-Bruxelles (FWB, Belgium) and in Albania. The global neoliberal context in which these reforms take place, marked in particular by their successive participations in the PISA surveys and by the OECD and UNESCO intergovernmental recommendations for change, raises the question of the impact of these suggestions in the reform process. To answer this question, we conducted a thematic content analysis of the parliamentary minutes preceding the vote on the draft decree on volumes 1st and 2nd of the core curriculum in the context of the Pact for Excellence in Education in FWB and Law 69 of 2012 in Albania, using the Nvivo software. We used an a priori analysis grid created on basis of the work provided by Mons, (2004a,2007b). The results show that both countries are making changes in line with the recommendations by, redesigning a longer common core in response to the challenges of the 21st century on the one hand, and opting for a decentralised form of governance aimed at increasing actors’ responsibilities, on the other. Through these structural changes, both countries are aligning themselves with the global agenda of objectives while however retaining their own decision-making space. The latter results in divergent policies that redraw the contours of their education systems accordingly to their specific features. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article defines the principles of management of the protection of critical infrastructure objects from the position of international policy of the EU countries. The main stages of development of EU cooperation in this area were studied. The possibility of implementing the EU experience in the management of the security of critical infrastructure in Ukraine has been justified. The structure of protection of critical infrastructure objects in the EU is analyzed. The place of the corporate sector in these issues is considered. The importance of insurance companies and medical centers in this sphere was underlined. Analysis of critical infrastructure protection programs helps to identify the principles, processes and tools that propose the implementation of security systems. Implementation of these projects will be completed in appropriate cases specific to the communications sector. The authors emphasize that nuclear safety should be the focus of the EU and each country’s governance bodies, so the EU Joint Research Center solves key scientific and technological challenges in nuclear safety. Based on the analysis of foreign experience, it is noted that the scientific and practical interest for use in Ukraine in the process of protection of critical infrastructure objects can be the activity of structures created for the purpose of monitoring and analysis of open information. On this basis, the ways of ensuring the security of the objects of the critical infrastructure of Ukraine have been defined. It is noted that international policy should be based on legislative acts, which are coordinated for coordination by a single center. It is concluded that Ukraine’s security policy is developing in the context of implementation of European standards of formation and operation of critical infrastructure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the withdrawal agreement between the UK and the EU following the Brexit referendum including an analysis of the role of the main political actors. Beginning with the negotiation strategies of both the UK and the EU, it then concentrates on the political tensions between the British Government and Parliament with respect to the latter’s approval of the agreement – as well as EU behavior throughout that dispute. The article also focuses on how courts were asked to settle disputes between the main branches of power on the issue of Brexit and proposes a critical view on the role of the stakeholders of the agreement, as well as a reflection on the collateral effects of this process.

Copyright of Canadian Foreign Policy Journal (CFPJ) is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The conceptualization of social problems is an important site for examining the extent to which the knowledge and priorities of local practitioners are reflected in international policy. This study employed critical discourse analysis to examine the constructions of domestic violence (DV) used by service providers in Pokhara, Nepal, as compared with two major international women's human rights policy documents. Both constructed DV as a human rights issue that should be contextualized within patriarchal and intersecting oppressions. Service providers additionally emphasized the denial of rights and entitlements of family life as DV. This finding underscores the long-term risks that survivors navigate and suggests that international human rights policymakers should broaden conceptualizations of DV., Competing Interests: Declaration of Conflicting InterestsThe authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Throughout its two and a half centuries in existence, US mental health policy has repeatedly failed people living with schizophrenia. The failures are cyclical-the inhumane conditions uncovered in the first 75 years of existence were addressed with the construction of state asylums to deliver moral treatment. One hundred years later, the asylums were themselves revealed to be inhumane. Deinstitutionalization, the response to the failure of asylums starting in the 1960s, now drives outcomes such as homelessness, incarceration, and early death for people living with psychotic illnesses. In all cases, well-intentioned policy reform has failed at the level of implementation, largely due to a lack of accountability. The result has been a consistent failure to adequately treat people living with schizophrenia, which is now understood to be a highly treatable condition. As the country passes into a quarter millennium in existence, reform is once again underway. Unlike other points in history, there is good news. Other countries, such as Italy, have successfully leveraged reform to achieve greatly improved outcomes. Understanding US history and the successful implementation of policy change in other countries is imperative and teaches us that accountability in implementation is necessary to break the cycle of policy failure.

Global policy goals for halting biodiversity loss and climate change depend on each other to be successful. Marine biodiversity and climate change are intertwined through foodwebs that cycle and transport carbon and contribute to carbon sequestration. Yet, biodiversity conservation and fisheries management seldom explicitly include ocean carbon transport and sequestration. In order to effectively manage and govern human activities that affect carbon cycling and sequestration, international biodiversity and climate agreements need to address both biodiversity and climate issues. International agreements that address issues for climate and biodiversity are best poised to facilitate the protection of ocean carbon with existing policies. The degree to which the main international biodiversity and climate agreements make reference to multiple issues has however not been documented. Here, we used a text mining analysis of over 2,700 binding and non-binding policy documents from ten global ocean-related agreements to identify keywords related to biodiversity, climate, and ocean carbon. While climate references were mostly siloed within climate agreements, biodiversity references were included in most agreements. Further, we found that six percent of policy documents (n=166) included ocean carbon keywords. In light of our results, we highlight opportunities to strengthen the protection of ocean carbon in upcoming negotiations of international agreements, and via area-based management, environmental impact assessment and strategic environmental assessment.

Circular economy is recognized as a powerful integrative framework envisioned to solve societal problems linked to environmental pollution and resource depletion. Its adoption is rapidly reforming manufacturing, production, consumption, and recycling across various segments of the economy. However, circular economy may not always be effective or even desirable owing to the spatiotemporal dimensions of environmental risk of materials, and variability of global policies. Circular flows involving toxic materials may impose a high risk on the environment and public health such that overemphasis on anthropogenic circularity is not desirable. Moreover, waste flows at a global scale might result in an uneven distribution of risks and costs associated with a circular economy. Among other benefits, circular economy needs to generate environmental advantages, energy savings, and reductions of greenhouse gas emissions. Recent attempts to implement the carbon neutrality strategy globally will likely push the circular economy further into more economic sectors, but challenges remain in implementing and enforcing international policies across national boundaries. The United Nations Basel Convention on the Transboundary Movement of Hazardous Waste and their disposal is used here as an example to illustrate the challenges and to propose a way forward for anthropogenic circularity.

In this article we review the physical and chemical properties of methane (CH 4) relevant to impacts on climate, ecosystems, and air pollution, and examine the extent to which this is reflected in climate and air pollution governance. Although CH 4 is governed under the UNFCCC climate regime, its treatment there is limited to the ways in which it acts as a "CO 2 equivalent" climate forcer on a 100-year time frame. The UNFCCC framework neglects the impacts that CH 4 has on near-term climate, as well its impacts on human health and ecosystems, which are primarily mediated by methane's role as a precursor to tropospheric ozone. Frameworks for air quality governance generally address tropospheric ozone as a pollutant, but do not regulate CH 4 itself. Methane's climate and air quality impacts, together with its alarming rise in atmospheric concentrations in recent years, make it clear that mitigation of CH 4 emissions needs to be accelerated globally. We examine challenges and opportunities for further progress on CH 4 mitigation within the international governance landscapes for climate change and air pollution. [Display omitted] • CH 4 's impacts on climate, ecosystems, and air quality are significant. • The concept of "CO 2 equivalence" does not adequately capture these impacts. • These impacts are not adequately treated under international climate or air policy. • Opportunities for improving methane governance are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of the study is to summarise several factors which greatly influenced the course of British-German relations on an alliance and at the same time explain the foundations for the actual emergence of these negotiations. Within the framework of the established goals, it maps out the situation of the British Empire at the turn of the twentieth century, while accenting the Imperial problems which Great Britain had to face. The Second Boer War, the outbreak of the Boxer Rebellion and the Fashoda Incident had an essential influence on these events. As a result of these above-mentioned events, Britain reached the conclusion that the politics of Splendid Isolation were no longer sustainable and began to seek out a suitable ally on the international scene. They considered several candidates, one of which was Germany. The negotiations fell apart due to different interests and views about the direction of internal development. The incompatibility of the views was most apparent in the approach to European politics where Germany wanted the involvement of Great Britain in the Triple Alliance, which was unacceptable for London. On the other side, Berlin refused to accept the steps to limit Russian influence on the Far East. The confusing diplomatic approach of Baron Eckardstein, first secretary of the German embassy in London, also contributed to the break- down in negotiations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In December 1978, a militarized interstate dispute almost provoked a war between Chile and Argentina. The motivation of this divergence was, fundamentally, the possession of some small islands and their corresponding maritime projection in the southern end of the American continent - that is, the maritime boundaries, as well as the socalled principle of the Atlantic-Pacific division between both countries. The most dramatic moment of the conflict happened between 12 and 22 December. And only the providential intervention of a third party, in this case Pope John Paulo II, prevented a major tragedy in the Southern Cone. In this context, this paper proposes to explore Brazilian perceptions, interpretations and initiatives directly linked to the Chilean-Argentinian crisis. The article is the result of research in the history of international relations. Primary sources and documentation were collected in Arquivo Nacional and Arquivo do Ministério das Relações Exteriores; both in Brazilia, Federal District. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Coalition for Conservation Genetics (CCG) brings together four eminent organizations with the shared goal of improving the integration of genetic information into conservation policy and practice. We provide a historical context of conservation genetics as a field and reflect on current barriers to conserving genetic diversity, highlighting the need for collaboration across traditional divides, international partnerships, and coordinated advocacy. We then introduce the CCG and illustrate through examples how a coalition approach can leverage complementary expertise and improve the organizational impact at multiple levels. The CCG has proven particularly successful at implementing large synthesis‐type projects, training early‐career scientists, and advising policy makers. Achievements to date highlight the potential for the CCG to make effective contributions to practical conservation policy and management that no one "parent" organization could achieve on its own. Finally, we reflect on the lessons learned through forming the CCG, and our vision for the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of the present research is to study the feasibility of the survival of ISIS and Takfiri groups as well as their continuance in the future world. In this regard, the present study aims to analyze the likelihood of presence and role of recent Jihadi movements in the future world. The research study is conducted by Foucauldian discourse methodology, in a holistic method and with regard to Foucault’s theory of discourse. This article studied Jihadi groups specially their salient representative, that is to say ISIS, an identity-centered discourse from the perspective of postmodernism in the realm of international policy. This significant subject is analyzed as a subcategory of the important concept of postmodernism and international studies as an option to explain the presence and role of new entities in international relations. Therefore, the ideas of the outstanding postmodern scholars as well as the feasibility of their application in international diplomacy were discussed. The research relies on the hypothesis that the Jihadi groups will continue their effective presence in the form of scattered but coherent organizations and will have an impact in the regional order.

In 2010, the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD) outlined an international strategic plan, which included the twenty Aichi Biodiversity Targets to be met by 2020. Target 12 refers to preventing extinctions and halting species declines. Despite some local conservation successes, this target is not on track to be met at the global level. We aimed to understand what is needed to achieve this target according to two invested but contrasting groups: species conservation experts and global conservation policy makers. We surveyed a diversity of species conservation experts and contrasted their views with those of policy makers engaged with CBD. Species experts considered that the greatest need was for increased political will, while policy makers most frequently cited the need for increased knowledge of species conservation status. Both groups did, however, emphasise that achieving species conservation targets requires greater progress to be made towards many of the other Aichi Targets. We suggest that improved communication, collaboration and data sharing among institutions should be a priority to help overcome the perceived knowledge-gap. Doing so could help to align the views of practitioners and policy makers, and develop a shared understanding of the key actions needed to accelerate progress towards global biodiversity targets.

Abstract The Coalition for Conservation Genetics (CCG) brings together four eminent organizations with the shared goal of improving the integration of genetic information into conservation policy and practice. We provide a historical context of conservation genetics as a field and reflect on current barriers to conserving genetic diversity, highlighting the need for collaboration across traditional divides, international partnerships, and coordinated advocacy. We then introduce the CCG and illustrate through examples how a coalition approach can leverage complementary expertise and improve the organizational impact at multiple levels. The CCG has proven particularly successful at implementing large synthesis‐type projects, training early‐career scientists, and advising policy makers. Achievements to date highlight the potential for the CCG to make effective contributions to practical conservation policy and management that no one “parent” organization could achieve on its own. Finally, we reflect on the lessons learned through forming the CCG, and our vision for the future.

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Copyright of Revista Crítica de Ciências Sociais is the property of Centro de Estudos Sociais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article presents the translation of a separate chapter from the book of the American anthropologist, historian and political scientist Peter Eltsov, «Long Telegram 2: Neo-Kennanite Approach to Russia», which caused a strong resonance in Russia. In his book, the author gives recommendations to the American establishment about the policy towards Russia, predicting its potential collapse due to internal factors, which are argued in the published text

The article contains a reply to the critical comments by Alexey Sushko on the translation of the separate chapter from the book «Long Telegram 2: Neo-Kennanite Approach to Russia» by the American anthropologist, historian and political scientist Peter Eltsov. Replying to the comments of Alexey Sushko, the author additionally explains some key ideas of his book

Climate change has increasingly come to be viewed as a security threat, as well as a ‘threat multiplier’. The impact of this has become a cause for major international concern, especially in light of national contributions to climate change, by virtue of heavy industrial dependence on polluting processes. To address this issue, certain national lobbies have suggested that the United Nations Security Council should be made legislate on the issue, given its bearing on international security. This approach has been supported by nations and blocs like the United States, the EU, the Pacific Islands, etc. An alternate lobby, comprising states like India, have argued against this approach due to the UNSC’s fractured mandate, and expressed their wish to keep deliberations more representative. This paper shall evaluate the context of climate change, the legal principles underlying it, and argue in favor of the Indian stand that the UNSC is not the appropriate institution to make policy decisions on this matter.

Climate change has increasingly come to be viewed as a security threat, as well as a ‘threat multiplier’. The impact of this has become a cause for major international concern, especially in light of national contributions to climate change, by virtue of heavy industrial dependence on polluting processes. To address this issue, certain national lobbies have suggested that the United Nations Security Council should be made legislate on the issue, given its bearing on international security. This approach has been supported by nations and blocs like the United States, the EU, the Pacific Islands, etc. An alternate lobby, comprising states like India, have argued against this approach due to the UNSC’s fractured mandate, and expressed their wish to keep deliberations more representative. This paper shall evaluate the context of climate change, the legal principles underlying it, and argue in favor of the Indian stand that the UNSC is not the appropriate institution to make policy decisions on this matter. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This scientific article reports about President of Republic of Kazakhstan N. A. Nazarbayev‟s regional, global endeavors known in the all over the world. For example, Semey polygon and about its ending, problems of refusal from nuclear weapon, Aral ecological problems, endeavors about unity of countries against terrorism, Eurasian economic union ideas, Asian Integrity and Trust Union matters, relations with European countries, membership of Republic of Kazakhstan in United Nations Organization, reforms about United Nations Organization structure according to the global problems of XXI century.

The CITES treaty is the major international instrument designed to safeguard wild plants and animals from overexploitation by international trade. CITES is now approaching 50 years old, and we contend that it is showing its age. In stark contrast to most environmental policy arenas, CITES does not require, encourage, or even allow for, consideration of the impacts of its key decisions—those around listing species in the CITES Appendices. Decisions to list species in CITES are based on a simplistic set of biological and trade criteria that do not relate to the impact of the decision, and have little systematic evidentiary support. We explain the conservation failures that flow from this weakness and propose three key changes to the CITES listing process: (1) development of a formal mechanism for consideration by Parties of the likely consequences of species listing decisions; (2) broadening of the range of criteria used to make listing decisions; and (3) amplification of the input of local communities living alongside wildlife in the listing process. Embracing these changes will help to ensure CITES decisions more effectively respond to the needs of wildlife in today’s highly complex and dynamic conservation context.

In 2010, the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD) outlined an international strategic plan, which included the twenty Aichi Biodiversity Targets to be met by 2020. Target 12 refers to preventing extinctions and halting species declines. Despite some local conservation successes, this target is not on track to be met at the global level. We aimed to understand what is needed to achieve this target according to two invested but contrasting groups: species conservation experts and global conservation policy makers. We surveyed a diversity of species conservation experts and contrasted their views with those of policy makers engaged with CBD. Species experts considered that the greatest need was for increased political will, while policy makers most frequently cited the need for increased knowledge of species conservation status. Both groups did, however, emphasise that achieving species conservation targets requires greater progress to be made towards many of the other Aichi Targets. We suggest that improved communication, collaboration and data sharing among institutions should be a priority to help overcome the perceived knowledge-gap. Doing so could help to align the views of practitioners and policy makers, and develop a shared understanding of the key actions needed to accelerate progress towards global biodiversity targets. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Economic sanctions are among the most powerful instruments of international policy. However, this study, using the example of the so-called anti-Russian sanctions, shows that in the global economy, countries are rapidly using other alternatives, and sanctions in the case analyzed act as a catalyst for balance of trade between the Russian Federation and the People's Republic of China. The study is based on a highly topical sophisticated model of neural networks, which provides clear results confirming the unintended positive effect. The time series and aggregated data became inputs into multilayer perceptron networks, while the methodology used enabled eliminating of both too large averaging and extreme fluctuations of the equalized time series. Out of 10,000 networks created for each variable and each time lag, five showing the best characteristics given by correlation coefficients and absolute residual sums were retained. Thus, the created equalized time series were able to describe the basic trend of the actual development of export and import, while also capturing their local extremes. The interpolation of the two time series shows that the sanctions imposed on the Russian Federation in 2014 have clearly strengthened its balance of trade with the People's Republic of China. The results of the study also predict further growth in the balance of trade between the Russian Federation and the People's Republic of China, although this development may be delayed by current events. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]