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The Indonesian government has come under intense scrutiny for its actions in the agrarian conflict in Rempang Island, Batam City, Riau Islands Province. The conflict was triggered by the government's forced relocation of the Rempang Island community in the context of the Rempang Eco City development funded by a foreign investor, Xinyi Group. The incident captured the attention of the public and the media due to the large scale of the case. This research aims to see how the Indonesian government is represented in the Indonesian news media regarding the discourse of the Rempang Island case. This research uses the theory of Critical Discourse Analysis initiated by Fairclough (1995) and Transitivity by Halliday (2014). The method used in this research is content analysis method to elaborate the image constructed by the media against the Indonesian government. The data in the study amounted to six data taken from Tempo.co media, and Batamnow.com which were analyzed through three stages, namely textual, discourse practices, and socio-cultural practices. The results showed that the Indonesian government was represented negatively by labeling it as the party that violated human rights and the perpetrator of crimes against humanity.

The Indonesian government is committed to preserving the global environment in the global climate summit or COP-Conference of Parties. The Government communicates its concern through social media to adapt to the massive number of social media users in Indonesia. This study aims to investigate the Indonesian Governments communication on environmental issues on social media. It adopts critical discourse analysis of Teun A Van Dijk to understand the phenomenon with data collected from published content of the Ministry of Environment and Ministry- KLHK and Ministry of State Secretary- Kemensetneg’s social media account. This study shows that those two social media accounts have low attention to environmental issues. Macrostructural analysis displays that KLHK’s social media publications focus on issues such as recycling and climate change literacy. In contrast, the Ministry of State Secretariat focuses on government policies related to environmental issues. Meanwhile, the superstructure analysis shows content that resembles mainstream media content with a cube inverted pyramid structure. The microstructure analysis shows that the content published by the two ministries targets a young audience by using non-formal language, greetings for young people, and attractive graphics and photos.

In response to the Covid-19 outbreak, the Indonesian government must take anticipatory steps to fight against global infections increasingly unsettling the public. Many media have highlighted the government's way of dealing with the pandemics, such as providing the latest news and information related to Covid-19. In this light, this study aims to identify the rhetorical appeals used in Indonesian government statements in times of Covid-19 pandemics and describe how those rhetorical appeals used by Indonesian government public addresses from The Jakarta Post online edition from March until December 2020. This study is expected to look at how texts and practices during the pandemic and its panic were in line with the Indonesian government to support their case. The result of this study can be used as a reference for the lecturers who want to help their students understand texts and their practices in online media. In addition, this study is expected to add new content to the study of rhetoric and discourse analysis and how the language of the pandemic is represented in the media. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the implementation of the Paris Agreement in addressing forest fires in Indonesia from 2015 to 2019. Forest fires in Indonesia are caused by natural and human factors, and the government has developed plans to reduce them. However, there are concerns about the effectiveness of climate action and the seriousness of addressing the issue. Forest fires contribute to greenhouse gas emissions, poor air quality, and decreasing biodiversity. The Indonesian government has ratified the Paris Agreement and submitted emission reduction plans, but there have been criticisms of their efforts. Forest fires and smoke pollution pose threats to human security, including health, economic, political, and environmental aspects. The Paris Agreement provides a comprehensive framework to address these challenges by mitigating climate change and supporting sustainable development. Financial support and technology transfer mechanisms can enhance Indonesia's capacity to manage forest fires, and building adaptation and resilience can increase community preparedness. The agreement emphasizes human rights and environmental protection, ensuring the cultural and social integrity of affected communities. Monitoring and reporting requirements increase transparency and accountability. The article concludes by urging the Indonesian government to take the issue seriously and implement the commitments made under the Paris Agreement to reduce forest fire incidents. [Extracted from the article]

The Indonesian government is trying to increase export activities through community involvement, especially local entrepreneurs. Digital transformation is the main foundation for optimizing business, especially in the management of Ease of Import for Export Destinations (KITE). This research, using qualitative descriptive methods, explores the impact of digitalization on KITE management through the KITE Application. The research focus includes administrative process changes, technology usability, application effectiveness, data integrity, data security management, training policies, internal evaluations, fine policies, and user perceptions of the transition to the digital era. International trade, especially through ASEAN and AFTA, is an important focus for stimulating economic growth, with DJBC playing a key role in providing fiscal incentives and investment protection. KITE facilities provide important support for entrepreneurs in increasing production and managing company finances. Digital transformation, especially through the Ceisa application, is considered a step forward in customs services. Despite an increase in user satisfaction, further efforts are needed to achieve service stability and optimization. This research, through a qualitative approach and NVivo analysis, provides valuable insights regarding the implementation of the KITE Application and its impact on Indonesian exports, with the hope of providing recommendations for improving implementation, data security, and user response in the era of digital transformation.

Helsinki Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) between the government of Indonesia (GoI) and the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) celebrated its 18th anniversary in 2023. However, its discursive aspect and efficacy are still under-researched. This article aims to analyze the process types in the Helsinki MoU text and explore the policy implementation of the agreement on the social changes in Aceh. The MoU document was retrieved from the United Nations peacemakers’ website. Mixed methods with descriptive statistics were used to identify, interpret, and explain the data. Hallidayan systemic linguistics was employed to identify the process types and the transitivity patterns. Critical discourse analysis (CDA) as an explanatory critique was applied to critical social analysis. The findings show that the material processes dominated the Helsinki MoU text (73%), followed by the relational processes (18%), and verbal processes (4%). The actors were generally in the form of concepts and sometimes obfuscated. Meanwhile, the goals were also mostly realized by concepts. Explanatory critique reveals that there was a vagueness and hidden power relation between the GoI and GAM in the peace deal. The GoI has also been inconsistent with some of the agendas. The Helsinki MoU has yet to produce comprehensive outcomes for Aceh’s development and has seemingly served as a bureaucratic means of control. The current study has limited itself to the single MoU text. Therefore, for deeper inquiries further research should focus on multiple similar texts and use a different research design, including intertextuality, questionnaires, and interviews.

The development of Information Technology and Computers (ICT) has made changes that affect the concept of security. The impact of these ICT developments poses a cyber threat to the National Critical Information Infrastructure (IIKN). The cyber community empowerment effort aims to help the government, institutions and private parties related to the ICT sector in safeguarding and securing IIKN from cyber attacks whose impact can collapse a country if it is not anticipated earlier. For that we need a strategy that is able to support the empowerment of the cyber community by the government in the perspective of universal war. In writing this article, the author uses a method by collecting data and information through the help of various materials contained in the literature (books) or also known as the type of phenomological research associated with qualitative descriptive. From the results of the literature research that the authors get, it is known that the cyber community has not fully helped the government in national defense, there are some cyber communities that have not been involved, it takes the role of government, institutions and private parties related to ICT to be able to realize cyber community empowerment by the Government in the perspective of Total war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the handling of the Covid-19 pandemic, the Indonesian government has shown a power contestation. The pandemic turned out to be a stage for actors and policymakers. Some policymakers use the economic approach as power, politics, and regional interests, to the medical power approach. Differences in handling between policymakers both vertically and horizontally have created confusion, counterproductive, and even conflict between parties, resulting in the slow handling of the pandemic. In line with that, this paper looks at the forms of contestation between various policymakers, both central and regional. It analyzes the factors causing the power contestation in handling the pandemic. This study uses the results of observations, searches, and readings on sources of information from various online media and previous research. It turns out that our findings show that economic power has dominated and has become a force that guarantees policies and the logic of power in handling the pandemic. This paper suggests the need to expand the cases studied and add data sources to enable a more comprehensive understanding of the importance of handling the pandemic.

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The purpose of this paper is to determine how stigma or views as well as the public response to the vaccination program COVID - 19 conducted by the government as a form of efforts to accelerate countermeasures pandemic COVID - 19 in Indonesia. The problems that arise as a result of the pandemic in Indonesia and throughout the world are not small and easy problems to solve. The problems that arise have an impact on various areas of life. Starting from the health sector which is certainly the main problem, humanity, community welfare, and of course a very serious problem has a very big impact on the country, namely economic problems. So that the whole world is competing to immediately deal with various problems that occur as a result of this pandemic, including the Indonesian government. One of the world's efforts, including Indonesia, is seeking to accelerate the prevention of this pandemic by vaccinating all the citizens, with the aim that although the COVID-19 virus may not currently have a cure, at least by being vaccinated, a person can have a more supportive immune system to prevent exposure the corona virus. Based on the facts obtained directly from the field as well as several reading sources, this research was able to find a common ground that could then offer a solution so that there was no difference of understanding between the intent of the legislation made by the Indonesian government regarding the COVID-19 vaccination program and the expectations of the people who have negative assumptions about the COVID-19 vaccination.

Badan Pusat Statistik (BPS) has predicted that Indonesia will experience a substantial change in demographics by 2035. This is amid the COVID-19 situation, which has had a large impact on the economic, social and political sectors, and has had extensive consequences for the Millennial generation. According to recent data, 52% of those in the United States who have lost their jobs during the pandemic were aged less than 45 years, and only 25% of them were aged over 45 years. This shows that the group most affected by the COVID-19 pandemic has been the Millennial generation. Indonesia's Millennial generation also faces challenges in dealing with the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic. This research was a literature study. The policies of the Indonesian government were an important variable in the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on the Millennial generation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines what the Indonesian government has done after the declaration of the COVID-19 outbreak as PHEIC by WHO in terms of regulations and regulations. This research legal philosophical in the analysis of quietus politic theory concludes that the element of urgency in the determination of health emergencies is non-negotiable in its handling.

Concomitant with the increased pressures on scholars around the globe to publish in top-tiered scholarly indexed English journals, the Indonesian government has imposed a stern policy obliging local scholars to publish in such journals. This policy has serious ramifications for the academic promotions, tenures, research grants and allowances of these scholars. Yet, as it is English that has become the privileged language for global academic publication, there is the tendency that it gives rise to linguistic hegemony in knowledge production and dissemination. Drawing upon in-depth interview results from two Indonesian professors who have ample experiences in writing and publication in the field of linguistics, this study seeks to discover strategies they employed to de-westernize hegemonic knowledge in global academic publishing. In so doing, the article further contributes to the debates over the politics of knowledge production and dissemination amid the intellectual hegemony of knowledge in academic publication. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

У Східному Тиморі, який у 2002 р. нарешті здобув незалежність і став суверенною державою Тимор-Лешті, все ще існують гуманітарні проблеми, пов’язані з порушеннями прав людини. Про це заявляють колишні учасники боротьби за незалежність Східного Тимору, які воювали в партизанських загонах під керівництвом Еуріко Гутерріша. Однак після переходу їх лідера на бік індонезійських урядових військ і приєднання в 1976 р. Східного Тимору за Декларацією Балібо до Індонезії, в результаті чого він став її 27-ю провінцією, вони знайшли притулок у провінції Східний Нуса Тенгара (НТТ). Мета статті – з’ясувати статус громадянства колишніх борців за незалежність Східного Тимору в НТТ і відповідальність уряду Індонезії за порушення їх прав. При цьому автор використовував нормативно-правовий і прецедентно-правовий методи дослідження прав людини, засновані на якісному аналізі. У результаті зроблено висновок, що в системі сучасного права в галузі прав людини, яка практикується Організацією Об’єднаних Націй, уряд Індонезії, як носій зобов’язань у галузі прав людини, має виконати 5 зобов’язань, а саме зобов’язання поважати, захищати, дотримуватися прав людини, забезпечувати їх реалізацію і карати всіх, хто порушує права людини. З огляду на те, що колишні борці за незалежність Східного Тимору колись виступали на боці Індонезії, уряд має виконувати свої зобов’язання щодо прав людини, надавши їм можливість отримати статус індонезійського громадянства. Індонезія також повинна вибачитися перед Тимор-Лешті та спільно звернутися до Організації Об’єднаних Націй з проханням виключити 403 імені колишніх борців за незалежність Східного Тимору з списку серйозних злочинів проти людства. Очікується також, що уряд Індонезії негайно виплатить компенсацію 13000 колишніх борців за незалежність Східного Тимору і дозволить їх дітям стати військовослужбовцями, поліцейськими та державними службовцями в Індонезії.

The purpose of this study is to analyze the conflict management that has been carried out by the government through the integrative framework of Collaborative Governance. The research method used was the deductive Post-Positivist paradigm by collecting data through interviews, focus group discussions, and surveys regarding the implementation of Special Autonomy Policy. The results of the study based on the integrative framework of collaborative governance model showed that the process of collaboration in implementing the Special Autonomy policy has not been successful and is less effective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This discussion aims to explain further the various policy of the Government of the Republic of Indonesia towards Islam from 1966 to 1987, which led to the occurrence of mutual suspicion between the government and Muslims. The new order government policy on Islam is interesting to discuss, especially to see how the paradigm or the pattern of Islam and the State in 1966-1987 in the New Order government as part of the history and continuity of Islamic thought. The New Order is a democratic order that have commitment to the 1945 Constitution and Pancasila. The New Order is synonymous with democracy and prosperity. However, in the field of Islam in 1966-1987 the opposite of that has occurred, anti-democracy policy shown by the new order government especially on da'wa, Islamic education, Islamic law and religious courts, organizing hajj and the ulema council. The reality in Indonesia shows that Muslims is the majority and the owners of the spirit of dynamics, nationalism and also an intellectual warehouse and in the life of democracy, the number determined and can even direct. Related to this, there is a tendency that the government with all its tactics and strategies trying to control the political life of Muslims. In this context, the government is fully trying, so that the problem of policy issues related to Islam is within its control. Based on that, Muslim in Indonesia felt that the new order government's policy to Muslim is the pressure to Muslim. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]