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The paper analyses several classes of pronouns in the Soikkola dialect of the Ingrian language, namely interrogative/relative, indefinite, and negative pronouns. These classes of pronouns belong to one of the most underdescribed parts of Ingrian morphology, so the main goal of the paper is descriptive. Special focus is placed on the analysis of variation within pronoun classes. While variation in interrogative/relative pronouns mostly concerns minor aspects of their formation, indefinite and negative pronouns show many competing variants. In the case of indefinite pronouns, this variation arises from indefinite suffixes with different origins and functions. Negative pronouns have another source of variation: the morphophonological processes that can occur when a pronominal stem is concatenated with the negative particle kaa/kää. In all these classes of pronouns, we usually observe idiolectal and free variation, while contextual and register variation occurs less frequently.

Copyright of Linguistica Uralica is the property of Teaduste Akadeemia Kirjastus and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper examines the syntax and functions of the discourse particles no and nu in narratives and conversations recorded from speakers of Soikkola Ingrian in 2006–2013. The Ingrian particle no is probably Finnic in origin, while the particle nu was most likely borrowed from the Russian language. The goal of this research is to find out how different or similar no and nu are in contemporary Ingrian from the point of view of their syntactic positions and functions. Four structural positions are distinguished, in relation to the position of the particle in a turn and in a clause, and no striking differences are observed in the distribution of no and nu across positions. The typical functions of no and nu are analysed separately in each of the four structural positions, and the functional range is found to be similar for both particles. It is also notable that in the Russian speech of Ingrian speakers, no is sometimes used as a discourse particle, although this would not be possible in standard Russian. The research concludes that at the period under investigation the two particles were on the way to complete merger, and can be treated as phonetic variants in a synchronic description of Ingrian, despite the quantitative prevalence of no over nu. Kokkuvõte. Elena Markus: Isuri diskursusepartiklite no ja nu süntaks ja funktsioonid. Artikkel uurib diskursusepartiklite no ja nu süntaksit ja funktsioone narratiivides ja isuri keele Soikkola murde kõnelejate vestluste salvestistes aastatel 2006–2013. Isuri partikkel no on ilmselt läänemeresoome päritolu, partikkel nu on aga tõenäoliselt laenatud vene keelest. Uurimuse eesmärk on välja selgitada, kui erinevad või sarnased on no ja nu tänapäeva isuri keeles süntaktiliste positsioonide ja funktsioonide poolest. Eristada võib nelja struktuurpositsiooni sõltuvalt partikli asukohast kõnevoorus ja lausungis, positsioonist lähtuvalt aga no ja nu vahel suuri erinevusi märgata ei olnud. Partiklitele tüüpilisi funktsioone analüüsiti eraldi igas struktuurpositsioonis ning selgus, et ka funktsioonide ulatus on mõlema partikli puhul sarnane. On ka märkimisväärne, et isuri keele kõnelejad kasutavad partiklit no diskursusepartiklina vahel ka vene keeles, kuigi vene keele standardis selline kasutus võimalik ei ole. Uurimusest järeldub, et vaadeldaval ajaperioodil on kaks partiklit üheks liitumas ning neid võib isuri keele sünkroonilises kirjelduses käsitleda kui foneetilisi variante, kuigi kvantitatiivselt on partikkel no eelistatum kui partikkel nu.

This article describes the numeral phrase in Soikkola Ingrian. It focuses on the external syntax of the numeral phrase (first of all, case marking of its components) and on the number agreement between the numeral phrase in the subject position and the predicate. The sources of data are (a) a collection of spontaneous speech samples recorded in 2006–2013, (b) samples of spontaneous speech published by previous researchers, (c) elicited material recorded in 2006–2023. Though the numeral phrase in Soikkola Ingrian preserves most of the common Finnic traits, it has some less com- mon features, e.g. agreement in all numeral phrases with a numeral ending in ‘one’ or expressing approximate quantity through a reversed word order. Most likely these features arose due to the contact influence of Russian. Kokkuvõte. Fedor Rozhanskiy: Numeraalfraasi süntaks isuri keele Soikkola murdes. See artikkel kirjeldab numeraalfraasi isuri keele Soikkola murdes. Artikli keskmes on numeraalfraasi välissüntaks (eeskätt selle komponentide käändemärgistus) ja arvu ühildumine numeraalfraasi ning predikaadi vahel. Andmeallikad on (a) 2006.–2013. aastal salvestatud spontaanse kõneüksuste kogu, (b) varasemate uurijate avaldatud spontaanse kõne näited, (c) 2006.–2023. aastal salvestatud küsitletud materjal. Kuigi numeraalfraas Soikkola murdes säilitab enamiku tavalistest läänemeresoome keele tunnustest, on sellel mõningaid vähemlevinud omadusi, näiteks ühildumine kõigis numeraalfraasides numbriga ’üks’ lõppeva numeraali või ligikaudse koguse väljendamise kaudu pööratud sõnajärjega. Need omadused on tekkinud tõenäoliselt vene keele kontakti tulemusena.

This article analyses the vowel in the illative marker of monosyllabic nouns which usually copies the quality of the stem vowels. The data come from different questionnaires recorded by Soikkola Ingrian speakers in the 21st century. The main point of interest is the contradiction between the fact that the vowel in the illative marker copies the stem vowel and the fact that existing descriptions often indicate raising of mid vowels in the stem but not in the illative suffix. Both auditory analysis and acoustic measurements are used to check the correspondence between the quality of the stem and suffix vowels in the illative forms of monosyllabic nouns. The research reveals that there is both interspeaker and intraspeaker variation in the quality of the vowels under discussion, and several different strategies can be used for building the illative marker. The rounded stem vowels öö and oo are opposed to the unrounded ee: if raised in the stem, the latter does not influence the quality of the suffix vowel. In most cases, the quality of the rounded stem and suffix vowels is the same, so a transcription where these vowels are denoted differently is not justified. Pronunciations where both the stem and suffix vowels are half-raised argue for an alternative variant of the Soikkola Ingrian phonological system.

Copyright of Journal of Estonian & Finno-Ugric Linguistics / Eesti ja Soome-ugri Keeleteaduse Ajakiri is the property of University of Tartu Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Estonian & Finno-Ugric Linguistics / Eesti ja Soome-ugri Keeleteaduse Ajakiri is the property of University of Tartu Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article discusses demonstrative pronouns in the Soikkola dialect of the Ingrian language. The material for the research comes from the collection of spontaneous speech samples recorded in the 21st century. All the examples are published for the first time. The article presents mainly a qualitative analysis and aims at overviewing the basic functions of the Ingrian demonstrative pronouns tämä and še. It is shown that in the contemporary Ingrian the demonstratives are used as deictic and anaphoric devices, and also as discourse markers. Individual speakers demonstrate differences in the use of these pronouns due to the contact influence from the neighbouring languages. Kokkuvõte. Elena Markus, Fedor Rozhanskiy: Demonstratiivpronoomenite funktsioonid tänapäeva isuri keele Soikkola murdes. Käesolevas artiklis käsitletakse demonstratiivpronoomeneid isuri keele Soikkola murdes. Uurimuse materjal pärineb 21. sajandil salvestatud spontaanse kõne näidiste kogust. Kõik näited avaldatakse esimest korda. Artiklis esitatakse peamiselt kvalitatiivne analüüs ja selle eesmärk on anda ülevaade isuri demonstratiivpronoomenite tämä ja še põhifunktsioonidest. Näidatakse, et tänapäeva isuri keeles kasutatakse demonstratiive deiktiliste ja anafoorsete vahenditena ning ka diskursuse markeritena. Üksikutel kõnelejatel esineb nende asesõnade kasutamisel erinevusi naaberkeelte kontaktmõju tõttu.

Copyright of Journal of Estonian & Finno-Ugric Linguistics / Eesti ja Soome-ugri Keeleteaduse Ajakiri is the property of University of Tartu Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Linguistica Uralica is the property of Teaduste Akadeemia Kirjastus and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This research analyses the pronominal system of Soikkola Ingrian. The main goal of the article is descriptive, because existing publications on Soikkola Ingrian give only a superficial analysis of pronouns and there are no detailed descriptions based on data from the 21st century. The article focuses on both interspeaker and intraspeaker variation in four groups of Ingrian pronouns: personal, demonstrative, reflexive and reciprocal. The field data collected by the authors in the 21st century are compared with the data presented in grammars written in the 19th and 20th centuries. The research concludes that although the pronominal system has not changed significantly, there are a number of innovations in Ingrian pronominal forms and their variation. The most frequent type of variation is the variation between individual speakers, but not between sub-dialectal groups. Free variation is also common, while other types of variation are less relevant. Kokkuvõte. Anna Schwarz, Fedor Rozhanskiy: Isuri keele Soikkola murde pronoomenite süsteem: isikulised, demonstratiivsed, refleksiivsed ja retsiprooksed pronoomenid ning nende varieerumine. Uurimus analüüsib isuri keele Soikkola murde pronoomenite süsteemi. Artikkel on olemuselt kirjeldav. Olemasolevad Soikkola murret puudutavad uurimused esitavad üsna pealiskaudse pronoomenite analüüsi ning puuduvad 21. sajandi andmetel põhinevad üksikasjalikud kirjeldused. Artikkel keskendub nii kõnelejasisesele kui ka kõnelejatevahelisele varieerumisele neljas isuri pronoomenite rühmas: personaal-, demonstratiiv-, refleksiiv- ja retsiprookpronoomenid. Autorite poolt 21. sajandil kogutud välitööde andmeid võrreldakse 19. ja 20. sajandil kirjutatud grammatikate andmetega. Uurimuses jõutakse järeldusele, et kuigi pronoomenite süsteem pole oluliselt muutunud, on isuri pronoomenite vormides ja nende varieerumises mitmeid uuendusi. Kõige sagedamini esineb varieerumist üksikute kõnelejate vahel, kuid mitte murde allrühmade vahel. Levinud on ka vaba varieerumine, samas kui muud tüüpi varieerumised on vähem olulised.

Copyright of Journal of Estonian & Finno-Ugric Linguistics / Eesti ja Soome-ugri Keeleteaduse Ajakiri is the property of University of Tartu Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Linguistica Uralica is the property of Teaduste Akadeemia Kirjastus and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Phonological representation of Estonian quantity degrees have aroused the interest of many researchers and provided a stimulus for developing phonological theory. In this article, I compare various moraic representations of the quantity degrees with the phonetical description of the quantities. Phonetical facts show best compatibility with the treatment according to which the stressed syllable of Q3 fills the whole foot, whereas in the case of Q1 and Q2 the foot consists of two syllables. The syllable-final lengthening of Q3 and the foot-final lengthening of Q1 can be explained by the presence of the strong mora in the corresponding positions. I show that strong moras are also necessary for the phonological description of the Soikola Ingrian. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper addresses the status of the comitative and terminative in contemporary Votic and Lower Luga Ingrian. In published sources on Votic, both markers were qualified in the same way: either as case markers or as postpositions. For Ingrian, no detailed research of the question was ever conducted. The analysis presented in this paper is based on a set of phonetic, morphological and syntactic criteria comparing the comitative and terminative with prototypical cases and postpositions in both languages. The resulting scale shows that the comitative behaves quite differently from the terminative. Both markers are neither unambiguous cases nor postpositions, but the terminative demonstrates mostly postpositional features while the comitative is rather close to a case. The status of the comitative and terminative in Lower Luga Ingrian is similar but not identical to Votic; in particular the Ingrian comitative marker has harmonic variants but cannot mark adjectives in NP. A very specific feature of Lower Luga Ingrian is the coexistence of parallel comitative forms with and without -n (-nka/-nkä vs. -ka/-kä). Both variants probably emerged under the Votic influence, and represent two different strategies of borrowing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses a case of language competition between two minority languages, Votic and Ingrian. We analyze the sociolinguistic situation in the contact area, and the contact-induced linguistic changes in both languages. Although the two languages had a very similar fate, and the same premises for language competition, Ingrian appears to have been more socially prestigious and was for a long period of time gradually replacing Votic. It is shown that the two languages chose different strategies for interaction. The Ingrians preserved their strong identity but transformed their language significantly, and thus achieved an easier understanding with their neighbors. On the other hand, the Votes were unwilling to adapt their language to contact influence, but shifted easily to their neighbors' identity. We suggest distinguishing between two types of volatility: social volatility, which describes the willingness of a nation to shift to a new language and identity; and linguistic volatility, which denotes the readiness of speakers to adopt innovations from a neighboring language. In minority vs. minority competition, the two types of volatility often demonstrate inverse tendencies: high volatility on the linguistic level corresponds to low volatility on the social level, and vice versa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper provides empirical evidence on the status of primary and secondary geminates in Soikkola Ingrian. The material for the study was recorded during the summer of 2009 from present-day speakers of Ingrian. The paper focuses on secondary geminates after a short vowel as compared to primary geminates occurring in the same environment. Experimental results confirm the ternary opposition of consonants: singletons vs. secondary geminates vs. primary geminates. The opposition between the two types of geminates is manifested in duration. Another feature distinguishing the two types is the duration ratio of a geminate to the following vowel. Both the duration of geminates and the degree of difference between the two types correlate significantly with the structure of the word, being greatest in disyllabic words with an open second syllable, medium in disyllabic words with a closed second syllable, and smallest in trisyllabic words. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reports results of an acoustic study of stress and length patterns in Ingrian, a Finnic language closely related to Finnish. Primary stressed syllables were found to have higher fundamental frequency than both secondary stressed and unstressed syllables. Intensity and duration played a limited role in signaling stress. In keeping with published descriptions, consonants preceding a long vowel in the second syllable of the primary stress foot were lengthened. The lengthening effect was greater in consonants targeted by the process of primary gemination (Finnish yleisgeminaatio), i.e. those in CVCVV feet in disyllabic words, than those affected by other gemination phenomena applying in Ingrian. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]