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This article examines Europe’s approach to minilateralism in the security sector and how it influences its Indo-Pacific security policy. It argues that Europe has an ad hoc bottom-up approach to minilaterals in the sense that groups of states take initiatives to address new challenges that are informally coordinated with EU institutions and then tested in practice. If successful in attracting additional member state participation and achieving objectives, these minilaterals are transformed into EU policies. This approach has not only been used within Europe to establish initiatives such as Permanent Structured Cooperation in defense, but also in the Indo-Pacific with France and Britain initiating freedom of navigation operations in the mid-2010s to create a maritime security footprint for Europe that is now formally recognised as part of the EUs Indo-Pacific strategy. It is argued that the European approach is effective in testing the viability of a new policy on a small scale and then slowly build a constituency of supporters that is large enough to obtain approval at EU level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractDespite a clear and common threat from North Korea, why has the security cooperation between Japan and South Korea been less developed than the security cooperation between Australia and Japan? This paper explains this puzzle by focusing on policymakers’ perceptions of the rise of China. The paper concludes that, not only historical issues between Japan and South Korea, but different threat perceptions of China between Australia, Japan, and South Korea can best explain why Australia-Japan security cooperation has developed more than Japan-South Korea security cooperation in terms of the degree of institutionalization and the scope of cooperation. Throughout the post-Cold War era, Australian and Japanese policymakers were increasingly concerned about the rise of Chinese power and influence. This has ultimately led Tokyo and Canberra to strengthen their bilateral and trilateral cooperation with the United States as a means of hedging or balancing against the rise of China. On the other hand, South Korean policymakers were less concerned about China and more concerned about North Korean threat. Indeed, some Korean policymakers understood China as the indispensable power to maintain peace and stability in the Korean Peninsula. Thus, many Korean policymaker were reluctant to enhance security cooperation with Japan in areas beyond Northeast Asia. However, with rapidly changing security environments and the intensifying U.S.-Sino rivalry, as well as deteriorating relations with China, Korean policymakers’ perceptions of China have become increasingly closer to those of Australia and Japan. Accordingly, there has been growing momentum for stronger security cooperation between Japan and South Korea not only in Northeast Asia, but also in broader Indo-Pacific. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Molecular phylogenetics has fundamentally altered our understanding of the taxonomy, systematics and biogeography of corals. Recently developed phylogenomic techniques have started to resolve species-level relationships in the diverse and ecologically important genus Acropora , providing a path to resolve the taxonomy of this notoriously problematic group. We used a targeted capture dataset (2032 loci) to investigate systematic relationships within an Acropora clade containing the putatively widespread species Acropora tenuis and its relatives. Using maximum likelihood phylogenies and genetic clustering of single nucleotide polymorphisms from specimens, including topotypes, collected across the Indo-Pacific, we show ≥ 11 distinct lineages in the clade, only four of which correspond to currently accepted species. Based on molecular, morphological and geographical evidence, we describe two new species; Acropora rongoi n. sp. and Acropora tenuissima n. sp. and remove five additional nominal species from synonymy. Systematic relationships revealed by our molecular phylogeny are incongruent with traditional morphological taxonomy and demonstrate that characters traditionally used to delineate species boundaries and infer evolutionary history are homoplasies. Furthermore, we show that species within this clade have much smaller geographical ranges and, consequently, population sizes than currently thought, a finding with profound implications for conservation and management of reef corals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Historically, the New Zealand-Australian alliance has been based on principles of unity rather than uniformity. While Australia is a member of AUKUS, it is argued that there is little evidence to suggest New Zealand's participation in Pillar II would boost Wellington's strategic interests and values in the Indo-Pacific region. However, if New Zealand's decision-makers believe it is vital to strengthen the country's national security in the current global context, it should focus on boosting defence ties with Australia and raise defence expenditure to at least 1.7% of GDP to help make that happen. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Is strategic minilateralism a viable option for small powers? What role can a lesser power play in these minilateral groupings? Additionally, how does the 'weak junior link' contribute to and gain from the minilateral? To provide answers to these questions, following a review of the existing literature on minilateralism, we examine the potential role of the Philippines within the framework of strategic minilaterals. We argue that, despite its relative lack of material capabilities compared to other regional actors, factors such as a strong confluence of interests and threat proximity may compel the junior link to play an active role in the minilateral. This can ensure an alternative or complementary way to achieve foreign policy goals, while simultaneously lessening the effects of burdensome alliances. Empirically, we first explore the Philippines' emerging preference for minilateralism. Second, we examine the evidence of recent movements toward a Japan-Philippine-U.S. trilateral pact. This will help investigate the role that a lesser power like the Philippines can play in utilising these minilateral groupings to achieve foreign policy goals, while at the same time securing the grouping's success. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Strategic partnerships (SPs) have grown exponentially over the last decade in the Asia-Pacific. However, little remains known in the international security studies (ISS) literature regarding why they have proliferated now and how to best understand what they mean for regional security. In this article, I argue that SPs are best understood as a new security practice in the Asia-Pacific that allows states and multilateral actors to flexibly manage threats, strategic challenges, and interests through cooperation and common norm building. To evidence this argument, I adopt a functional approach to SPs that draws upon the mainstream ISS theories of realism, liberalism and constructivism and synthesises them where possible to draw attention to a wide range of causal factors responsible for them. Analyses guided by eclecticism can provide an all-encompassing tool for explanatory and comparative studies on Asia-Pacific security to draw a broader range of conclusions than any one approach allows for. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes activities of defense diplomacy between Vietnam and the US before the Ukraine war. Based on these, the author assesses the possible impacts of the war on US-Vietnam defense cooperation. By clarifying Vietnam's stance on the Ukraine war as well as the benefits that the US enjoys through its relationship with Vietnam, the author projects an optimistic view of the prospects of US-Vietnam relations in general and the two nations' defense diplomacy in particular. The article asserts that Russia's "special military campaign" in Ukraine had short-term impacts on US-Vietnam relations, but in the long term the United States' strategic interest in cooperating with Vietnam remains unchanged. The fact that the US has actively sanctioned Russia over the Ukraine war does not mean that it has forgotten China, which has been stepping up its unilateral actions in the Indo-Pacific region, where the US is also building up its influence. Moreover, the concern that China may imitate Russia to use force against Taiwan or in the South China Sea will likely further motivate the US to increase cooperation with Vietnam. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Context: Data on chondrichthyan (sharks, rays, and chimaeras) populations is largely lacking for many countries and territories in the Indo-Pacific. Aims: This study aims to provide a desktop review and information synthesis of the biodiversity, threats, and conservation of chondrichthyans in the Samoan archipelago (Samoa and American Samoa), focusing on their interactions with fisheries and exploring their social, cultural, and economic values. Methods: This study uses various literature sources, citizen science, and in-country engagement to assemble a review of current available information on chondrichthyans. Key results: A total of 67 chondrichthyans were documented to be present or potentially present in Samoa and American Samoa, consisting of 23 ray species and 44 shark species. Thirty-six of these species were listed in Threatened categories on the International Union for the Conservation of Nature Red List of Threatened Species. A biological productivity analysis conducted for species with sufficient information indicated that the silvertip shark (Carcharhinus albimarginatus), silky shark (Carcharhinus falciformis), bull shark (Carcharhinus leucas), oceanic whitetip (Carcharhinus longimanus), and whitetip reef shark (Triaenodon obesus) had the highest relative productivities. Conclusions: Both Samoa and American Samoa have relatively diverse shark and ray communities with management plans in place to protect chondrichthyans. These include participation in Western and Central Pacific Fisheries Commission initiatives, spatial protections, and community-based management programs. Implications: Current management approaches have the potential to provide significant protection to sharks and rays, however, their effectiveness may be hindered by a lack of proper enforcement, or compliance at the national and community levels. This study provides an insight into the species of Chondrichthyes (sharks, rays, and chimaeras) present in the Samoan archipelago, an overview of their conservation, and the dynamics surrounding their management and social, cultural, and economic importance. It highlights current knowledge gaps and provides a foundation for further research to better understand chondrichthyan biodiversity and conservation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Chinese President Xi Jinping has since 2013 advocated for an "Asia-Pacific Community with a Shared Future" (APCSF). This concept has rekindled debates on regional integration. The article begins by critiquing conventional Eurocentric theories of community-building while highlighting fundamental features of the Asia-Pacific approach. It recounts erstwhile proposals put forward by Japan, Australia, and America, drawing comparisons with the emerging Chinese vision. The APCSF envisions an inclusive intergovernmental society of cooperative yet interdependent economies in the Asia-Pacific. Unlike the notion of Indo-Pacific, the idea of Asia-Pacific countries belonging to a community has deeper economic and psychological roots. Furthermore, what sets the APCSF apart from previous proposals is its solid foundation that aligns with its ambitious goals. It can draw upon existing initiatives such as the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership for Trade Liberalisation and the Belt and Road Initiative for enhancing connectivity. Consequently, the APCSF stands a better chance of eventual realisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The introductory paper sets the stage for the research essays in the special issue. It provides an overview of the concepts of minilateralism and the context in which minilateralism has become an alternative form of collective action by states in the international arena, in particular in the Indo-Pacific region that has emerged as the new centre of gravity in world politics. How has minilateralism become a prominent feature of inter-state cooperation in the early twenty-first century, and how is it often used to complement (and in some cases, even substitute for) traditional international organisations, which are based on more liberal and inclusive multilateral norms and principles, but suffering from functional deficits? In a world of more diffuse power, how can minilateralism offer states an expanded toolset for pursuing their policy preferences and advancing their interests? At the same time, the paper also highlights the potential negatives of (or challenges to) minilateralism, including difficulties emanating from a narrowly framed agenda that perpetuates certain narratives, a leadership vacuum that could emerge from non-hierarchical arrangements, and questions about how to achieve support and legitimacy with low institutionalisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Indo-Pacific has rapidly become the world's geopolitical and geo-economic epicentre. Consequently, much scholarly attention has been focused on Sino–United States superpower competition and on the policies of the region's great and middle powers. However, since Europe has engaged late with the Indo-Pacific, its policies remain under-examined. This Special Issue fills a lacuna in our knowledge through a dedicated appraisal of German, British, Italian, and European Union approaches to the Indo-Pacific. This introductory article provides an analytical survey of the impetus for Europe's new awareness of the Indo-Pacific's importance. It then sheds light on the European approach based on a tripartite framework comprising economy, security, and norms, which is adopted by all the articles in this Special Issue to draw out comparative insights. This research thus contributes to the literature on both European and Indo-Pacific strategic landscapes by examining an understudied development under a novel joint assessment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Notwithstanding its exit from the European Union itself, the United Kingdom still remains an influential European power with significant interests and equities in the Indo-Pacific region. This article probes the substance of London's engagement with the region through a distillation of relevant policy documents/statements appertaining to the Indo-Pacific. It reconciles this material within a three-tiered analytical framework that encompasses British 'aims'; the 'assets' it holds; and then 'assesses' its performance and prospects. Like the other European actors considered in this Symposium, it reveals the strong confluence of economic, security and normative elements that define its regional strategic outlook. While there are many synergies with the approaches of the other European powers, what makes the United Kingdom case distinctive is a more prolific set of regional partnerships alongside multilateral engagement ('networks and grids'), and a greater accent on hard power capabilities. The latter however are placed in service of the former – Britain has no aspirations to shift the regional balance of power independently. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Union is undergoing a major transformation as it strives to be perceived as a credible geopolitical actor, along with being an economic and normative superpower. Its 'Strategy for Cooperation in the Indo-Pacific' is symptomatic of this change as it far surpasses strategic outlooks it has for other developing regions. This article builds on the actorness literature as it examines the nature of the European Union's growing ambitions in the Indo-Pacific. It focuses on the economic, security, and normative aspects of the Strategy, and it identifies the tensions, opportunities and challenges in its vision and implementation. The article concludes by arguing that although there are opportunities for greater engagement with the region, they have grown more complicated given the war in Ukraine. Moreover, much will also depend on recalibrating the European Union's relationship with China, as well as finding the most effective way to leverage the affordances of transatlantic cooperation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The world is multipolar once again and superpower competition is back, concentrated this time in the Indo-Pacific region. In 2020, Germany published its Indo-Pacific 'guidelines', which lead to three questions: why does Germany engage in the region? How does Germany shape its Indo-Pacific policy? What is the importance of Germany's engagement in the region, for Germany itself and for regional powers? By exploring economic, security and normative elements, this articles advances three arguments. Firstly, Germany's engagement in the region is due to the ever-growing strategic and economic importance of the Indo-Pacific. Secondly, Germany attempts to build constructive relations with all the region's powers, China included, but increasingly prioritizes democracies which share the same values as Germany. Thirdly, because the area of superpower competition has shifted from Europe to the 'distant' (from Germany's perspective) Indo-Pacific, Germany can follow a restrained foreign policy and focus on its economic interests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Italy is the only 'Big Four' European country and 'Quint' North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) member ostensibly uninterested in the world's geopolitical and geoeconomic epicentre. However, a number of developments contradict the assumption that Rome overlooks the importance of the Indo-Pacific. By analysing official policies, naval deployments, new partnerships and evolving trajectories, this article reveals that Italy's strategic engagement with the Indo-Pacific is already significant and unfolding under three broad areas: (a) economy ; (b) security ; and (c) norms. It then assesses the benefits and risks of this developing foreign policy, and argues that the former outweigh the latter, a condition which is conducive to the establishment of an official Italian Indo-Pacific strategy. As the first scholarly work on the Italian role in the Indo-Pacific, this research makes a novel contribution to the literature on both Italian foreign policy and the Indo-Pacific security landscape, by investigating a complementary approach to that of existing Indo-Pacific strategies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives The research aims to delineate and explain the state of bilateral relations between Australia and China in the context of the stability of the Indo-Pacific region. Material and methods The main tools used to achieve the objectives mentioned above include a literature analysis, statements, diplomatic and quantitative data from governmental sites, and logical reasoning. Results Reliable and balanced bilateral relations between the People’s Republic of China, the largest regional power, and Australia, the most influential Western outpost in the Indo-Pacific, are sine qua non condition of stability in the region. However, within the last decade, there was far too much uncertainty and malevolence between the two parties to pass unnoticed: trade and investment restrictions on Chinese companies, not to mention political tensions due to unprecedented Chinese interference in Australia’s domestic affairs. The article analyzes bilateral Sino-Australian relations, including political, economic, and social dimensions, in the context of regional security issues. Conclusions Relations between China and Australia are underpinned by their strong economic interdependence and Australia’s security alliance with the U.S. While concerns over trade tensions may soon be over, Australia needs to accommodate the reality of China’s more active presence in the Indo-Pacific region.

As a digital social medium, blogs have transformed into arenas where individuals can express their perspectives, concepts, and feelings. This research delves into the spread of information in blog posts related to the Uyghur discourse, utilizing topic modeling to classify and prioritize pertinent content. The analysis reveals a significant emphasis on the Chinese Government's suppression of Uyghur Muslims, as demonstrated by the hyperlinks embedded within the blog network. We mapped the discovered topics onto a network of hyperlinks, forming a topic-induced hyperlink network. Additionally, we conducted a toxicity analysis, which revealed a high level of toxicity in blog posts during that period. A morality assessment was also performed, revealing exceedingly high scores for all vices in the blog posts. Furthermore, we conducted an emotion analysis on the text and image data, which underscored a dominant sentiment of sadness pervading the blog posts and corresponding images. This reflects the severity of the Uyghur persecution. The research highlights the effectiveness of topic modeling, toxicity evaluation, and hyperlink analysis in shedding light on intricate social issues. Future studies could augment these results by expanding keyword scope and refining image recognition models within the context of Uyghur discourse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Malaria was a major cause of casualties during World War II in the Southwest Pacific, and drug supply issues were acute strategic concerns. The capture of the cinchona plantations of Indonesia by the Japanese Imperial Army and the lack of manufacturing capacity for synthetic substitutes were significant logistical constraints that limited Allied combat operations in the Indo-Pacific Region. Tens of thousands of soldiers were infected with malaria due to inadequate treatment and chemoprophylaxis. In Milne Bay, Papua New Guinea, military operations halted for several months at the end of 1942 due to poor malaria discipline compounded by inadequate medications. Sufficient drug supplies only became available in 1943 when daily quinacrine suppression was enforced. Drug supply disruptions during the COVID-19 pandemic are a reminder that specialist anti-infective medications could have an outsized, modern impact on military operations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On August 31, 2021, 20 years after the beginning of Operation Enduring Freedom, President Biden announced the completion of the United States (US) withdrawal from Afghanistan. The difficult conditions of the withdrawal raised major questions about US credibility, as images from Kabul were broadcasted around the world. Pundits, scholars, and former decision makers warned that reputational damages incurred by Washington could lead Chinese decision makers to reassess the credibility of US commitments in the Indo‐Pacific. Few studies have, however, examined how China interpreted the Afghanistan withdrawal. This article proposes to fill this gap. It argues that though Chinese observers did see the Afghanistan withdrawal as caused by a lack of US resolve, this perceived lack of resolve did not translate into general reputational costs for the United States and, consequently, calculations made by Chinese observers about US credibility in the Indo‐Pacific region remain largely unimpacted by the Afghanistan setback. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Gerromorpha Popov, 1971 is a fascinating and diverse insect lineage that evolved about 200 Mya to spend their entire life cycle on the air–water interface and have since colonized all types of aquatic habitats. The subfamily Halobatinae Bianchi, 1896 is particularly interesting because some species have adapted to life on the open ocean—a habitat where insects are very rarely found. Several attempts have been made to reconstruct the phylogenetic hypotheses of this subfamily, but the use of a few partial gene sequences recovered only a handful of well-supported relationships, thus limiting evolutionary inferences. Fortunately, the emergence of high-throughput sequencing technologies has enabled the recovery of more genetic markers for phylogenetic inference. We applied genome skimming to obtain mitochondrial and nuclear genes from low-coverage whole-genome sequencing of 85 specimens for reconstructing a well-supported phylogeny, with particular emphasis on Halobatinae. Our study confirmed that Metrocorini Matsuda, 1960, is paraphyletic, whereas Esakia Lundblad, 1933, and Ventidius Distant, 1910, are more closely related to Halobatini Bianchi, 1896, than Metrocoris Mayr, 1865, and Eurymetra Esaki, 1926. We also found that Ventidius is paraphyletic and in need of a taxonomic revision. Ancestral state reconstruction suggests that Halobatinae evolved progressively from limnic to coastal habitats, eventually attaining a marine lifestyle, especially in the genus Halobates Eschscholtz, 1822, where the oceanic lifestyle evolved thrice. Our results demonstrate that genome skimming is a powerful and straightforward approach to recover genetic loci for robust phylogenetic analysis in non-model insects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractJoint naval exercises (JNEs), an increasingly prominent sub-set of joint military exercises (JMEs) between states, vary across a range of dimensions. Yet insufficient attention has been given to comprehending their underlying purpose and the perceived advantages that states, along with their representatives, believe they gain from organizing or taking part in such exercises. This article delves into the objectives and perceived advantages of Japan’s JNEs in the Indo-Pacific to shed theoretical light on why states jointly exercise. With great power rivalry intensifying in the Indo-Pacific, the findings contribute to policy and issues related to the region’s emerging security dynamics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The geographical features of closing to Asia and facing the ocean on three sides have had a direct impact on Australia's Asian geopolitical cognition. Several geographical views with notable time characteristics, such as "Far East", "Near North", "Asia-Pacific" and "Indo-Pacific", have been generated. There are many reasons for Australia's continuous reconstruction of Asia's geopolitical cognition, and the structural factors such as culture and geography, economy and security, strength and ambition are particularly significant, which present the evolution logic of Australia's geopolitical cognition of Asia. What is more noteworthy is that security has always dominated Australia's geopolitical cognition of Asia, which has been manifested in pan-security demands such as cultural security, economic security, and national defense security at different times. Wrong security perception has caused Australia's geopolitical security problems, and establishing a correct security concept can help Australia coordinate relations with Asian countries and relieve Australia's security dilemma. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With its rise will India be a responsible stakeholder or uphold US interests? These questions have occupied analysts since the turn of the century when India started featuring prominently in US grand strategy as a future great power. Two assumptions were laid out: (a) India's rise will have salutary effects in Asia, and (b) India's strong sense of neutrality, known as "strategic autonomy," and its newfound "strategic proximity" with the US will have to coexist. Amidst this came the Russia-Ukraine War. India's steadfast reluctance to take sides and its imports of Russian oil reignited the debate from which two camps emerged which (a) suggested "patience" with India as there is a bigger prize in the Indo-Pacific, and (b) advocated "punishment" by downsizing investments in and expectations from New Delhi. I point out how both these recommendations are flawed and do not aid in US grand strategic objectives. I advocate a third view of "leveraging" neutrality, which argues two major points. First, given the strong sense of strategic autonomy, both countries must agree to a larger room for disagreements. Second, instead of expecting absolute allegiance, US policy planners should strive to leverage India's size and autonomy in cases like Russia, Iran, Myanmar, and others in the global south. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The stability of the Indo-Pacific Region has heated up again after the agreement AUKUS trilateral defense pact. Various reactions from several regional countries in responding to AUKUS. The purpose of this article is because of research that has been carried out to see how Indonesia implements naval diplomacy policies. The research method uses qualitative phenomenology with Van Matter and Van Horn's policy implementation theory. The research results show that there are supporting factors in the implementation of the Nalal Diplomacy policy and inhibiting factors. Supporting factors can be optimized with Naval Diplomacy which prioritizes the combined strength of ASEAN countries and simultaneously carries out Naval Diplomacy against parties with potential conflict. Inhibiting factors are eliminated together. The conclusion is that Indonesia has a great opportunity to implement naval diplomacy as a stabilizer in the Indo-Pacific region to prevent open conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the geoeconomic and geostrategic motives driving China's establishment of a military base in Djibouti. From a geoeconomic perspective, it explores economic interests and opportunities in the Horn of Africa. Geographically, it addresses implications for global power dynamics, militarization of China-Africa partnerships, oil resource security, peacekeeping, counterterrorism, piracy, and the Maritime Silk Road. It also delves into China's Maritime Security Strategy within the Belt and Road Initiative, focusing on marine environmental protection, cooperative development, security alliances, knowledge promotion, and governance. A qualitative approach to research involves combining primary sources, such as official Chinese documents, with secondary sources, such as reports from the media and scholarly articles. Through a literature review and analysis, China's motives for the Djibouti military base are discerned. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the maritime security pillar of India's Indo-Pacific Outlook Initiative (IPOI) in Southeast Asia and its far-reaching impact on Vietnam. The study utilizes the analytical framework of neorealism, liberalism, and constructivism to examine the objectives and intentions of India's IPOI and ASEAN's AOIP in the context of strategic competition in the Indo-Pacific. The author's findings reveal a significant convergence of strategic interests between IPOI and AOIP, which brings numerous and tremendous benefits to Vietnam, such as fostering the Vietnam-India comprehensive strategic partnership and equipping Vietnam to tackle challenges from the rise of China. The rise of China, strategic competition among major powers, and the increasing significance of the Indo-Pacific have spurred India and ASEAN to develop their visions to adapt to the Indo-Pacific concept. However, the implementation of IPOI in Southeast Asia still faces several limitations, primarily due to the divergent understanding and goals of IPOI, which places a premium on maritime security, and AOIP, which is more focused on naval cooperation. Furthermore, differences in the perceptions of India and ASEAN on maritime security also contribute to these limitations, highlighting the need for further research and development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The analysis is based on theoretical assumptions characteristic of the multi-order world by Trine Flockhart concept. The main factor influencing the situation in the Indo-Pacific region is the conflict between two international orders, Chinese-led and American-led, which is economic but may take a military form in the future. The practical limitations of the article result from the complex process of analyzing and forecasting political phenomena in statu nascendi. The analysis contributes to the scientific discussion on the future of international relations in the Indo-Pacific region. The American-led order in the Indo-Pacific region is based on the institutionalized forms of cooperation involving Anglo-Saxon states based on identity factors determining their effectiveness. The US strategy for the Indo-Pacific is mainly based on the network of partnerships with the region’s countries and countries from other parts of the world supporting the American-led order in the region, especially the Anglo-Saxon countries. In addition to identity factors, the positive long-term experience of military cooperation between the Anglo-Saxon countries is significant. The escalation of the global conflict between the US and China will be conducive to further tightening this cooperation.

Previous ecological studies show higher sponge diversity in the Spermonde Archipelago, SW Sulawesi, Indonesia, compared to the World Porifera Database. This study aims to provide an updated checklist of sponges of the Spermonde Archipelago, focusing particularly on the littoral area. Systematic sampling was executed through several observations, with roving techniques, e.g., snorkeling and SCUBA diving. In situ photographs of living sponges were taken using an underwater digital camera. Some specimens were collected and stored at the Naturalis Biodiversity Center, Leiden. Fragments of samples were analyzed using light and scanning electron microscopy. A total of 27 sponges (Calcarea and Demospongiae) were catalogued from the littoral area of the Spermonde Archipelago. Some of these are new records for the Sulawesi Sea/Makassar Strait marine ecoregion, including four potentially novel taxa. Preliminary morphological descriptions of all examined samples are presented. This study highlights the sponge assemblage flourishing in a shallow area characterized by a paucity of live corals and a predominant environment by macroalgae, rocks, and rubble. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Here, we describe a new species of Schindleria, Schindleria nana, from Lizard Island, Great Barrier Reef, Australia. The new species belongs to the long dorsal-fin type (LDF) of Schindleria and is the first very small ('dwarf') LDF species (< 13 mm TL) to be described. It is characterized by an elongate and narrow body; a dorsal fin longer than the anal fin (predorsal-fin length 63.3% of SL: preanal-fin length 72.1% of SL); a long, relatively narrow head (head width 46.2% of head length) with a straight profile; small and round eyes (24.9% of head length); a large postorbital distance (52% of head length); a narrow, slender pectoral radial plate (width at origin 46.4%, maximum width 57.0% of pectoral radial plate length); 16 dorsal-fin rays; 11-12 anal-fin rays; first anal-fin ray ventral to the sixth dorsal-fin ray; six procurrent rays gradually increasing in length, last ray elongated, twice the length of the penultimate ray; premaxilla with tiny, conical, densely set teeth; dentary with zero teeth in the holotype and with two teeth on the left dentary and five teeth on the right dentary in the adult paratype; females with few (approx. 4-7) but very large eggs (3.4-3.9% of SL); urogenital papilla inconspicuous, de facto just an urogenital opening; swim bladder not pigmented; black eyes; no other external pigmentation on the body. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2022, the Republic of Korea (ROK) and the United States (US) released their Indo-Pacific strategies as major foreign policy statements. While existing analyses of this topic focus on shifting power dynamics in the Indo-Pacific and their consequences for the US-China rivalry, there is less attention on implications for global challenges such as climate change. This study explores how the ROK and US can bolster climate change cooperation in the Pacific Islands region within the framework of their Indo-Pacific strategies. This analysis reveals that the ROK's readiness to assume an active role and the US' call for the involvement of "allies and partners" can shape future collaboration. This study also provides policy recommendations concerning possible pathways and potential areas for future collaboration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The idea of the Greater Eurasian Partnership (GEP) has gained increasing currency in Russian foreign policy. The Russia–China partnership has been presented as its bedrock through a partnership between the Eurasian Economic Union and the Belt and Road Initiative, further expanding to include other regional powers from across East Asia, South Asia, Central Asia, and Middle East as well as nonwestern multilateral groupings (SCO, ASEAN). Given the centrality of Asia‐Pacific to this expansive concept, GEP has to deal with the challenges posed by the evolving regional geopolitics of the East and the rise of the Indo‐Pacific amidst heightened US–China rivalry. The paper seeks to conduct a policy review of GEP and its proposed development format in light of ongoing changes in the East to determine the likely future of the concept in a contested region that also remains at the center of this expansive Russian vision. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Studies examining the gendered impacts of COVID-19 have shown that women have been disproportionately impacted by the socio-economic effects of the pandemic across multiple areas, including economic and food security. We sought to understand how the impacts of the pandemic on women's food security in the Indo-Pacific region were influenced by women's roles in performing the bulk of unpaid work and care involved in social reproduction. We interviewed 183 female farmers and vendors (market stallholders) in Myanmar, Papua New Guinea, and the Philippines. We found that across all three countries examined, women described an impact on their food security as well as their labour, processes of reproduction, and private household dynamics. Women's household food security was impacted because of decreased income, increased business costs, rising food costs, and additional household costs. Further, our findings show that because it was typically women's responsibility to manage household food security, women were anticipating food shortages and engaging in risks to mitigate against food insecurity. These findings demonstrate the urgent need to introduce national and international crisis response measures that differentiate the gendered social and economic impacts of crises that centers, rather than marginalizes, social reproduction in analyses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A new species of the head-shield sea slug is described herein from an examination of the morphological and anatomical characters. A molecular analysis supported the novel status of the species. This species is named Melanochlamys droupadi n. sp. in the honour of the Hon'ble president of India, Shrimati (Mrs) Droupadi Murmu. It is the second species from the Indian region and the third true tropical species. All the specimens were collected from the Digha coast of West Bengal and the Udaipur coast of Odisha state, along the north-western Bay of Bengal. ZooBank registration number with the article number as: [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Biden administration's strategy in the Indo-Pacific is of twofold interest. On the one hand, it breaks with the approach that the United States has always advocated since the 1980s, namely the general opening of markets through free trade agreements. And on the other hand, the economy, more than trade, is at the center of the negotiations, with security, technology, and the resilience of value chains as the main issues. Is this a turning point? After placing the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework for Prosperity (IPEF) in its historical context, the author makes seven observations about it, to conclude that the initiative currently raises more questions than it provides answers to the United States economic security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]