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This article utilizes news media representations to scrutinize the symbolic construction and legitimizing support for green megaprojects, with a particular focus on Northvolt’s battery factory in Skellefteå, Sweden. The study reveals that the media portrayed the project as crucial for local development, driven by Northvolt’s explicit competition, Sweden’s national ambition to lead in green technology, and a neoliberal agenda for regional economic growth. These narratives, deeply rooted in ideological fantasies about the implications of such a megaproject for a small, struggling community, effectively suppressed concerns about colonialism, environmental risks, and indigenous rights. The media’s emphasis on perceived benefits overshadowed potential risks, prompting questions about the long-term impact of such projects on local communities and the environment. The article argues that while these investments are framed as opportunities for progress, they may perpetuate historical patterns of exploitation and overlook critical socio-environmental issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Widely celebrated as one of the most influential twentieth-century Australian poets, Judith Wright occupies a central and uncontested space in the national literary canon. The political drive of her poetry, intertwined with her lifelong commitment to ecological and Indigenous rights activism, transformed the platform afforded her as a ‘poet of the land’ into a discursive space through which to contest the legitimacy of her own positioning – as a settler, as a poet, and perhaps most significantly as an anticolonial ally. Despite this, and despite the growing urgency of conversations about institutional decolonization, Wright’s complex legacy as a decolonial agent remains largely uncontested. This article considers Wright’s poetic capacity to strike at the foundation upon which she stands and to excavate the violent histories beneath it; however, it also illuminates the inherited literary traditions that stunt her disruptive efforts. Drawing her contribution as a writer-activist into broader reflections on decolonization, I demonstrate the lasting significance of Wright’s reparative gestures – acknowledging and attending to active silences – as a timely model for literary canon reformation. Such (re)considerations of Wright’s legacy raise pertinent questions about what constitutes decolonial literary activism and gesture towards the silences as yet unbroken by the broader decolonial project. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the core pathways under the European Green Deal to achieving climate neutrality by 2050 is ensuring a secure, resilient and sustainable supply of the critical raw materials needed for a net zero economy. The emphasis on supply, however, risks overlooking conflicts that critical raw material mining may give rise to, including land disputes, social unrest and displacement of local communities, which, in the case of some Member States, involves indigenous people and perpetuates colonial legacies. These conflicts are polycentric in the sense that they are formally independent of actions under the European Green Deal but still create a complex cause-and-effect relationship that involves a vast number of unrepresented but relevant interests. Mapping these relationships requires addressing colonialism – past and present – as well as the role of indigenous communities in EU law, and the significance of sustainability in supplying resources for the functioning of the internal market. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although the increasing engagement of indigenous movements with international law-making challenges the state-centric approach to international relations, few studies explore how Indigenous peoples of the Global South struggle for the international recognition of their political agency. This article analyzes Indigenous peoples’ role and aspirations in the international governance of the Amazon. Based on the study of the Amazon Cooperation Treaty Organization (ACTO) and one of the biggest international indigenous organizations, the Coordinator of Indigenous Organizations of the Amazon River Basin (COICA), the article discusses how the international governance of the Amazon has incorporated Indigenous peoples by recognizing only a limited version of self-determination with no political rights. Although ACTO has formalized indigenous issues within its units, agendas, and programes, it fundamentally rejects the possibility of having Indigenous peoples in the deliberative processes of the organization. Indigenous peoples continue to struggle to decolonize the international governance of the Amazon. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the role of Indigenous communities in Guatemala in countering a right-wing backlash and defending democracy. It discusses the inauguration of President Bernardo Arévalo, who acknowledged the support of Indigenous peoples but raised concerns about their limited representation in his cabinet. The concept of a plurinational state and demands for Indigenous rights and autonomy are also discussed. The article highlights the historical context of colonial violence and the erasure of Indigenous identities, which has fueled the call for plurinationalism. It emphasizes the ongoing struggle for a plurinational state and the importance of practicing plurinationalism and buen vivir in everyday life. [Extracted from the article]

This article explores the conflicts and contradictions surrounding Bolivia's agrarian frontier, specifically in the eastern lowlands. The region is experiencing economic growth driven by soybean plantations, but this expansion has led to disputes between Indigenous communities and intercultural farmers. These conflicts raise questions about the success of plurinationalism in Bolivia's east and highlight historical differences in how different Indigenous peoples relate to the state and territory. The article also discusses the history of colonization in the region and the changing dynamics of intercultural farming. It addresses the tensions and conflicts surrounding land rights and territorial claims, particularly in relation to the interculturales, a group representing highland Indigenous peoples. The article emphasizes the complexities of the plurinational state and its impact on land distribution and agrarian capitalism. It also mentions the ecological destruction caused by deforestation and the role of various actors, including medium and large enterprises, in contributing to this issue. [Extracted from the article]

This article explores Ecuador's journey towards plurinationalism and the obstacles it encounters in achieving this goal. While the 2008 constitution declared Ecuador as a plurinational and intercultural state, the reality on the ground does not fully reflect this vision. Extractive economic interests and colonial legacies continue to take precedence over Indigenous rights. The article highlights conflicts over Indigenous justice and the negative effects of extractive industries on Indigenous territories as major barriers to transformative change. It also discusses the struggles faced by specific Indigenous communities, such as the Sinangoe community and the Shuar Arutam people, who have fought for their rights and autonomy. The text delves into the historical context of Indigenous struggles in Ecuador, the impact of neoliberal policies, and the challenges Indigenous communities face in the face of extractive industries and social inequality. [Extracted from the article]

Indigenous communities in the Peruvian Amazon are establishing their own autonomous territorial governments to protect their land and resources. Olivia Bisa, the president of the Autonomous Territorial Government of the Chapra Nation, has faced threats and persecution for her activism against illegal economic activities and oil spills in her territory. These autonomous territorial governments represent a new model of territorial governance, aiming to protect their territories and resist extractive activities driven by the state. However, they face challenges in gaining recognition from the Peruvian government and conventional Indigenous organizations. Adriana Castro, a lawyer with expertise in Public International Law, has studied this issue. [Extracted from the article]

This article examines the Indianista movement in Bolivia, which emerged in the 1960s to challenge colonialism and promote the decolonization of Indigenous peoples. It explores the movement's ideologies and symbols, as well as its impact on the country's political landscape. The article also analyzes the alignment between the government of Evo Morales, Bolivia's first Indigenous president, and the Indianista movement's goals. It discusses the concept of plurinationality in Bolivia and argues that it has not been fully realized in practice, with Indigenous voices and historical projects being silenced. The article calls for the reconstitution of Indigenous agendas to combat anti-Indigenous policies in Bolivia. [Extracted from the article]

The article explores the history of Indigenous intellectualism and its role in advancing plurinational thought in Latin America. It discusses the early foundations of plurinationalism in Bolivia, Ecuador, Peru, and Mexico, and the connections between Indigenous intellectuals in these countries. The article also examines the emergence of the plurinational movement in the late 1970s, driven by the recognition that land reform alone was insufficient to address ongoing colonialism and marginalization of Indigenous peoples. It highlights the contributions of Indigenous intellectuals, such as Fausto Reinaga and Javier Lajo, and their calls for decolonization and the recognition of Indigenous sovereignty. The article concludes by discussing the concept of plurinationalism in the Andean context and its potential to overturn colonialism. It also explores the plurinational movements in Bolivia, Ecuador, and Mexico during the 1990s and early 2000s, which aimed to challenge colonial structures and promote Indigenous rights and autonomy. [Extracted from the article]

In both Australia and New Zealand, Indigenous peoples have called for alternative non-colonial political arrangements. In October 2023, Australians voted in a referendum against distinctive Indigenous participation in public policymaking, which had been proposed as a step toward a more inclusive political system. On the same day, New Zealand elected a new Parliament, leading to the formation of a government comprising three parties that had campaigned against what they saw as excessive Māori political influence. Comparing these developments and the histories of the two countries raises questions about liberal equality, democratic citizenship, and whether all or just some citizens should own the liberal democratic state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the concept of U.S. vertical power and its effects on the expansion of the United States, with a focus on underground spaces and temporalities. It specifically explores the relationship between mining, Indigenous lands, and colonial authority. The article argues that mining was not only a means of extracting minerals, but also a tactic used to violently maintain control over Native American lands. It also discusses the long-term perspectives of U.S. empire and the lasting consequences of short-term thinking. The example of Elk Mountain in Colorado is used to illustrate these arguments. The article concludes by highlighting the connection between mining and militarism, as well as the role of miners in expanding U.S. power. [Extracted from the article]

While the nuisance that 'sovereign citizens' pose to courts and authorities across Australia continues to gain media attention, there is much less known about the controversial New South Wales government scheme which seeks to preventatively supervise and detain these individuals. This article argues that use of this scheme to quell the risk posed by sovereign citizens would be at its most problematic and potentially misguided if set upon members of First Nations communities, who are reportedly showing signs of increased receptiveness to sovereign citizen rhetoric. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Coloniality in education and language policies continues to impact Indigenous communities in implicit and complex ways. In this article, we describe the case of Colombia where, like in many other countries in the Global South, educational policy messages are contradictory. While ethno-education policies purport to sustain Indigenous languages and epistemologies and grant Indigenous peoples the right to educate their children and youth in ways that sustain their cultural and linguistic identities, the National Bilingual Plan enforces colonial English and Spanish exclusively, thus implicitly devaluing Indigenous peoples' bilingualism. This has resulted in further displacement of Indigenous languages that now compete for space in the curriculum against two colonial languages. Drawing on Southern Epistemologies Coloniality and Decoloniality, in this case study, we explore how these seemingly contradicting policies impact curriculum design, how teachers and school administrators in the Wayuu community, the largest Indigenous people in Colombia, perceive and navigate these demands, and how they, along other community members, envisage possibilities to resist this impact. Findings point to the insufficiency of stand-alone policies to sustain Indigenous languages and cultures and assert the need to center Indigenous voices and epistemologies to decolonize education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars often approach the Amazon to explain the materiality of resource extraction in mining, oil, and agribusinesses. This region has been less used for theorizing the different scales and dimensions of extractivism, and its relationship with mega-infrastructures. This paper contributes to this endeavor by reflecting on the IIRSA, an ambitious portfolio of mega-infrastructure projects aimed at facilitating international trade with little concern for biodiversity and indigenous rights. Based on the analysis of policy documents and interviews, this study explores how infrastructure development in the Amazon relates to extractive activities and contributes to a deeper understanding of extractivism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the construction of post-Removal mounds in Oklahoma as a form of Indigenous architectural design and cultural revitalization. These new mounds aim to re-tell the history and significance of ancient mounds and mound-building cultures, appealing to both Native and non-Native audiences. The article explores the innovative designs and continuities of these new mounds, highlighting their role in Indigenous aesthetics and architectural design for the future. The text also questions the binary of historical versus futuristic orientations and explores alternative perspectives for understanding the meaning and significance of these mounds. The First Americans Museum, in particular, offers visitors opportunities to learn and reflect through its integrated Mound Path and emphasizes Indigenous cultural continuity and ethical standards in museum collections. [Extracted from the article]

This study provides a content and frame analysis of the news media advocacy of prominent environmental non‐governmental organizations (ENGOs) in Canada. We find that these organizations have an important voice in shaping how climate change is framed in news media, but that ecological modernization frames and narratives, which avoid issues of power, conflict, and social‐transformative change, are dominant. Core elements of this discourse are contested, however, as some ENGOs oppose the fossil sector, critique the shortcomings of proffered (technological) climate solutions, and call for muscular interventions aimed at energy transition. We also find that environmental justice frames – particularly those focused on Indigenous rights – are gaining traction, revealing a promising pathway of influence for ENGOs focused on climate justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the last decades, many democracies progressed in the political inclusion of Indigenous people and the recognition of their rights. Does this contribute to how satisfied Indigenous people are with how democracy works? Prior empirical evidence suggests it does. As yet, there is, however, little study of the underlying mechanisms and we should not assume a categorically positive correlation between political equality and satisfaction with democracy. Instead, Indigenous affairs need to be sufficiently politicized to matter for Indigenous people's satisfaction with democracy. I test this argument in the case of the Sámi people in Norway and Sweden. While political inequality is comparatively higher in Sweden, Sámi issues are less politicized. Using novel original survey data, I find that here, satisfaction with democracy is not correlated with Sámi ethnicity. Satisfaction levels among Norwegian Sámi, though, are significantly lower than among their non-Indigenous compatriots and strongly shaped by considerations of political inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, and Odisha are home to 22 million Adivasis (indigenous peoples). In the neoliberal era, the Adivasis are being exploited due to an increased emphasis on resource extraction, compounded with weak institutional mechanisms to address Adivasi concerns. I examine the role of the higher courts in upholding Adivasis' rights during mining conflicts, through analysis of 33 litigations resolved between 2000 and 2022. I find, with a 48.5% success rate, these litigations produce mixed results for the Adivasi communities. Despite a legislative shift sought from state sovereignty to shared sovereignty, there is a judicial inconsistency on claims against usurpation of Adivasi land without consent. During mining governance, the Adivasis are excluded from the decision-making process, but the courts do not encourage a polycentric approach to mining governance. Only at the stage of profit redistribution, where there are no competing claims, the courts ensure benefit-sharing of profits with the Adivasis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Globally, the forced displacement of socially vulnerable communities causes significant contestation, irrespective of whether that occurs for mega-projects or smaller infrastructural, agricultural, urban renewal, or property developments. Despite multilateral guidelines for "socially inclusive" development, it is difficult to avoid the marginalization of evicted, local communities. Grounded on the credibility thesis, this article provides a new, theoretical basis for understanding the "social function of property" and how this may be used as a criterion to assess whether development-induced and resettlement projects should be given the go-ahead. Methodologically, this article employs the FAT (Formal, Actual, and Targeted) Institutional Framework to unpack the social function of property. To this end, it analyzes the acquisition and privatization of the common property of Indigenous Peoples to construct the Malaysian Bakun Hydroelectric Project, purportedly Asia's second-largest dam. The FAT analysis ascertains the following three conditions on which basis projects should be halted: (1) the property of the evicted communities fulfills a critical role in providing social welfare; (2) the said function is disregarded by the expropriating agency; (3) the power divides between the expropriator and expropriated prevent meaningful participation by the latter. This study demonstrates that the social function of property can be effectively measured and validates the FAT Framework as a viable tool to analyze development-induced projects (and policies), with particular reference to expropriation, privatization, and formalization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I defend the claim that addressing dominating ontologies is crucial for achieving Indigenous self-determination. Consequently, the struggle for Indigenous self-determination comprises not only an engagement with political practices, structures, and institutions, but also with political ontology. I first argue that implementing Indigenous self-determination requires an engagement with political ontology. I then introduce Iris Young's conception of self-determination as non-domination as a way to engage with diverging ontologies within the political framework of federalism. In the final section of the paper, I present two constructive proposals concerning how Indigenous peoples and settler states can establish an ontology at the federal level that facilitates Indigenous self-determination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Foco (Interdisciplinary Studies Journal) is the property of Revista Foco and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Neil Belanger, the Chief Executive Officer of Indigenous Disability Canada and the British Columbia Aboriginal Network on Disability Society, expresses concern about the lack of consultation with Indigenous peoples regarding Medical Assistance in Dying (MAiD) for Indigenous children, individuals with disabilities, and those with mental illness. Belanger argues that the expansion of MAiD without comprehensive consultation goes against the principles of reconciliation and perpetuates marginalization and colonial systems. He urges the committee to halt their current work and not make or endorse recommendations for the expansion of MAiD. Belanger emphasizes the importance of providing adequate supports and resources for individuals with disabilities and those with mental illness, rather than relying on MAiD as a solution. [Extracted from the article]

In Canada, emerging discussions about colonialism and ongoing retrenchment from the welfare state, including social housing, accentuate the urgency of addressing housing need in ways that uphold both human and Indigenous rights. Through questionnaires and interviews with 28 non-profit housing providers in British Columbia, Manitoba, and New Brunswick, this paper examines the intersection of human and Indigenous rights with the provision of low-rent non-market housing. It identifies barriers and strategies to advancing the right to housing in Canada’s settler-colonial capitalist context and, in doing so, articulates possibilities for new policies upholding housing as a human and Indigenous right. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the principal props of British imperialism in South Asia was the British Imperial Army in India. Logistics was important for supplying and transporting the army at the distant theatres to annex new territories and cow down the rebels. The First Anglo–Burma War occurred between the British-Indian Empire and the ruler of Ava in Burma. This conflict, which lasted from 5 March 1824 to 24 February 1826, was an amphibious war. The primary aim of this article is to study the logistics of the British Imperial Army in India, and the secondary objective is to throw some light on the Burmese logistics. An attempt is made in this essay to show the interconnections between ecology, logistics and military organisations of the British-Indian state and Ava. The First Anglo–Burma War can be located at the interface of preindustrial and industrial wars. The animal and human resources of Bengal and Madras presidencies, utilisation of certain indigenous ‘technologies’ (like country boats, rafts, etc.) and technological superiority in gunpowder weapons (both on land and at sea, like gunboats, corned powder, cast iron guns, etc.) enabled the East India Company (EIC) to muddle through and emerge victorious, albeit at a high financial and manpower cost. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores the concept of reparative justice for historical injustices and addresses the philosophical problem known as the Nonidentity Objection. It proposes an alternative model called the Wrongful Interaction Model of Reparative Justice (WIM), which focuses on addressing the wrongful actions of the injustice. The text discusses the challenges and possibilities of reparative justice and introduces new problems that the proposed model may face. It also discusses the distinction between restitution and reparation and argues that even if restitution is impossible, reparation may still be owed. The article acknowledges the challenges of determining who owes reparations and characterizing the identities of the parties involved, but concludes that the concept of reparative justice should be preferred over alternative models. [Extracted from the article]

The proposition of this article is that it is time to re-think Aboriginal self-determination. A process should be allowed to develop that is perhaps less grandiose than the failed Voice, which was rejected in October 2023, but more practical and reflective of Aboriginal social, linguistic, and cultural organisation. A process of self-determination that starts at the bottom and then, if necessary, works its way to the state and federal levels. The post-Voice world of Australia is uncertain. The rejection by public referendum of the Aboriginal Voice has left a void that will take a long time to fill. It is contended in the article that life after the Voice is best to be found by empowerment of local Aboriginal communities; by encouraging hundreds of local voices; by enabling those voices to become a keystone for local community affairs; and for those local Aboriginal voices to cooperate as advocates at the state and federal levels. It is suggested that a bottom-up, rather than a top-down model, would be consistent with Aboriginal social and cultural organisation, and ultimately would endow greater credibility and legitimacy for Aboriginal self-determination initiatives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article looks at the classification and treatment of indigenous peoples and minorities’ rights under the United Nations. In particular, it explores what the differences between indigenous and minorities, and the differences and similarities between activism for indigenous and minority rights under the United Nations umbrella are. It concludes by proposing recommendations for change so that advocacy for these rights and implementation of them can be better addressed especially in the current climate where conflicts and the associated displacements pose more urgent risks to those rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Foco (Interdisciplinary Studies Journal) is the property of Revista Foco and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The United Nations’ Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP) recognized Indigenous rights to self-determination. How these rights can be realized in territories governed by settler-states remains unclear. For fisheries, the need to understand processes that support Indigenous self-determination has gained urgency due to government commitments and investor interest in developing ocean and coastal resources, or Blue Economies, amid rapid climatic changes. Here, we explored Indigenous groups’ fishery development experiences following two approaches to reconciling Indigenous fishing rights. In New Zealand, we examined Māori groups’ experiences following the 1992 Treaty of Waitangi (Fisheries Claims) Settlement Act. The Settlement granted Māori iwi (tribes) rights to self-govern non-commercial harvests, restrict fishing pressure in state-approved customary fishing areas, and participate in state-run systems for commercial fisheries management. In Canada, we investigated Indigenous fishery development initiatives following the Supreme Court of Canada’s 1999 ruling R. v. Marshall. Marshall reaffirmed Treaty-protected rights to harvest and trade fish, held by Mi’kmaq, Wolastoqey, and Peskotomuhkati Peoples, to support a “moderate livelihood.” We document how, in both cases, Indigenous groups’ self-determination remains constrained by actions from state regulatory and enforcement agencies that govern market access, other resource users’ activities, and processes for collecting and sharing information about fish populations. Indigenous groups’ experiences highlight that: 1) reallocations of harvest rights, on their own, are an insufficient means to redistribute access to benefits from fisheries; 2) the constraints Indigenous families have experienced in their attempts to develop small-scale fishing operations correspond to settler-state policies and cannot be addressed solely through changes to Indigenous leaders’ management decisions; and 3) polycentricity in governance regimes can pose problems for Indigenous self-determination, when citizens with political authority resist efforts to support Indigenous fisheries. To address these challenges, we call for legal reforms that require settler-state governments to support Indigenous self-determination, to overcome the political risks politicians face when advocating for a non-majority group’s interests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ecuador's declaration as a plurinational state represents a milestone in the affirmation of the rights of indigenous peoples and other ethnic groups within the country. This advancement poses significant challenges for the legal sciences, which are tasked with devising methods for the effective integration of ordinary and indigenous justice systems. This study investigates the inherent uncertainty in the information processing within indigenous justice, employing neutrosophic tools. A neutrosophic analysis of the contraventions in the indigenous context was conducted, utilizing both theoretical and empirical methods, including surveys of law students and the implementation of a neutrosophic soft set model. The main difficulties were identified and ranked, highlighting the lack of an adequate legal framework as the most critical obstacle to the harmonization of ordinary and indigenous justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ecuador's declaration as a plurinational state represents a milestone in the affirmation of the rights of indigenous peoples and other ethnic groups within the country. This advancement poses significant challenges for the legal sciences, which are tasked with devising methods for the effective integration of ordinary and indigenous justice systems. This study investigates the inherent uncertainty in the information processing within indigenous justice, employing neutrosophic tools. A neutrosophic analysis of the contraventions in the indigenous context was conducted, utilizing both theoretical and empirical methods, including surveys of law students and the implementation of a neutrosophic soft set model. The main difficulties were identified and ranked, highlighting the lack of an adequate legal framework as the most critical obstacle to the harmonization of ordinary and indigenous justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Indigenous Peoples have been stewarding lands with fire for ecosystem improvement since time immemorial. These stewardship practices are part and parcel of the ways in which Indigenous Peoples have long recorded and protected knowledge through our cultural transmission practices, such as oral histories. In short, our Peoples have always been data gatherers, and as this article presents, we are also fire data gatherers and stewards. Given the growing interest in fire research with Indigenous communities, there is an opportunity for guidance on data collection conducted equitably and responsibly with Indigenous Peoples. This Special Issue of Fire presents fire research approaches and data harvesting practices with Indigenous communities as we "Reimagine the Future of Living and Working with Fire". Specifically, the article provides future-thinking practices that can achieve equitable, sustainable, and just outcomes with and for stakeholders and rightholders (the preferred term Indigenous Peoples use in partnerships with academics, agencies, and NGOs). This research takes from the following key documents to propose an "Indigenous fire data sovereignty" (IFDS) framework: (1) Articles declared in the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP) as identified by the author and specified in Indigenous-led and allied Indigenous fire research in Australia, Canada, and the U.S.; (2) recommendations specific to cultural fire policy and calls for research in the 2023 Wildland Fire Mitigation and Management Commission report; (3) research and data barriers and opportunities produced in the 2024 Good Fire II report; and threads from (4) the Indigenous Fire Management conceptual model. This paper brings together recommendations on Indigenous data sovereignty, which are principles developed by Indigenous researchers for the protection, dissemination, and stewardship of data collected from Tribal/Nation/Aboriginal/First Nations Indigenous communities. The proposed IFDS framework also identifies potential challenges to Indigenous fire data sovereignty. By doing so, the framework serves as an apparatus to deploy fire research and data harvesting practices that are culturally informed, responsible, and ethically demonstrated. The article concludes with specific calls to action for academics and researchers, allies, fire managers, policymakers, and Indigenous Peoples to consider in exercising Indigenous fire data sovereignty and applying Indigenous data sovereignty principles to fire research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"Arctic Triumph: Northern innovation and persistence" is a book that explores the complexities of disaster risk reduction in the Arctic. It emphasizes the need for multidimensional collaboration and engagement with Indigenous knowledge to effectively plan for, mitigate, respond to, and recover from disasters. The book examines the construction of an Arctic imaginary, the preservation of cultural heritage sites, the impacts of extractive industries, and the importance of shifting from a response-based approach to a mitigatory approach. It also highlights the role of geopolitics and international cooperation in Arctic disaster risk reduction and response. Overall, "Arctic Triumph" presents a story of resilience and invites critical dialogue on the discourse of disasters in the Arctic. [Extracted from the article]

Fourth World knowledge systems vary widely but in the contemporary international environment, nations may be seen as engaging neighboring nations, states and international institutions with differing capacities. Understanding the different diplomatic capacities and levels of knowledge is critical to the process of implementing the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP). Mechanisms for implementing the UNDRIP must be nationspecific and state-specific and agreeable to both sides. Forty or more years after "indigenous rights" was sounded as a human rights goal, and indigenous nations are now obliged to take diplomatic initiatives employing their history of diplomatic experience. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, Dr. Rÿser recounts the key events and strategies that led to the successful Indigenous movement to safeguard Indigenous rights during the Canadian Patriation. He tracks the movement's development from the 1969 "White Paper," in which Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau and Minister of Indian Affairs Jean Chrétien proposed eliminating the special status of Indigenous peoples in the new constitution, to Grand Cheif George Manuel's 1980 initiative, the "Constitution Express," in which he organized more than 600 Indigenous activists to travel across Canada by train to demand that the rights guaranteed in their Indigenous treaties with the British be upheld by the new Canadian Constitution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the current context throughout Latin America, where power groups and the market are increasingly interested in the natural and cultural resources of indigenous territories, indigenous peoples are once again being denied, and their identities, preexistence in the territories, and rights are being questioned. As archaeologists, we must recognize that our work is not merely about investigating past landscapes but also about conducting archaeology in territories currently intersected by recurring conflicts. This article proposes and discusses the conceptual and theoretical-methodological foundations of a committed and activist archaeology, one that contributes to social justice and the emancipation of historically subordinated minorities, such as indigenous peoples. This archaeology must be based on two fundamental premises: the recognition of indigenous peoples as subjects of rights and the implementation of interculturality. Based on these principles, two lines of work are proposed, each involving specific methods: (1) the development of demand-driven research that produces knowledge serving the projects and struggles of indigenous peoples, and (2) the creation of multivocal products where indigenous voices appear in the first person, contributing to their internal processes and their articulation with various societal and state actors. This article advocates for a transformation of contemporary Latin American archaeology, both in its relationship with the social environment where research is conducted and in the way knowledge is produced, placing the discipline at the service of the projects, causes, and struggles of subjugated minorities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Supporting Indigenous students' social–emotional learning (SEL) is important given the systemic impact of colonialism that has contributed to their higher mental health and academic disparities compared to White students. One way to promote SEL is through professional development for educators, yet there has been little research on the development of SEL programs that are culturally responsive to Indigenous people and contexts. The purpose of this study is to highlight the process of culturally adapting a social–emotional program, Educators Navigating and Generating Approaches for Genuine Empowerment (ENGAGE), for educators at a school located in a tribal nation in the Rocky Mountain region. Driven by transformative SEL and tribal critical race theory, we coadapted ENGAGE with community members through community-based participatory research. Through thematic analysis, we examined the unique values and culturally responsive considerations that arose during the research process. Five themes emerged from the data: (1) Understanding resilience in the face of trauma; (2) Fostering culture and traditions; (3) Building Relationships, respect, and reciprocity; (4) Highlighting the core role of educators in SEL; and (5) Educators supporting each other. Implications for school psychologists, including considerations for decolonizing research and practice, are discussed. Impact Statement In partnership with an Indigenous community, this study highlights how to culturally adapt educator professional development programs to align with Indigenous students' values and cultures. Results show the importance of integrating Indigenous community members' voices and leveraging their cultural strengths in order to support their children in schools. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Smallholder, indigenous farmers play a key role in the food system in Ecuador, applying traditional farming practices that ensure the sustainability of their food production and meeting the dietary demands of many urban consumers, especially for organic vegetables and dairy products. This study examines the position of six women's associations in the central Ecuadorian Andes, discussing their evolution from rights-based to market-oriented organizations producing and selling agroecological products. We discuss how the history of these associations has led them to play a role in local politics and national policies around agriculture and highlight how these organizations have succeeded both economically and socially, while also noting the challenges they face, as observed by themselves and outsiders. While the history of women's agroecological production organizations in Ecuador may be unique, as it is entrenched in indigenous rights movements, our results also point to opportunities and obstacles that are more common across small scale farmers and deserve attention from both policymakers and agricultural organizations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the contestation of indigeneity in colonial Cuba, focusing on the dismissal of Indigenous communities by Spanish officials and the challenges faced by these communities in asserting their heritage. It explores the process of deracination and diaspora that shaped indigeneity in Cuba, as well as the formation of Indigenous pueblos and the difficulties they encountered in establishing new roots. The text also highlights the persistence of Indigenous populations in colonial Cuba and their role in the economy, despite attempts to limit their labor. It discusses the historical context of two Cuban towns, Guanabacoa and Jiguaní, and their experiences with colonial encroachment and dispossession of Indigenous lands. While Guanabacoa lost its Indigenous jurisdiction and population due to the crown's support of colonists, Jiguaní successfully defended its rights through legal advocacy and the establishment of its own Indigenous cabildo. The article emphasizes the importance of legal knowledge and the power of location in Indigenous resistance to colonization in the Caribbean. [Extracted from the article]

The right to be consulted is a legal institution that originated in 1989 in the United Nations Convention 169, requiring states to conduct a consultation process of Indigenous peoples and communities on issues potentially impacting them. The Mexican state has subsequently implemented the right to be consulted in its legal system. The consultation processes were often riddled with inconsistencies and the violation of the rights of Indigenous communities and peoples. In this paper I analysed the case study of the consultation process in Guerrero, by researching press articles, engaging in participant observation and conducting interviews. I looked for similarities between the Guerrero consultations and past consultations in Juchitán, Sonora, and Campeche. I identified several violations and manipulations consistent with the history of the right to be consulted. In the last part of the article, I compared the proposed acts and established their potential impact on security in Guerrero. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the European north, there is a growing trend for Sámi reindeer herding communities to enter negotiated agreements with developers on projects that aim to exploit land and natural resources. This paper offers, for the first time, an evaluation of the content of a selection of these agreements, drawing on a sample of 15 agreements from five communities in Sweden. The evaluation was conducted from a Sámi perspective on how the agreements affect the ability of herding communities to safeguard reindeer wellbeing. The overall conclusion is that the agreements provide some positive contributions to mitigate harm to the reindeer, but also contribute considerable risks. We argue that agreements might have a meaningful role to play in the integration of Sámi rights in land and resource decisions, but herding communities have considerable space to increase the range of clauses – guided by larger goals of Sámi self-determination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]