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This article approaches defective and overabundant paradigm cells as an opportunity and pitfall for usage-based linguistics. Through reference to two production tasks involving native speakers of Czech, we show how definitions of these two categories are problematized when multiple forms per context are entrenched, or when pre-emption seems to occur in the absence of entrenchment: in other words, pre-emption occurs via entrenchment of uncertainty. We explain the results by adopting a broader, usage-based perspective. We examine the relationship between frequency (as proxy for exposure) and reference-work information (as proxy for a priori structure) to assess their connection with our experimental results. We assign a role to frequency as helping to form perceptions of "suitable" and "unsuitable" forms, but also note places where non-frequency factors predominate. "Structure" as represented by reference-work recommendations appears to have no significant connection to our experimental results; we discuss reasons for this. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Turkish nominalizer -(y)Iş demonstrates a broad spectrum of functions ranging from a deverbal word-formation device that forms lexicalized nouns with concrete and abstract meanings to an inflectional marker used in nominal clauses, especially in clausal complementation. In some uses, the item conveys manner semantics. While the item itself has been variously investigated and forms an established part of any Turkish grammar description, there is still a lack of consensus on its functional and semantic properties. This article investigates the morphosyntactic functions and the semantic features of the nominalizer -(y)Iş in light of the claims in the linguistic literature on the one hand, which include manner, countable events, factive imperfective, single instance of an event, direct reference to the inner process of an action, etc., and of examples from primary sources on the other, and evaluates the findings from the perspective of grammaticalization. It will be argued that the range of functions of this item and the fact that it seems to resist any straightforward analysis result from its transition from a derivational marker to an inflectional marker with tasks including complementizer functions, a process in which manner semantics will be argued to play a role. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Mabaan, a Western Nilotic language, there is a binary inflectional voice contrast in the morphology of verbs. In addition to a morphologically unmarked basic voice, there is a fully productive applicative voice, which is morphologically marked. This applicative voice may be called circumstantial in order to distinguish it from another applicative voice, which is derivational, namely benefactive. The circumstantial voice turns an adjunct into an object, making an intransitive verb transitive and a transitive verb ditransitive. In a main clause, however, a transitive verb needs to be detransitivized via antipassive derivation in order for an adjunct to become object through the circumstantial voice. In some types of subordinate clauses, by contrast, any verb can get the circumstantial voice, whatever its transitivity, derivational status and meaning. This voice is obligatory in relative clauses when the relativized constituent is an adjunct and in some types of adverbial clauses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present article provides a case study of the forms corresponding to the meaning 'small' in Swedish, which exhibit a number-based suppletive alternation: descriptively, liten appears in the singular while små appears in the plural. We demonstrate that this alternation is best treated as contextual allomorphy, and provide six arguments that favor this account over a plausible alternative, according to which the forms realize two distinct roots with different lexical semantics. We situate a Distributed Morphology-based account of the alternation within the broader context of inflection in the language, and address challenges and complications to the allomorphy approach from outside of the root's 'typical' adjectival contexts, including adverbs and compounding. This study supports the existence of root suppletion conditioned by inflectional features, and has implications for our understanding of locality conditions on root suppletion as well as contextual allomorphy more broadly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper investigates the relations between phonological form and information content within Latin verbal inflection from two interrelated points of view. It looks at conditional entropy relations within the present paradigm to see how these relate to the textual frequency of the individual forms; and it seeks to answer the question to what extent the phonological form of stems and endings has the potential to lead to ambiguity in morphological marking. The latter issue is approached from the angle of the information content that word forms taken in themselves have about their morphological status. The broader question of potential ambiguity is broken down into two separate questions: one concerns stems where intra-paradigmatic ambiguity would be possible; the other concerns stems that include phonological material that could itself be interpreted as a morphological marker. The absence of potential ambiguity in the first sense, and its severe restriction in the second sense is interpreted here as an emergent mechanism to enhance the information content of verb forms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the complex numbers, Plücker's formula computes the number of inflection points of a linear series of fixed degree and projective dimension on an algebraic curve of fixed genus. Here, we explore the geometric meaning of a natural analog of Plücker's formula and its constituent local indices in A1$\mathbb {A}^1$‐homotopy theory for certain linear series on hyperelliptic curves defined over an arbitrary field. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent evidence indicates that a word's paradigmatic neighbors affect production. However, these findings have mostly been obtained in careful laboratory settings using words in isolation, and thus ignoring potential effects that may arise from the syntagmatic context, which is typically present in spontaneous speech. The current corpus analysis investigates paradigmatic and syntagmatic effects in Estonian spontaneous speech. Following work on English, we focus on the duration of inflected and uninflected word-final /-s/ in content words, while simultaneously investigating whole words. Our analyses reveal three points. First, we find an effect of realized inflectional paradigm size, such that smaller paradigms actively used by the speakers lead to longer durations. Second, higher conditional probability is associated with shorter word forms and shorter segments. Finally, we do not directly replicate previous work on effects of inflectional status as in English word-final /-s/. Instead, we find that inflectional status interacts with conditional probability. We discuss the results in light of models of speech production and how they account for morphologically complex words and their paradigmatic neighbors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper presents examples of meta-morphomes (a kind of morphomic patterns, involving syncretisms) in North Germanic. There has been some debate over the notion of such patterns, and the aim is therefore to present relatively clear cases. Five cases are presented, involving inflection in verbs, nouns and adjectives. The syncretisms are all 'unnatural'; they do not make much sense for syntax, semantics or phonology. While patterns that are obvious to the linguist are not necessarily obvious to speakers, the paper presents diachronic evidence that these morphomic patterns have been noticed by speakers. At least some criticism against 'morphomic' analyses is based on implausible premises: An analysis in terms of features is not automatically preferable only by being possible; the idea of 'taking morphology seriously' is untenable; the claim that the morphomic approach is a mere enumeration of facts may involve a self-contradiction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the increasing implementation of compliant mechanisms in high-precision and high-accuracy applications, the need to evaluate the positioning performance of the flexure hinges becomes evident. In this paper, the determination of the accuracy of planar flexures is addressed by analyzing and comparing the available criteria presented in literature, including a new criterion based on the pole of the displacements. For uniform flexures, an analytical formulation is developed for end-moment loads, whereas complex loading conditions, resulting in an inflection point, are analyzed and numerically evaluated. The accuracy criteria are also applied for analyzing the positioning performance of the cross-axis flexural pivot. Various relations among the different criteria are determined, and their limitations, such as the non-bijective correspondence with the deformed configurations, are discussed. The criteria are applied to the design of a high-accuracy cross-axis pivot. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we investigate the value of derivational information in predicting the inflectional behavior of lexemes. We focus on Latin, for which large-scale data on both inflection and derivation are easily available. We train boosting tree classifiers to predict the inflection class of verbs and nouns with and without different pieces of derivational information. For verbs, we also model inflectional behavior in a word-based fashion, training the same type of classifier to predict wordforms given knowledge of other wordforms of the same lexemes. We find that derivational information is indeed helpful, and document an asymmetry between the beginning and the end of words, in that the final element in a word is highly predictive, while prefixes prove to be uninformative. The results obtained with the word-based methodology also allow for a finer-grained description of the behavior of different pairs of cells. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article proposes that verbs in Matlatzinca (Otomian; Oto-Pamean; Oto-Manguean) fall into five inflectional classes, which the authors call 'conjugations'. The article focuses on the forms that make up the paradigms of these five classes. The conjugations of Matlatzinca are based on inflectional constructs that are largely periphrastic in composition, which means that the exponents in the constructions are not prefixes but behave like prosodic words, independent from the lexical stem of the verb being inflected. However, such exponents are not verbal auxiliaries but grammatical markers. We also show that class membership of the conjugations is determined by transitivity value. Three of the classes contain only transitive verbs, while the two remaining ones contain only intransitive verbs. One of the intransitive conjugations contains middle verbs. Transitive verbs are inflected as members of this middle class to obtain passive or middle voice readings. Wherever possible, the constructions are illustrated with examples from natural speech. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The IE languages developed different strategies for the encoding of the passive function. In some language branches, the middle voice extended to the passive function to varying extents. In addition, dedicated derivational formations arose in a number of languages, such as the Greek -ē-/-thē- aorist and the Indo-Aryan -ya-presents. Periphrastic formations involving a verbal adjective or a participle are also widely attested, and played an important role in the building of the passive paradigm in e.g. Romance and Germanic languages. As the periphrastic passive is also attested in Hittite alongside passive use of the middle, both strategies seem to be equally ancient. Some minor strategies include lexical passives and the extensive lability of verbs. A survey of possible strategies provides evidence for the rise of a disparate number of morphemes and constructions, and for their ongoing incorporation into the inflectional paradigms (paradigmaticization) of given languages, thus adding to our knowledge about cross-linguistic sources of passive morphology and grammaticalization processes involved. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present article presents a synchronic description of the morphology of adjectives in the highly endangered Neo-Aramaic dialects of ʿAqra in the Kurdistan region of Iraq. It discusses the morphology of adjectives in these dialects as used in the sixties of the last century. In particular, the article highlights adjectival patterns, inflectional features, and the adaptation of loanwords from Kurdish, Arabic, and Turkish. The article contributes to the description of the grammar of some 150 North-Eastern Neo-Aramaic (NENA) dialects in the Kurdistan region that are gradually falling into disuse, due to internal disputes, wars, economic crises, and globalisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The growth curve of livestock animals is important to evaluate the biological development managed with a farming management system. This study aimed to estimate the growth curve of body weight (BW) in Madura cattle (Bos indicus) kept at the breeding management. Three non-linear models of Logistic (L), Gompertz (G) and Von Bertalanffy (B) were performed in this study using 186 records data and computed with SPSS 16.0 package. Research showed that the asymptotic weight (male/female) was reached of 220.80/218.02 kg (L), 277.72/274.13 kg (G) and 333.92/329.83 kg (B). The weight of inflection (male/female) was reached of 110.40/109.01 kg (L), 102.10/100.78 kg (G) and 98.94/97.73 kg (B). The time of inflection (male/female) was reached of 10.89/10.47 months (L), 10.09/10.23 months (G) and 9.80 months (B). Moreover, the coefficient of determination (R2) in all models included of high category i.e. 0.68 (male) and 0.70 (female). However, three goodness-of-fit parameters of root mean squared error (RMSE), Akaike's (AIC) and Beyesian (BIC) values revealed that G and B models were more accurate than the other models for male and female, respectively. It can be concluded that about 68-70% of body weight of animals in a study can be explained by non-linear models of L, G and B. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Stem alternations contribute a unique type of morphological complexity to inflectional systems (Baerman et al. 2015), but despite the fact that they can show remarkable stability over time (Maiden 2018), the manner in which they are maintained and the types of changes they undergo are still poorly understood, in particular when it comes to understudied languages for which dia - chronic data are usually nonexistent. The verbal inflection of Chichimec (Oto-Pamean, Mexico) is characterized by intricate distributions of stem alternations, and it affords us a unique opportunity to study them from a diachronic perspective, because, unlike most other minority languages, we have a precise and detailed description of its verbal inflection system from almost a century ago (de Angulo 1933) from which we are able to reconstruct the paradigms of 170 verbs. In this article, we compare the verbal system as it was registered by de Angulo in 1930 to our own primary data recorded during two recent field trips. We show evidence that certain elements of the intricate patterns of stem alternations have been reanalyzed and redistributed by the speakers. We argue that the changes make sense only from a morphological perspective in which stem alternations are seen as involving fixed configurations of cells, or 'morphomes' (Aronoff 1994). We also show that speakers have not manipulated these configurations in isolation but in clusters, resulting in a substantial restructuring of verbal inflection at the paradigmatic level. We conclude that the changes have not resulted in a simpler system, but rather one that, while almost the same in terms of morphological complexity, has become more consistent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

African languages have rarely been the subject of psycholinguistic experimentation. The current study employs a masked visual priming experiment to investigate morphological processing in a Bantu language, Setswana. Our study takes advantage of the rich system of prefixes in Bantu languages, which offers the opportunity of testing morphological priming effects from prefixed inflected words and directly comparing them to priming effects from prefixed derived words on the same targets. We found significant priming effects of similar magnitude for both prefixed inflected and derived word forms, which were clearly dissociable from prime-target relatedness in both meaning and (orthographic) form. These findings provide support for a (possibly universal) mechanism of morphological decomposition applied during early visual word recognition that segments both (prefixed) inflected and derived word forms into their morphological constituents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is a comparative analysis of existential and standard negation across Northern Dene. There are two strategies for existential negation: some languages use a negative verb, while others use a negative morpheme reconstructed as * də-weˑ. Standard negation involves negative inflection in some languages; most of them require additional preverbal or postverbal negative particles. The languages without negative inflection also fall into two groups. Some use a preverbal morpheme reconstructed as * də-weˑ , while the others use a postverbal negative auxiliary related to the negative verb used in existential negation. The data surveyed here demonstrates that standard negation with * də-weˑ is widespread in the Northern Dene languages, suggesting that it is an older negation strategy than has been assumed in the literature. The author also shows that the postverbal auxiliary is the result of the negative existential cycle and demonstrates that Dene languages share typological tendencies for the placement of negative particles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present study aims at investigating verb inflection in aphasia and semantic dementia. In particular, it addresses the contribution of time reference and morphological complexity. Moreover, it investigates whether the lexical properties of the verb, such as argument structure and lexical aspect interact with the production of tense. Ten individuals with (different types of) stroke aphasia and five individuals with semantic dementia and their respective control groups conducted a sentence completion task. Three tenses were tested: past perfective, past imperfective and present. All tenses had to be produced with three different verb classes, which differed with respect to syntactic and semantic properties: unergative, unaccusative and transitive verbs. The findings imply problems with marking aspect and an interaction between inflection and lexical aspect but no effect of morphological complexity or across the board difficulties with reference to the past in aphasia. Moreover, the results suggest problems with inflection in semantic dementia, an interaction between inflection and lexical aspect and a selective difficulty with imperfective tenses. The study contributes to a better understanding of inflection problems in aphasia and it provides evidence for inflection problems in semantic dementia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The generation of regular and irregular inflected verb-forms has been taken as a crucial test between models of inflection in the mental lexicon, namely approaches which invoke different mechanisms for regular and irregular forms (rule-based procedures vs. recovery of whole forms stored in an associative network) and accounts which postulate a single procedure for all forms. An alternative hypothesis suggests that inflectional processes are explained by membership of words to clusters, for instance, Italian inflectional classes (conjugations). In a behavioural and a rapid event-related fMRI experiment, participants overtly generated the past participle of verbs from the three Italian conjugations. Results showed that the cognitive operations and the neural substrate underlying inflectional processes rely on specific properties of inflectional classes. Different patterns of cortical activations elicited by verbs from different conjugations were detected for the first time in the left middle frontal gyrus, left pre-supplementary motor area and left anterior cingulate cortex. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The representation of inflection is controversial: theories of morphological processing range from those that treat all inflectional morphemes as independently represented in memory to those that deny independent representation for any inflectional morphemes. Whereas identity priming for stems and derivational affixes is regularly reported, priming of inflectional affixes is understudied and has produced no clear consensus. This paper reports results from a continuous auditory lexical decision task investigating priming of plural inflectional affixes in English, in plural prime-target pairs such as crimes → trees. Our results show statistically significant priming facilitation for plural primes relative to phonological (cleanse → trees) and singular (crime → trees) controls. This finding indicates that inflectional affixes, like lexical stems, exhibit identity priming effects. We discuss implications for morphological theory and point to questions for further work addressing which representation(s) produce the priming effect. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: The aim is to assess the relationship between cervicothoracic inflection point and baseline disability, as well as the relationship between clinical outcomes and pre- to postoperative changes in inflection point. Methods: Cervical deformity (CD) patients with baseline and 3-month (3M) postoperative radiographic, clinical, and inflection data were grouped by region of inflection point: C6 or above, C6-C7 to C7-T1, T1, or below. Inflection was defined as: Distal-most level where cervical lordosis (CL) changes to thoracic kyphosis (TK). Differences in alignment and patient factors across pre- and postoperative inflection point groups were assessed, as were outcomes by the inclusion of inflection in the CD-corrective fusion construct. Results: A total of 108 patients were included. Preoperative inflection breakdown: C6 or above (42%), C6-C7 to C7-T1 (44%), T1 or below (15%). Surgery was associated with a caudal migration of inflection by 3M: C6 or above (8%), C6-C7 to C7-T1 (58%), T1 or below (33%). For patients with preoperative inflection T1 or below, the inclusion of inflection in the fusion construct was associated with improvements in horizontal gaze (McGregor's Slope included: −11.3° vs. not included: 1.6°, P = 0.038). The inclusion of preoperative inflection in fusion was associated with the superior cervical sagittal vertical axis (cSVA) changes for C6-C7 to C7-T1 patients (−5.2 mm vs. 3.2 mm, P = 0.018). The location of postoperative inflection was associated with variation in 3M alignment: Inflection C6 or above was associated with less Pelvic Tilt (PT), PT and a trend of larger cSVA. Location of inflection or inclusion in fusion was not associated with reoperation or distal junctional kyphosis. Conclusions: Incorporating the inflection point between CL and TK in the fusion construct was associated with superior restoration of cervical alignment and horizontal gaze for surgical CD patients. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With regard to change in inflection, historical linguistics fundamentally relies on the concept of morphological analogy, which is held responsible for nearly all change not attributable to phonological factors. Despite its central importance, how morphological analogy operates has never been established. Two different opinions are held in contemporary linguistics. The first position assumes that morphological analogy modifies inherited inflectional forms, making them more similar to other inflectional forms. According to the second position, in the course of morphological analogy, inherited inflectional forms are not merely modified but rather are replaced by forms created entirely anew on a model pattern already present in the grammar. This research report tries to establish what kind of data may constitute the evidence sufficient to differentiate between the two views. It argues that all relevant data point to whole-word replacement as the only mechanism of analogical change in inflection. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This brief reports the analytical modeling and measurements of the inflection in the MOSFET transfer characteristics at cryogenic temperatures. Inflection is the inward bending of the drain current versus gate voltage, which reduces the current in weak and moderate inversion at a given gate voltage compared to the drift-diffusion current. This phenomenon is explained by introducing a Gaussian distribution of localized states centered around the band edge. The localized states are attributed to disorder and interface traps. The proposed model allows to extract the density of localized states at the interface from the dc current measurements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The morphemes such as the French au or the Italien nel are designed by different terms in grammars of Romance languages, which shows that it is difficult to identify the lexical category of this type of fusional morpheme. The aim of this paper is to propose a detailed analysis of these contracted forms. I suggest that the fusion occurs during a secondary grammaticalization. This process involves, on the one hand, the definite article, i.e. a grammatical element, and, on the other hand, some prepositions which, semantically, can be functional or lexical but which function syntactically as grammatical elements. The analysis shows that case inflection of nominals has been transferred to the preposition while the other categories appear in the article which merged with prepositions. Therefore, the fusional forms can be considered as prepositions marked by the grammatical categories of gender, number and definiteness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Word Stemming is a widely used mechanism in the fields of Natural Language Processing, Information Retrieval, and Language Modeling. Language-independent stemmers discover classes of morphologically related words from the ambient corpus without using any language related rules. In this article, we proposed a fully unsupervised language-independent text stemming technique that clusters morphologically related words from the corpus of the language using both lexical and co-occurrence features such as lexical similarity, suffix knowledge, and co-occurrence similarity. The method applies to a wide range of inflectional languages as it identifies morphological variants formed through different linguistic processes such as affixation, compounding, conversion, etc. The proposed approach has been tested in Information Retrieval application for four languages (English, Marathi, Hungarian, and Bengali) using standard TREC, CLEF, and FIRE test collections. A significant improvement over word-based retrieval, five other corpus-based stemmers, and rule-based stemmers has been achieved in all the languages. Besides, information retrieval, the proposed approach has also been tested in text classification and inflection removal tasks. Our algorithm excelled over other baseline methods in all the test scenarios. Thus, we successfully achieved the objective of developing a multipurpose stemming algorithm that cannot only be used for information retrieval task but also for non-traditional tasks such as text classification, sentiment analysis, inflection removal, etc. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the hypothesis that morphotactically ambiguous segment sequences should be dispreferred and selected against in the evolution of languages. We define morphotactically ambiguous sequences as sequences that can occur both within morphemes and across boundaries, such as final /nd/ or /mz/ in ModE, which occur in simple forms like wind or alms and in complex ones like sinned or seems. We test the hypothesis in two diachronic corpus studies of Middle and Early Modern English word forms ending in clusters of sonorants followed by /d/ or /t/ and /s/ or /z/. These clusters became highly frequent after the loss of unstressed vowels in final syllables and were highly ambiguous when they emerged. Our data show that the ambiguity of these final clusters was indeed reduced so that the distribution of the final clusters became increasingly skewed: clusters ending in voiceless coronals became significantly clearly indicative of simple forms, while clusters ending in voiced ones came to signal inflectional complexity more reliably. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present electrophysiological study investigated irregular versus regular verb form processing in Swedish during reading. In line with previous results from other languages, overregularized verbs, i.e. incorrect irregular stem + regular past tense suffix combinations (e.g. * stjäl + de 'steal + past tense'), elicited a left-lateralized negativity (LAN) relative to correct irregulars (stal 'stole'), suggesting rule-based decomposition of regularly inflected words. Lack of a similar effect for misapplication of the irregular stem formation pattern on regular verbs (e.g. * löft 'lifted' instead of lyfte) suggests the involvement of different processing mechanisms, possibly whole word access, for irregular items, at least to some degree. A P600 showing reprocessing was seen for all incorrect forms. The results add cross-linguistic support for morphological decomposition in the verbal inflection of a language where results from previous neurolinguistic studies of nominal inflection have only suggested the use of full-form access to words. • ERPs of both overregularized and irregularized verbs in Swedish were recorded. • LAN obtained for overregularized verbs suggests rule-based decomposition. • Irregularized verbs elicited only a P600 relative to the correct variant. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Previous studies on the neuro-cognition of language have provided a strong case for systematic inter-individual variability in event-related potentials (ERPs) evoked during language processing. In the present study, we aimed at extending this evidence to the processing of morphologically complex words. We focused on German plural forms and tested two types of morphological violations: overapplications of regular plural morphemes ('regularizations') and of irregular plural morphemes ('irregularizations'). The group-level results showed a biphasic LAN-P600 response for regularizations, and a P600 for irregularizations. In line with previous reports, our analyses of inter-individual variability suggested that biphasic responses consisting of a negativity followed by a positivity are unlikely to exist at the individual level. Importantly, when analyzing the scalp distribution of ERPs elicited in participants supposed to show negativity-dominant responses, we found this to vary as a function of the type of morphological form: regularizations elicited a left-hemisphere response (LAN), while irregularizations a more widespread negativity (N400). Our results are consistent with dual-route accounts of morphological processing that distinguish between rule-based processing for regular inflection and memory retrieval for irregular inflection. At a more general level, our study shows that complementing group-level results with analyses of inter-individual variability can crucially contribute to a more detailed understanding of brain signatures of language. • Overapplications of regular plural forms elicited a LAN-P600 response at group-level. • Overapplications of irregular plural forms elicited a P600 response at group-level. • Some individuals showed a negativity-dominant, others a positivity-dominant response. • Negativity-dominant individuals showed a lateralized negativity with regularizations. • Analyses of inter-individual variability help to better understand ERP components. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Previous research with younger adults has revealed differences between native (L1) and non-native late-bilingual (L2) speakers with respect to how morphologically complex words are processed. This study examines whether these L1/L2 differences persist into old age. We tested masked-priming effects for derived and inflected word forms in older L1 and L2 speakers of German and compared them to results from younger L1 and L2 speakers on the same experiment (mean ages: 62 vs. 24). We found longer overall response times paired with better accuracy scores for older (L1 and L2) participants than for younger participants. The priming patterns, however, were not affected by chronological age. While both L1 and L2 speakers showed derivational priming, only the L1 speakers demonstrated inflectional priming. We argue that general performance in both L1 and L2 is affected by aging, but that the more profound differences between native and non-native processing persist into old age. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As the papers in this volume make clear, categorial shift is often not categorical. Category-altering processes do not necessarily shift all morphological, syntactic, and semantic properties of their input simultaneously or completely (Noonan, 1985/2007; Mackenzie, 1987; Lehmann, 1988; Givón 1990, 2001, 2011; Croft, 1991; Koptjevskaja-Tamm, 1993, 2003; Cristofaro, 2003; Malchukov, 2004, 2006; Nikolaeva, 2007; Mithun, 2016a). A number of factors can affect the output of such processes, their course of development, and their consequences for the shapes of grammars. Here each of these issues is examined in turn. First is the identification of the lexical categories involved in the shifts: the structural level at which they take place (roots, bases, stems, words) and the criteria by which they are defined (morphological, syntactic, semantic). Also pertinent here is the nature of the shift processes, in particular, conversion. Second are some recurring trajectories of development of shift processes involving their extension to larger domains of structure. Third are some effects categorial shift processes can have on other aspects of grammar. • Shifting categories may be roots, bases, stems, words, or phrases. • Criteria for categorization may be morphological and/or syntactic. • Conversion (or zero derivation) may take place at any level. • Shifts may be extended over time from lower to higher levels of structure. • Shifts may trigger other grammatical developments, i.e. new categories and paradigms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In a masked morphological priming experiment, we compared the processing of derived and inflected morphologically complex Turkish words in heritage speakers of Turkish living in Berlin and in native speakers of Turkish raised and living in Turkey. The results show significant derivational and inflectional priming effects of a similar magnitude in the heritage group and the control group. For both participant groups, semantic and orthographic control conditions indicate that these priming effects are genuinely morphological in nature, and cannot be due to semantic or orthographic similarity between prime and target. These results suggest that morphological processing in heritage speakers is based on the same fundamental processing mechanisms as in prototypical native speakers. We conclude that heritage speakers, despite the fact that they have acquired the language in a particular setting and were exposed to a relatively limited amount of input, can nevertheless develop native-like processing mechanisms for complex words. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We show that the torsion of any simple closed curve Γ in Euclidean 3-space changes sign at least 4 times provided that it is star-shaped and locally convex with respect to a point o in the interior of its convex hull. The latter condition means that through each point p of Γ there passes a plane H, not containing o, such that a neighborhood of p in Γ lies on the same side of H as does o. This generalizes the four vertex theorem of Sedykh for convex space curves. Following Thorbergsson and Umehara, we reduce the proof to the result of Segre on inflections of spherical curves, which is also known as Arnold’s tennis ball theorem. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Highlights • Most Spanish sex doublets are actually triplets. • Spanish employs three sex coding modes, two lexical and one grammatical. • Syncretism is pervasive in inflectional sex coding. • Sex features may be concealed by gender and declension features. • Genericity is more compatible with plural than with singular number. Abstract Traditional views on how sex is coded in Spanish nouns are revolutionized in this article. To the initial discovery that sex coding yields not only singlets and doublets but also triplets, it is added that Spanish employs three sex coding modes whose productivity correlates with structural cost. The suppletive and the derivational modes require investing in sex-specific morphemes, which makes them costly, whereas the inflectional mode achieves maximal economy by exploiting the exponent of another grammatical category: declension. The transfer of productive sex coding to the grammar is another major innovation. Lexical Specification is appropriate to formalize the suppletive and the derivational modes, but it is defeated by the intricacies of the inflectional mode, for which a semantic process of Sexualization is introduced. It is further uncovered that syncretism is pervasive and obscures the effects of Sexualization partially or fully. Because sex originates at a deeper level than gender and declension, both of the latter categories can conceal it; hence the common misperception that inflectional sex triplets are doublets or even singlets. The analysis also reveals that plurality facilitates genericity and that inflectional markers are generated from features which, for most words, can be grammatically supplied since they are predictable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Regularity and irregularity are among the most widely invoked notions in linguistics. The terms are backed up by a long and venerable tradition, and yet (or maybe therefore) different disciplines and authors seem to be using them for very different phenomena and in very different ways. The most frequent usage conflates or replaces other notions such as type frequency, productivity, (non-)concatenative morphology, storage vs. computation, predictability, etc. An assessment of these and other variables in Icelandic verbal inflection reveals that most of them are in practice strongly correlated. I conclude, however, that this is largely unsurprising by virtue of the definitional dependencies holding between those notions. It is empirically doubtful whether there exists a single underlying phenomenon or category which the terms designate. In addition, given their multiple and overlapping senses, and the existence of separate, unambiguous labels for the relevant underlying notions, I contend that the terms 'regular' and 'irregular' should be ideally abandoned in scientific literature in order to avoid ambiguity, sloppy reasoning and misunderstandings and to facilitate cross-linguistic comparison and interdisciplinary dialogue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cross-linguistic studies show that languages follow clear tendencies in the ordering of morphemes inside a word that have been variously accounted for in the scholarly literature. Morphological structures, however, are not immune to change and the order of morphemes can be altered in the history of a language due to various kinds of processes, thus leading to an unusual order inside the word. The expected order of morphemes can be restored in different ways, one of which is the externalization of inflection. There are interesting examples of this type of processes in the pronominal inflection of the ancient Indo- European languages, which provide relevant information about this type of change. After revising those processes, we focus on the analysis of the *-sm-enlargement -apparently devoid of any semantic content- that appears in the oblique cases of certain Indo-European demonstrative pronouns (such as Skt. tásmai, Goth. Þamma, OPrus. stesmu, etc.) and in some cases of the 1st and 2nd plural personal pronouns (Skt. asmā́n and yuṣmā́n, Gk. hēmeîs and hūmeîs, etc.). We carry out a thorough survey of those forms and provide evidence to support the idea that this -sm-enlargement was originally an emphatic particle that has been 'trapped' between the pronominal stem and the nominal endings and we interpret the data in the light of the processes mentioned above. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the contemporary Czech, in both spoken and especially in written form, possessive adjectives are replaced by possessive genitives, which are originally colloquial constructions only. In the last stage of this development, the postpositive genitive changes into prepositive: Klárčina maminka, maminka Klárky, Klárky maminka ('Klárka's mother'). The Czech language thus loses another means of inflection and gets closer to an agglutinative language type. This change (deflective tendency) is also supported by the loss of introflexion, i.e. the loss of morphophonological alternations, in our example k - č, in other cases r - ř, g - ž, ch - š, etc. (Klárčin - Klárky ['Klárka's'], sestra - sestřin ['sister's'], Olga - Olžin ['Olga's'] etc.). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Aims and objectives/purpose/research questions: We compared the processing of morphologically complex derived vs. inflected forms in native speakers of German and highly proficient native Russian second language (L2) learners of German. Design/methodology/approach: We measured morphological priming effects for derived and inflected German words. To ensure that priming effects were genuinely morphological, the design also contained semantic and orthographic control conditions. Data and analysis: 40 native speakers of German and 36 native Russian learners of L2 German participated in a masked-priming lexical-decision experiment. For both participant groups, priming effects for derived vs. inflected words were compared using linear mixed effects models. Findings/conclusions: While first language (L1) speakers showed similar facilitation effects for both derived and inflected primes, L2 speakers showed a difference between the two prime types, with robust priming effects only for derived, but not for inflected forms. Originality: Unlike in previous studies investigating derivation and inflection in L2 processing, priming effects for derived and inflected prime–target pairs were determined on the basis of the same target word, allowing for a direct comparison between the two morphological phenomena. In this respect, this is the first study to directly compare the processing of derived vs. inflected forms in L2 speakers. Significance/implications: The results are inconsistent with accounts predicting general L1/L2 differences for all types of morphologically complex forms as well as accounts assuming that L1 and L2 processing are based on the same mechanisms. We discuss theoretical implications for L2 processing mechanisms, and propose an explanation which can account for the data pattern. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Highlights • Entropy is adopted to analyze the diachronic change of English inflections. • Modern English is becoming less inflectionally diversified. • The study offers empirical evidence to linguistic theories and hypotheses. Abstract Researchers have long noticed the phenomenon of inflection decay in the evolution of English, which may be driven by the Principle of Least Effort (Millward and Hayes, 2010; Zipf, 1949). However, most studies in this line of research were based on exemplar-oriented observations while few explored the phenomenon from a quantitative perspective. In addition, it remains unclear whether the trend of inflection decay has continued in Modern English. In the present study, an index named Inflectional Entropy was developed to measure the diachronic change of the inflectional trend of Modern English in the 20th century. A trend of inflection decay in Modern English was found based on experiments on several large-scale corpora. The findings provide quantitative evidence to linguistic theories such as Principle of Least Effort, Language Niche Hypothesis (Lupyan and Dale, 2010), and Principle of Entropy Minimization (Ferrer-i-Cancho, 2018). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Inflectional morphology has been intensively studied as a model of language productivity. However, little is known about how properties of the input affect the emergence of productive affixation. We examined effects of three factors on the learning and generalisation of plural suffixation by adults in an artificial language: affix type frequency (the number of words receiving an affix), affix predictability (based on phonological cues in the stem), and diversity (the number of distinct phonological cues predicting an affix). Higher type frequency and predictability facilitated the acquisition of trained inflections. Type frequency contributed to participants’ inflections of untrained words early during learning, while reliance on diversity emerged gradually, alongside knowledge of phonological cues. Diversity as well as type frequency contributed to the emergence of default-like inflections, including minority defaults. The results elucidate the role of affix diversity and its interaction with other factors in the emergence of productive linguistic processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We report on an English-speaking, aphasic individual (RB) with a spelling deficit more severely affecting orthographically irregular words for which phonologically plausible errors (PPEs) were produced. PPEs were observed for all word forms, with the exception of inflectional suffixes, despite the irregular sound-print mappings of many inflectional suffixes (e.g., walked → /wɔkt/). RB's pattern replicates that reported in Badecker, Rapp, and Caramazza (Badecker, W., Rapp, B., & Caramazza, A. (1996). Lexical Morphology and the Two Orthographic Routes. Cognitive Neuropsychology, 13, 161-176). We extended their investigation by examining RB's spelling of derived words and found a selective deficit for derived words compared to inflected words in writing. This selective deficit did not appear to reflect differences in morphological transparency or suffix frequencies that exist between inflection and derivation. This is the first evidence that distinct neural mechanisms support inflection and derivation in spelling. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Writing has long been considered to be dependent on speaking. However, modality-specific dissociations between written and spoken word production imply that word production is supported by distinct neural mechanisms in writing, which can be impaired or spared regardless of the intactness of spoken word production. Rapp et al. (2015). Modality and morphology: What we write may not be what we say. Psychological Science, 26, 892-902 documented a double dissociation where problems with regular inflections were selectively restricted to writing or speaking. We report on two English-speaking aphasic individuals who exhibit this same modality-specific dissociation of inflectional processing, replicating the original findings. We expand on Rapp et al.’s study by examining whether the dissociations observed with regular inflections extend to other morphological forms, such as derivation and irregular inflection. Results showed that the dissociation holds for derivation; however, both participants were impaired with irregular inflections in both output modalities. Implications of these findings for morphological processing and the independence of the orthographic system are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Indefinite and possessive pronouns in German such as ein-es ‘one’ and mein-er ‘mine’ bear strong inflectional endings unlike their determiner counterparts. Following Saab and Lipták (Stud Linguist 70(1):66-108, 2016), I argue that this difference in inflection is due to NP ellipsis, which creates a ‘stranded’ affix that subsequently docks onto the determiner. Assuming that adjectives are reattached by Local Dislocation allows us to account for the descriptive observation that the determiner and pronominal paradigms differ only in the same three exceptional cases where determiners do not bear overt inflection. Furthermore, I discuss how this approach can extend to similar data from Afrikaans, Dutch and English, as well as to split topicalization constructions in German. This analysis provides further support for Saab and Lipták’s proposal that inflection emerges as a direct result of ellipsis, rather than constituting part of the licensing conditions on ellipsis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we evaluate, compare and benchmark the four most widely used and most advanced morphological analyzers for the Hungarian language, namely Hunmorph-Ocamorph, Hunmorph-Foma, Humor and Hunspell. The main goal of the current research is to define objective metrics while comparing these tools. The novelty of this paper is the fact that the analyzers are compared based on their annotation token systems instead of their lemmatization features. The proposed metrics for the comparison are the following: how different their annotation token systems are, how many words are recognized by the different analyzers and how many words are there whose morphological structure is equivalent using a well-defined mapping among the annotation token systems. For each of these metrics, we define the concept of similarity and distance. For the evaluation we use a unique Hungarian corpus that we generated in an automated way from Hungarian free texts, as well as a novel automated token mapping generation algorithm. According to our experimental results, Hunmorph-Ocamorph gives the best results. Hunmorph-Foma is very close to it, but sometimes returns an invalid lemma. Humor is the third best analyzer, while Hunspell is far worse than the other three tools. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: This study aims to disentangle the often‐confounded effects of input frequency and morphophonological complexity in the acquisition of inflection, by focusing on simple and complex verb forms in Japanese. Study 1 tested 28 children aged 3;3–4;3 on stative (complex) and simple past forms, and Study 2 tested 30 children aged 3;5–5;3 on completive (complex) and simple past forms, with both studies using a production priming paradigm. Mixed effects models for children's responses were built to test the prediction that children's verb use is explained by the relative bias in input frequency between the two inflectional forms. Although Study 1 did not show a significant effect of input bias (apparently due to problems with item selection), Study 2, which corrected for this problem, yielded the predicted relationship. These findings suggest that input frequency effects, at the level of different inflectional forms of the same verb stem, hold even after controlling for morphophonological complexity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Dutch has a construction consisting of a verbal part and something else: ′wɛrksə 'enjoy your work' (< werk 'to work'), ′rujzə 'enjoy your rowing' (< roei 'to row'). According to accepted wisdom, this 'success imperative', as it is known in the literature, consists of an imperative and a pronoun ze 'them'. The paper challenges the standard analysis and investigates two alternatives: an imperative form plus a modal particle, and a verbal stem plus an inflectional ending. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Dialect and standard language in contact. The many forms of the Langstraat dialect Over the past century, the dialects of the Langstraat region in the province of Noord-Brabant have structurally changed under the influence of the Dutch standard language. The younger dialect varieties that have emerged, have lost characteristic features through time and have adopted features of Standard Dutch. Despite convergence and dialect levelling, however, more variation arises with new forms that sometimes exhibit even more divergent features than their traditional counterparts. Moreover, all participants in the present study seem to use a diversity of linguistic forms and intermediate forms are all but fixated, and even one and the same speaker shows diversity in the use of his dialect. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A reply is offered to an article on ''Vocabular Clarity and insular Scandinavian'' by Haukur Þorgeirsson, which appears within the issue. Topics discussed include analysis of Faroese noun inflection such as Faroese genitive, issues of segmentation, and how to deal with zeroes.

Vocabular Clarity is a proposed restriction on the behaviour of inflectional classes and affixes grounded in the idea of synonymy avoidance. The proponents of Vocabular Clarity claim that it holds true for Icelandic and Faroese nominal inflections. In this article, data from these languages is examined and difficulties which have not been previously addressed are pointed out. It is argued that the Vocabular Clarity approach is somewhat vaguely specified. In particular, it needs a clear operational method for distinguishing affixes and stem allomorphy. Without this, it remains uncertain whether it makes any testable predictions. The paper shows that while the theory is intuitively appealing, it is-even under fairly generous assumptions-difficult to reconcile with the insular Scandinavian data. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]