Search

The concept of the levée en masse was designed to legitimise armed civilian opposition to an unfolding invasion by conferring temporary combatant status upon certain civilians. The range of individuals eligible for this status was defined narrowly to include only ‘inhabitants’ of invaded territories. This approach made sense in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries when international travel was beyond the reach of all but the elite minority. Today however, mass air transit has expanded horizons and allows people to travel and to emigrate much more readily. Consequently, the global diaspora of emigrants is larger now than ever before. As seen during the Russian invasion of Ukraine beginning in February 2022, many among these diaspora communities wish to return to defend their homelands upon invasion. This is precluded under the orthodox interpretation of international humanitarian law owing to their lack of residency. This is unsatisfactory as it bars individuals with legitimate familial, political, cultural, and historical connections to a State from participating in a levée in its defence. This article sets out the policy and legal arguments in favour of recognising non-resident citizens – or ‘diaspora fighters’ – as legitimate participants in levées en masse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Rule of proportionality strikes a bargain in launching attacks. It demands that military commanders suspend or cancel operations if collateral damage anticipated from an attack exceeds the potential military advantage offered. The definitional phrase military advantage has been the subject of a rich debate, varyingly interpreted to expand or limit the scope of attacks. This paper participates in the debate, advocating that military advantage must be limited to exclude attacks on objects that indirectly contribute to military potential, such as, economic, social, psychological or political advantage, which invariably target civilians or civilian enterprises. It critically engages with the principles and precedents invoked to legitimise a broader understanding of military advantage. It posits that such attacks disregard belligerents’ privileges, and render unbound categories of civilian objects susceptible to destruction. Pursuantly, the rule of proportionality, originally articulated to nuance and improve the rule of distinction, is usurped to violate the latter. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the critical issue of detainee protection in the complex landscape of contemporary non-international armed conflicts and counterterrorism operations. It examines the interplay between international humanitarian law and international human rights law, highlighting the challenges in their application and interpretation. The article delves into the contemporary challenges faced in protecting detainees, including the involvement of non-state armed groups, extraterritorial detention practices, administrative detention, and the impact of counterterrorism measures. It proposes a multifaceted approach to enhancing detainee protection, encompassing strategies for strengthening compliance with the legal framework, addressing the specific needs of vulnerable groups, and promoting best practices and capacity-building. The article argues that a comprehensive and contextualised approach, grounded in the principles of humanity and human dignity, is essential to effectively safeguard the rights and well-being of detainees in these challenging contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On November 27, 2020, Dr. Mohsen Fakhrizadeh, one of Iran's most prominent nuclear scientists and head of the ministry of defense's research and innovation organization, was assassinated near Tehran and achieved the grace of martyrdom. Given that the assassination of Martyr Fakhrizadeh took place outside the framework of an armed conflict during peacetime, it is a clear example of the use of lethal force in peacetime and the arbitrary deprivation of the right to life. Accordingly, the question of the paper is what is the nature of the targeted assassination of this nuclear scientist from the perspective of the rules of IHRL and IHL? In order to reach the answer, the research studied the issue by a descriptive-analytical method and in the framework of the international IHRL and IHL regimes, collecting valid and credible documents through documents and libraries and referring to the materials published in reputable international think tanks. The findings show that this assassination is in objective contradiction with the rules of IHRL and IHL regimes, therefore violates the most obvious principles and rules of this legal regime, including the arbitrary deprivation of the right to life, which has led to extrajudicial killings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Animals have played an important role in armed conflicts since ancient times. Transporting supplies, soldiers and military and medical equipment, searching for wounded soldiers, damaging enemy positions, especially by detonating bombs attached to animals or their carcasses, are among the most important forms of using animals in conflict. Considering the increase in the use of animals, especially dolphins, by states to achieve military objectives in armed conflicts, it is necessary to know the standards and support frameworks regarding them. Therefore, this article, based on a descriptive-analytical method, answers the question, what approach has international humanitarian law adopted in this regard? This article concludes that due to the lack of specific rules in international humanitarian law on the ban on the use of animals as military purposes, it must be referred to the general humanitarian rules especially the articles of the first additional protocol to the Geneva conventions of 1949 to explain the legal system of the subject. By considering animals as a part of the environment and placing them in the category of special and protected objects under Article 54 of the said protocol, A support system can be considered for them. Of course, due to the special situation of animals compared to the human, the implementation of the principles of humanitarian rights, such as separation, proportionality, precautions in attack is faced with complications and ambiguities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article addresses the study of the International Court of Justice (ICJ) as a hypothetical court of human rights. Two questions guide the theoretical reflection and aim of this study: first, can the activities of the Court be viewed through the paradigm of human rights, and second, can the ICJ be considered a functional court of human rights? To answer these questions, the broad concept of a "court of human rights" is used, which refers to an institutionalized judicial mechanism intended to take necessary legal measures to record relevant human rights violations and to protect and restore such rights, regardless of who may be the claimant in such a case (a state or a person). The study demonstrates that it is appropriate to consider the activities of the ICJ through the paradigm of human rights, as evidenced by the Court's jurisprudence and numerous academic studies in the West. However, after analyzing the relevant arguments and counterarguments, the assumption that the Court can be regarded as a court of human rights is refuted. While many human rights conventions assign a special role to the ICJ in resolving disputes, human rights have never been the sole object of dispute in these proceedings; instead, they have always been part of an interstate dispute. Furthermore, the Court has repeatedly shown an ambiguous attitude towards methods of recording violations of human rights conventions, fact-finding methodology in such cases, and criteria for compensating victims of such violations, which has not contributed to the protection of human rights in relevant cases. The article also emphasizes the importance of the human factor in shaping the Court's jurisprudence and expresses hope for an evolution of quality in the ICJ's treatment of human rights, should a majority of judges adopt a human-centred approach to international law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Article dedicated to investigating the object of the composition of a criminal offense of violation of the laws and customs of war. The relevance of the topic is determined by the increase in violations of international humanitarian law in contemporary armed conflicts, including in the context of Russian aggression against Ukraine. The author analyses various approaches to defining the concept of "object of criminal offense," critically assessing the traditional Soviet notion of the object as social relations. The need to move away from this concept in favour of a broader understanding of the object as a complex of socially significant values, interests, and goods protected by criminal law is substantiated. The article discusses the specificity of the object of violations of the laws and customs of war, as defined by international acts regulating the conduct of war. The author emphasizes that this object includes the international legal order in the sphere of armed conflicts, the principles of international humanitarian law, rules of conduct of hostilities, and the protection of war victims. An additional optional object of violation of the laws and customs of war analysed is the life and health of the person. It is emphasized that a mandatory feature of the object for this criminal offense is its subject matter, which constitutes objects of civilian purpose, including national property, which serves as a material carrier of cultural values. Special attention is paid to the analysis of the structure of criminal offenses against peace, security of humanity, and international order, which differs from the traditional structure of a criminal offense and includes material, mental, and contextual elements. The author also examines the concept of command responsibility, which is an important component of criminal responsibility for violations of the laws and customs of war. The conclusions assert that a clear understanding of the object of violations of the laws and customs of war is crucial for the correct qualification of actions and ensuring the inevitability of punishment for criminal offenses against peace, security of humanity, and international order. The author emphasizes the need for further improvement of approaches to defining the object of this criminal offense considering the development of international criminal law and the practice of international judicial institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article emphasizes that protecting the rights and interests of children is the most important task of any democratic state. International human rights law and international humanitarian law regulate the rights of children and their protection, as well as the respective obligations of states and non-state institutions in this area. The universally recognized mechanism for the protection of children's rights remains almost unchanged, but in the conditions of martial law, new circumstances arise in which children's rights may be violated, especially the right to protection from violence and ill-treatment. The main violations of children's rights are: recruitment of children, use of prohibited weapons to wage war, obstruction in the provision of humanitarian aid, deprivation of citizenship, illegal deportation of children, murder and mutilation, damage to health care facilities, educational institutions, which leads to the impossibility of realizing the rights of the latter. The article describes the peculiarities of the legal regulation of the status of a child who suffered as a result of hostilities and armed conflicts. The legislation of Ukraine does not contain a uniform approach to the protection of children during the violation of certain types of rights and freedoms. In addition, some of the existing guarantees have no practical application due to the lack of a mechanism for their implementation or inconsistency with the realities of today. The international community, together with Ukraine, implemented a mechanism to protect and restore the rights of Ukrainian children. The violated rights of children during a full-scale invasion must be protected and restored through both national and international institutions. In this context, the Children of War platform created in Ukraine plays an important role. This is the only platform that collects information about children affected by war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Arab Journal for Scientific Publishing is the property of Research & Development of Human Recourses Center (REMAH) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

BACKGROUND: Colombia has experienced decades of conflict between the government and non-state actors. Attacks on healthcare have been a grave but regular facet of that violence. In response, the Misión Médica (MM) program was developed to support, protect, and defend healthcare. Sporadic violence continues, with many recent attacks perpetrated not by armed actors but by residents. Given the history of conflict and ongoing violence, we sought to capture the perspectives of both healthcare workers (HCWs) and community members (CMs) regarding the characteristics and impacts of attacks on health in Colombia to gain insight into how to better prevent violence and mitigate its impacts. METHODS: A cross-sectional survey was conducted from January to March 2021 in seven departments in Colombia in regions that witnessed attacks on healthcare. Questionnaires were administered to HCWs and CMs via purposive sampling, probing their experiences with attacks on health with both closed and open-ended questions. The categorical responses were stratified by health worker vs. non-health worker and descriptively analyzed. Narrative responses were analyzed via a hybrid deductive/inductive thematic approach. RESULTS: Seventy-three individuals participated in the study (36 HCWs and 37 cm). Approximately 77% of HCWs believed that attacks on healthcare impacted health outcomes while 68% of CMs did not see a direct connection between violence against healthcare and poor health outcomes. Awareness of the MM program was significantly different between HCWs (83.3%) and CMs (37.8%). The survey responses explored the characteristics of attacks on health, compounded impacts of violence on the health system, personal impacts, and perspectives on mitigation efforts. CONCLUSIONS: The study demonstrates that: (1) attacks on healthcare are context-dependent and require a local lens for mitigation and management; (2) both HCWs and CMs have critical perspectives that must be considered, (3) the impacts of violence against healthcare are complex and compounded and (4) that awareness of the legal protections of the Geneva Conventions must be combined with education on the health impacts for robust protection strategies. Critically, Both CMs and HCWs experience fear and psychosocial ramifications of these attacks, suggesting the need for stronger protections and resources to support the health workforce and the local community.

The results of the monitoring of the Commissioner for Human Rights of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine regarding compliance with the labor rights of persons with the status of persons who have disappeared under special circumstances are presented. The actuality of the topic is due to the fact that ensuring compliance with the constitutional rights of citizens, primarily citizens who need additional social protection, is a priority of the state. Attention was drawn to the fact that the observance of such rights, especially in the conditions of martial law, is an important aspect of state policy. The purpose of the article is to analyze the legislation regulating compliance with the labor rights of civilian employees who are missing due to military aggression by the russian federation. Achieving the outlined goal became possible thanks to the use of a complex of methods of scientific knowledge: dialectical, comparative-legal, formal-logical, systemic-structural. On the basis of the conducted analysis, it was established that the legal norms that guarantee the preservation of the labor rights of the investigated category of employees are imperfect, which prevents the proper realization of the constitutionally guaranteed labor rights of employees who are missing. It has been established that there are different approaches to ensuring the labor rights of civilian employees depending on the position. It was established that the absence of a clear list of persons authorized to perform state functions makes it impossible to determine a complete list of such persons. The role of the Ombudsman of Ukraine in observing the labor rights of the specified category of persons is emphasized. The imperfection of the mechanism of informing the owner of the Register of missing persons of the employer about the acquisition of such a status by the person was noted. It has been established that in the absence of a missing person, the employer is unable to pay wages to the relatives of the missing person, and there is no order among relatives in the possibility of receiving wages. On the basis of the conducted research, conclusions were formulated regarding the gaps in the legislation, which lead to the violation of the labor rights of the specified category of citizens. On the basis of the received conclusions, in the future, proposals for normative legal acts may be formulated with the aim of restoring the violated constitutional rights of the missing persons, as well as their family members and relatives.

The enduring conflicts among Middle Eastern nations have caused devastating casualties and loss of life, leading to deep human suffering and significant societal distress. Their impact is not limited to the immediate regions involved but has reverberated across communities within those countries. Additionally, the international community has been deeply affected by the conflict and has made efforts to seek a resolution. The inadequate understanding of collateral damage and a primitive mindset have resulted in the unfortunate deaths of numerous innocent civilians. This article explores the psychological mechanisms underlying collateral damage in the context of war and conflict. In an effort to shed light on the multifaceted nature of collateral damage and its impact on both affected populations and combatants, the complex interplay of cognitive, emotional, and social factors was explored. The aim was to explore the psychological consequences of collateral damage and provide theoretical assumptions to understand collateral damage and war. The SANRA narrative review method was adopted to discuss the psychological underpinnings of collateral damage. Several studies have explored the concept of collateral damage in the context of war and psychology. By understanding the psychological mechanisms behind collateral damage, it is possible to effectively address the root causes and develop strategies to minimise its occurrence in armed conflicts. Moreover, it is essential to prioritise the education of leaders and military personnel regarding the concept of collateral damage

The Ukrainian legislator’s differentiation of criminal liability for certain manifestations of collaboration has led to unjustified competition and considerable difficulties in qualifying the relevant unlawful acts. The purpose of this study was to analyse the specific features of criminal liability for aiding and abetting the aggressor state in the national and international dimensions. To complete the tasks of this study, a set of scientific methods was employed: dogmatic – in the analysis of legal constructions of elements of collaboration and abetting the aggressor state; comparative legal – in the context of comparing the rules on liability for collaboration and the rules of international humanitarian law. The study showed that Ukrainian criminal law theory and court practice have not developed consistent approaches to the application of the rules on liability for collaboration. The study focused on the fact that the criminal legislation of Ukraine applies an approach whereby certain types of economic collaboration are factually identified with military collaboration, which does not follow international humanitarian law. It was concluded that when qualifying the transfer of material resources to representatives of the aggressor state, there is a competition between the provisions of Part 4 of Article 111- 1 and Article 111-2 of the Criminal Code of Ukraine. In such a situation, it is reasonable to apply the rule on liability for collaboration. It was found that the payment of taxes, fees, and other mandatory payments to the Russian budget of any level, made in the occupied territory of Ukraine by a citizen of Ukraine, a foreigner, a stateless person for themselves and/or in the interests of legal entities registered in the territory of the Russian Federation cannot be covered by the objective side of abetting the aggressor state, as it does not follow international humanitarian law and does not contain such a feature as voluntariness, which is a mandatory feature of the crime under Article 111-2 of the Criminal Code of Ukraine. The practical significance of this study lies in defining certain rules for qualifying aiding and abetting the aggressor state which may be used by pre-trial investigation authorities in the legal assessment of such behaviour

The relevance of this study lies in the need to understand the interaction between conventional law and the circumstances of society in wartime, especially in the context of modern conflicts. The purpose of this study was to identify this interaction and determine its impact on the current legal environment. To fulfil this purpose, various research methods were employed, including literature review, document analysis, empirical research, comparative analysis, and expert evaluation. These methods helped to systematise information and carry out a reasoned analysis of the interaction between legal norms and the circumstances of modern society in the context of military operations. The findings of this study show that the problem of implementing conventional law in the context of armed conflict is caused not only by different interpretations of its provisions, but also by systematic violations of international humanitarian law by the parties to the conflict. It is noted that some of these violations may be the result of a lack of clarity or contradictions in the texts of the conventions, as well as differences in national legislation. Specific examples were considered in the context of different types of conflicts, including armed conflicts and situations of occupation, where systematic violations of human rights and humanitarian standards are recorded. Specifically, the study investigated the attitude towards civilians, the circumstances of warfare, the treatment of prisoners of war, the provision of medical care in the conflict zone, humanitarian aid, access to education and food. The study also examined the manipulation of information and the legal framework by Russia. In view of the identified difficulties in implementing conventional law, the study proposed concrete ways to improve the international legal mechanism, namely by clarifying and harmonising the rules of international humanitarian law, ensuring more effective monitoring and accountability for violations, and engaging in dialogue with all stakeholders, neutral observers and partner countries to jointly find solutions. This allows formulating recommendations for international organisations, states, and human rights groups on further measures to ensure compliance with conventional law in the context of armed conflict and improve human rights protection

Despite the fact that there is a trend in understanding international humanitarian law and international human rights law as two separated branches of international law, discussions about these two concepts and their relationship continues. Rather than looking for which approach is correct, we should analyse what implications these discussions have in both theoretical and applied terms. To achieve that it is necessary to ascertain what is the nature and, consequently, what are the implications of identifying international humanitarian law and international human rights law as branches of international law, as well as the attributing specific norms to a particular branch.

Abstract Background This study explores the impacts of attacks perpetrated in the context of armed conflict, to female health workers in three Colombian territories. Methods We conducted a document review of the reports and databases of the Colombian Truth Commission, 17 in-depth semi-structured interviews with experts on the national and regional armed conflict and the medical mission, and 26 female health workers who were victims of attacks. Results Experts and female health workers reported attacks to health activities, facilities, equipment, and personnel, including attacks to traditional doctors belonging to indigenous communities. The most frequent attacks were threats and retention of health personnel; theft of supplies and medicines; damage and use of infrastructure and means of transport for purposes other than health care; and hinderance of health service provision. The attacks occurred in a framework of structural violence that intersects with poverty, racism, and gender bias. The impacts of these attacks include gender-based violence, significant disruption of the lives of health workers, and physical, emotional, psychological, social, and economic effects on the victims and their families. The government response to protect victims and populations has been absent or insufficient. Conclusions Attacks to health care were reported in all the studied territories obstructing adequate health care. Impacts of these attacks affect negatively the professional and personal life of the workers and are aggravated by structural violence and absent or little institutional response.

As well as being a means to reduce international tension and promote peace, multilateral disarmament efforts support and strengthen international humanitarian law (IHL) by mitigating the impact of armed conflict. Multilateral disarmament treaties both remove types of weapons that by their nature are likely to be used in violation of IHL, and build global norms that stigmatize and delegitimize such weapons. These norms affect the behaviour even of states that have not joined the treaty concerned. These twin effects mean that over time, states become both less able and less willing to use weapons in violation of IHL. The experience with disarmament treaties such as the biological and chemical weapons conventions and the treaties banning antipersonnel landmines and cluster munitions provides useful lessons for efforts to eliminate nuclear weapons and to develop legally-binding measures to deal with autonomous weapon systems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Humanitarian diplomacy seeks the collaboration and complicity of public institutions to ensure the effectiveness of its prevention, promotion, protection and reparation functions. It aims to address the complex symbiosis between traditional diplomatic action and the praxis of the new humanitarianism in the interest of the persons affected, regardless of their affiliation in the conflict, and in accordance with international law. The success of this new institution will depend on its interaction with the elements --in terms of challenges and opportunities-- that define the current changing landscape of international society. The increasing and concurrent diversity of crises and disasters, the plurality and proliferation of new subjects and actors, the high intensity of asymmetrical and hybrid armed con- flicts, characterized by dehumanisation and denial of the other, the emergence of new technologies, including artificial intelligence, as well as the contempt for the most basic principles of international humanitarian law, are some of the challenges that humanitarian diplomacy will have to face. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Spain is committed to promoting justice, democracy and a multilateral order based on rules throughout the world because, although conflicts seem geographically distant from our borders, that peace is the necessary condition for international stability and for development, progress and, ultimately, freedom both within and beyond our borders. Among the measures adopted by our country, the approval in January 2023 of the first Humanitarian Diplomacy Strategy stands out, an exercise aimed at strengthening the humanitarian perspective in the State's foreign action and increasing the coherence of the instruments at our disposal through three of the five strategic objectives of the Agenda for Humanity: preventing and resolving conflicts; promote respect for International Humanitarian Law; protect people in vulnerable situations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Anbar University for Law & Political Sciences is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper offers a summary of a discussion on the definition of a vulnerable witness, a subject extensively explored by the author in her book 'The Vulnerable Witness in the Practice of International and Hybrid Courts.' While the paper specifically addresses trauma as a factor in determining witness vulnerability, the book encompasses a wider examination of various factors that contribute to the classification of a witness as vulnerable. Despite the frequent use of the term 'vulnerable witness', a clear and comprehensive understanding of its scope remains elusive. The discretion exercised by legal practitioners, especially judges, prosecutors, and investigators, in deciding whether to classify a witness as vulnerable, elicits concerns regarding the justice system's capacity to meet the genuine needs of these individuals. There is a risk that the incorrect use of mechanisms intended for this group may compromise their welfare. Very often, it is precisely these witnesses who are pivotal in ascertaining the truth, owing to their direct knowledge of the facts concerning the events being investigated. Given the international community's recognition of the threat to vulnerable witnesses and the need for special protection, this paper contributes to the discourse by examining key elements critical to the effective treatment of vulnerable witnesses in the context of criminal proceedings involving violations of international humanitarian law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Principle of distinction, one of the fundamental principles of international humanitarian law dictates, that participants in hostilities at all times distinguish between civilian objects and military objectives, as well as between civilians and combatants. This article addresses the adequacy of the protection offered by the principle in the cyber domain. Great reliance of militaries on civilian cyberinfrastructure expands the range of military objectives to the systems which key civilian activities depend on. There are many unknowns in fulfilling even the simple conditions for the combatant status, as well as in regulation of civilian direct participation in hostilities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the evolution of international legal standards aimed at defining responsibility for violations of laws and customs of war from the second half of the 19th century to the first half of the 20th century. It emphasizes that war is undoubtedly one of the most dreadful events that can impact people's lives and society. However, if it is not controlled or conducted in accordance with international norms and standards, its consequences can be even more devastating and catastrophic. Since the beginning of the full-scale armed aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine, the term «violation of laws and customs of war» has become widespread. Responsibility for such actions is provided for by Article 438 of the Criminal Code of Ukraine. However, the criminalization of this act is not related to Ukraine's domestic legal order, as violations of laws and customs of war are an international crime that causes serious harm to people, economic objects, and cultural heritage, creating a high level of societal danger. The article covers an analysis of key international documents such as the Geneva Conventions, decisions of the Hague Conferences, and UN resolutions, exploring their influence on shaping legal norms in this area. It examines changes in legal regulation, their causes, and consequences, as well as the role of specific individuals and historical events in this process. This research is important for understanding past experiences in the context of current challenges and conflicts, as well as for further development of international law and ensuring the protection of human rights during armed conflicts. In conclusion, it is noted that the second half of the 19th and the first half of the 20th centuries witnessed significant development of international legal standards concerning responsibility for violations of laws and customs of war. This period was crucial in shaping the fundamental principles of international humanitarian law aimed at protecting human rights during armed conflicts. As a result of this process, a series of international treaties and conventions were adopted, which established rules of conduct in armed conflicts and mechanisms for accountability for their violations. These standards have been an important step in humanizing war and protecting human rights during armed conflicts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article is dedicated to exploring the legislation of Ukraine in the sphere of regulating war crimes. The research is based on the analysis of normative acts of international humanitarian and criminal law, which have established serious violations of the laws and customs of war and equated them with serious international crimes. Additionally, attention is focused on the longstanding experience of international institutions dealing with the regulation of the mechanism of punishment for war criminals. For Ukraine, the issue of war crimes has become relevant in the conditions of armed conflict caused by the aggression of the Russian Federation. Currently, the number of these crimes is gradually increasing. By the end of 2023, over 109,000 instances of war crimes committed by the Russian armed forces had been documented. Alongside, the number of criminal proceedings for violations of the laws and customs of war is increasing. It was further noted that deficiencies in the legislative definition of war crimes and the lack of necessary legal practice in such a specific category of offenses lead to difficulties in qualifying war crimes. The basis for qualifying a crime is the composition of a criminal offense. In Ukraine, there is a single provision providing for criminal liability for violations of the laws and customs of war -- Section 438 of the Criminal Code of Ukraine. This article lacks both a definition of war crime and a clear objective aspect of the offense, and the punishment is less severe compared to other general criminal statutes. Section 438 of the Criminal Code of Ukraine is generic. Due to such wording of war crimes in Ukraine, the practice of additional qualification of violations of the laws and customs of war under articles on torture, intentional grievous bodily harm, intentional moderate bodily harm, intentional minor bodily harm, coercion to testify, etc., has spread. Avoiding difficulties in qualifying war crimes can be achieved through access to sources of international humanitarian and criminal law. The Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court is one of the most important legal acts that has codified the entire range of elements of war crimes and detailed them. Ukraine is a signatory to the Rome Statute, but has not yet ratified it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article is devoted to the analysis of violations by the Russian Federation of the provisions of the Convention relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War in relation to certain categories of socially vulnerable groups of the population in the context of a full-scale invasion (on the example of Chernihiv region). It is emphasized that Ukraine is currently a socially oriented state, its activities are aimed at providing life support and support to socially vulnerable citizens, creating conditions for their decent existence in society. One of the elements of the national state policy in the field of social protection of the population is a well-developed system of state social and medical institutions for persons with mental disorders, the elderly, persons with disabilities, patients, etc. A significant number of people living in these institutions are unable to take care of themselves and need constant care and attention. Chernihiv region, which borders the Russian Federation and the Republic of Belarus in the north of Ukraine, is one of the ten regions most affected by the aggression of the above-mentioned states. During the period of occupation of Chernihiv region by the military of the Russian Federation, from February 24, 2022 to April 3, 2022, a number of episodes of violations of the laws and customs of warfare were documented - shelling of civilians and evacuation routes with prohibited weapons, executions, looting, rape, etc. Numerous cases of shelling of social welfare institutions and medical facilities where socially vulnerable groups of the population were permanently or temporarily residing were emphasized, which is a gross violation of Articles 16, 18, 20, 28 of the Convention relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War. The documented war crimes committed by Russian military personnel against civilians from among socially vulnerable citizens need to be studied, made public and condemned by the international community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal for Technology in Theory & Practice / Zeitschrift für Technikfolgenabschätzung in Theorie und Praxis (TATuP) is the property of Oekom Verlag GmbH and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Belligerent reprisals are a controversial and largely discredited mechanism for the enforcement of international humanitarian law. Additional Protocol i of 1977 prohibits a range of reprisal activity, including reprisals against enemy civilians. A (relatively small) number of States are not Parties to Additional Protocol i, whilst some States Parties have made declarations and/or reservations to the Protocol which could be seen as attempts to limit the operation of the prohibition. Its status as a rule of customary international law is therefore an important question. This article argues that opposition to the prohibition in customary law is neither as widespread nor consistent as has previously been suggested and that the weight of evidence points towards the existence (or development) of a customary prohibition. Consistent opposition by the UK and the US, however, makes it unlikely that the customary prohibition would be opposable to those particular States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: This study explores the impacts of attacks perpetrated in the context of armed conflict, to female health workers in three Colombian territories. Methods: We conducted a document review of the reports and databases of the Colombian Truth Commission, 17 in-depth semi-structured interviews with experts on the national and regional armed conflict and the medical mission, and 26 female health workers who were victims of attacks. Results: Experts and female health workers reported attacks to health activities, facilities, equipment, and personnel, including attacks to traditional doctors belonging to indigenous communities. The most frequent attacks were threats and retention of health personnel; theft of supplies and medicines; damage and use of infrastructure and means of transport for purposes other than health care; and hinderance of health service provision. The attacks occurred in a framework of structural violence that intersects with poverty, racism, and gender bias. The impacts of these attacks include gender-based violence, significant disruption of the lives of health workers, and physical, emotional, psychological, social, and economic effects on the victims and their families. The government response to protect victims and populations has been absent or insufficient. Conclusions: Attacks to health care were reported in all the studied territories obstructing adequate health care. Impacts of these attacks affect negatively the professional and personal life of the workers and are aggravated by structural violence and absent or little institutional response. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Since the Hamas attacks in Israel on 7 October 2023, the Israeli military has launched an assault in the Gaza Strip, which included over 12,000 targets struck and over 25,000 tons of incendiary munitions used by 2 November 2023. The objectives of this study include: (1) the descriptive and inferential spatial analysis of damage to critical civilian infrastructure (health, education, and water facilities) across the Gaza Strip during the first phase of the military campaign, defined as 7 October to 22 November 2023 and (2) the analysis of damage clustering around critical civilian infrastructure to explore broader questions about Israel's adherence to International Humanitarian Law (IHL). Methods: We applied multi-temporal coherent change detection on Copernicus Sentinel 1-A Synthetic Aperture Radar (SAR) imagery to detect signals indicative of damage to the built environment through 22 November 2023. Specific locations of health, education, and water facilities were delineated using open-source building footprint and cross-checked with geocoded data from OCHA, OpenStreetMap, and Humanitarian OpenStreetMap Team. We then assessed the retrieval of damage at and with close proximity to sites of health, education, and water infrastructure in addition to designated evacuation corridors and civilian protection zones. The Global Moran's I autocorrelation inference statistic was used to determine whether health, education, and water facility infrastructure damage was spatially random or clustered. Results: During the period under investigation, in the entire Gaza Strip, 60.8% (n = 59) of health, 68.2% (n = 324) of education, and 42.1% (n = 64) of water facilities sustained infrastructure damage. Furthermore, 35.1% (n = 34) of health, 40.2% (n = 191) of education, and 36.8% (n = 56) of water facilities were functionally destroyed. Applying the Global Moran's I spatial inference statistic to facilities demonstrated a high degree of damage clustering for all three types of critical civilian infrastructure, with Z-scores indicating < 1% likelihood of cluster damage occurring by random chance. Conclusion: Spatial statistical analysis suggests widespread damage to critical civilian infrastructure that should have been provided protection under IHL. These findings raise serious allegations about the violation of IHL, especially in light of Israeli officials' statements explicitly inciting violence and displacement and multiple widely reported acts of collective punishment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this piercing analysis, we delve into the heart of the international legal quandary surrounding Israel's genocidal onslaught in Gaza, unraveling the intricate tapestry of narratives deployed to obfuscate its egregious crimes against the Palestinian populace. This study boldly contends that even as Israel and its cohorts cloak their actions under the guise of "self-defense," the sheer brutality of their deeds shatters the veneer of legitimacy, casting doubt upon this pretext and other sacrosanct notions enshrined in the annals of international discourse. Central among these is the revered paradigm of "international humanitarian law," a bastion of justice now imperiled as facts and testimonies from the crucible of Gaza's warfare lay bare a stark truth: might, not morality, has become the arbiter of international conduct, leaving the edifice of global legality in tatters. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The relationship between human rights and humanitarian law is now understood as a complementary one, insofar as human rights rules are no longer applicable in peacetime but at all times. The International Court of Justice has emphasized this issue in numerous Decisions. In international law literature, the main focus is on the interaction between these two branches of law, while less attention is paid to the complementarity of their rules and the interpretation of one’s rules in light of the other especially in light of the principle of systemic integration. The present paper examines the utility as well as the challenges and potential harms of using this approach in the general context of international law. Finally, it concludes that using systemic integration principle can strengthen application of human rights rules through international humanitarian law, or prevent normative conflict between different norms of the two branches of law, especially in regard to forceful and arbitrary detention. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cyberspaces can be significantly influenced by simple tools and tactics, and offer cost-effective solutions for states to achieve their objectives. However, it can also be used for conducting cyberwarfare, and its effects remain in gray areas. The spectrum of cyberwarfare activities ranges from minor web disruptions to crippling attacks on critical national infrastructures. Nevertheless, cyberattacks present a unique challenge in applying well-established humanitarian legal principles, particularly regarding the distinction between civilian and military targets. This is because of the interconnectedness and shared infrastructure of cyberspace between civilian and military entities, which blurs the lines between combatants and civilian populations. This article seeks to shift the general perception of the problems associated with this manner of conducting hostilities by building on the learning of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict. Furthermore, the authors examine the cyber activities that occurred during the conflict and the legal and ethical challenges that arise from classifying these activities and applying international law. They try to distinguish cyber activities as an act of force or armed attack, with a focus on determining the criteria that played a role in this classification, in light of Articles 2 (4) and 51 of the UN Charter. With reference to the United Nations (UN) Charter and the principles of self-defence, the concept of attack is scrutinised. Furthermore, the article addresses the principles of distinction and proportionality in relation to qualified cyber activities as an armed attack in the same conflict, emphasising the importance of the principle of proportionality in assessing cyber warfare. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of International Journal of Legal & Comparative Jurisprudence Studies (LCJS) / Mağallaẗ al-Duwaliyyaẗ Li-&-Dirāsāt al-Qānūniyyaẗ Wa-al-Fiqhiyyaẗ al-Muqāranaẗ is the property of Refaad for Studies, Research & Development and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The aim of this paper is to examine the lessons learned till mid-2023 from the war in Ukraine to find out how attacking or seizing nuclear power plants (NPPs) can be utilised to advance military and political objectives during an armed conflict. The qualitative research approach has been applied to the study, focusing on an analysis of academic research and relevant acts of international law. In order to examine Russia’s approach to the attacks against the Chernobyl and Zaporizhzhia NPPs, numerous reports, official statements by the authorities, press releases, and Internet sources have been analysed. For evaluation of nuclear security and safety standards in Ukraine, the “seven pillars” model proposed by the International Atomic Energy Agency has been adopted. The study indicates that strategically located NPPs can be used as “nuclear shields” for the occupying forces deployed at the plant or nearby. They may also become useful tools of “lawfare” waged with the use of flawed interpretations of international humanitarian law. Finally, nuclear security-related narrations analysed in the paper clearly prove that seized NPPs can be effectively used in information warfare. The research leads to the conclusion that civil NPPs in war zones can be weaponised and exploited by the hostile forces not only for impeding energy supplies (and thus shattering the public morale of the adversary) but also for blackmailing and coercing the decisionmakers of the attacked state and their international allies with a vision of man-made nuclear disaster. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the creation of courts by non-State armed groups (“NSAG”) in non-international armed conflicts (“NIAC”) through the lens of classical Islamic law and its relationship to International Humanitarian Law (“IHL”). We begin with an overview of the IHL rules related to judicial guarantees and the establishment of NSAG courts. Although the creation of courts is generally the purview of States, it is possible for an NSAG to establish a parallel judicial system during a NIAC, with courts that can be IHL-compliant. We then move to a discussion of the classical Islamic law framework, and whether or not a court established thereunder would meet the relevant IHL requirements related to such a court. Classical Islamic law generally meshes with IHL in this respect, although there are some areas where the two seem to diverge (in particular, the independence of the judiciary, and potential discrimination issues due to certain jurisdictional principles). Finally, we explore NSAG courts in NIAC situations today, using the examples of two groups purporting to follow Islamic law, namely the Islamic State and Boko Haram. We find that, in relation to courts and judicial guarantees, neither group practices Islamic law as it was conceived during the classical period, and that the courts of these particular groups would be at odds with IHL. Nonetheless, the classical Islamic law framework is useful for anyone more generally attempting to ensure that courts in armed conflict are IHL-compliant, and they should not overlook it in their efforts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article highlights the contribution of Muslim legal scholars and the importance of Islamic legal tradition in general in the elaboration of contemporary international humanitarian law (IHL). Based on the historical analysis and a critical re-examination of the origins of international law, the main finding of this article is that Muslim delegations and jurists have played a significant role in the development of legal rules in this field of international law. This Muslim influence has manifested itself in both general and specific ways. Especially, the founding fathers of IHL, such as Genevan Henry Dunant, showed great interest in the humanitarian principles emanating from the Muslim legal tradition. Although little reference is made to this influence in the contemporary international humanitarian law doctrine, the founding fathers of this branch of international law have indeed acknowledged the contribution of Muslim traditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]