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Why does an authoritarian regime adopt meritocracy in its political selection? I argue that meritocracy can be used to co-opt large numbers of ordinary citizens by providing them with an opportunity of socioeconomic advancement instead of income redistribution, as long as the selection process is viewed as inclusive and rule-based. Focusing on the civil service examination in contemporary China, I examine how this meritocratic selection has shaped the relationship between college graduates and the Chinese regime. Exploiting a spatial-cohort variation in applicant eligibility, I find that the exam boosts college graduates' perceived upward mobility, which in turn weakens their demand for redistribution even in the face of growing inequality. These findings point to an alternative mode of authoritarian co-optation and highlight the role of upward mobility in regime stability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

East Asian (EA) social welfare has been described as productivist, where social policies are subordinate to economic development. However, EA comparative studies often focus on a few select social policies and seldom examine welfare programs as a bundle. We contribute to the depiction of divergent features of EA safety nets by exploring welfare content (generosity, coverage, protective vs. productive, and work incentives) and welfare outcomes (poverty reduction and income redistribution) for lower‐income populations in the largest city in mainland China, Hong Kong, Japan, Singapore, South Korea, and Taiwan. We collected model family (MF) data and analyzed the data through descriptive statistics and regression models. We found that Taiwan and Hong Kong, followed by Japan, have more generous programs for reducing poverty, while Korea focuses on productive programs; Singapore offers wide coverage and strong work incentives for low‐income families yet lags behind in generosity; and China appears to be a laggard in welfare provision in the region. Our findings reveal heterogeneity within EA welfare systems, and our synthesis of welfare features using MF data offers a promising, innovative strategy for conducting comparative research in regions with limited comparable data. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Does income inequality worsen a country's health outcomes? In this study, we examine the effect of income inequality and redistribution on health outcomes using a panel dataset for a global sample of 154 countries from 1990 to 2020, and the instrumental variable method. The evidence from the empirical analyses revealed that, on average, higher income inequality is associated with poor health outcomes. On the other hand, this study documented that, on average, countries with higher income redistribution have better health outcomes. From regional analyses, we documented that income inequality strongly worsens health outcomes in South Asia, the Middle East and North Africa, sub‐Saharan Africa and the Caribbean and Latin America. We found that education, environmental pollution, health expenditure and GDP per capita are the potential channels through which income inequality affects health outcomes. The findings established in this study suggest that a political environment that supports better income distribution would lead to better health outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this study, we elucidate the income redistribution effects of the proposal to incorporate the Bend Points mechanism of the U.S. OASDI into the Korean National Pension Scheme (BP-KNPS Proposal) through a micro-simulation analysis using individual data from the Korean Labor and Income Panel Study (KLIPS). In addition to examining the effects of introducing the BP-KNPS Proposal into the current National Pension Scheme (NPS), we also consider the impact of this scheme being combined with the 5th National Pension Comprehensive Plan (Draft), announced by Korea's Ministry of Health and Welfare on 30 October 2023. When the BP-KNPS Proposal is introduced into the current NPS, the Mean Log Deviation (MLD) of the net transfer amount (lifetime pension benefits minus lifetime pension contributions) for regular employees decreases from 0.2022863 to 0.1929960. Similarly, the MLD for self-employed and irregular workers decreases from 0.2046127 to 0.1721433, indicating a reduction in income inequality. Furthermore, when the BP-KNPS Proposal is combined with the 5th National Pension Comprehensive Plan (Draft), the effects are mixed. The proposals to increase the pension contribution rate and adjust the rate increase speed via generation lead to a reduction in income inequality compared to the current NPS when combined with the BP-KNPS Proposal. However, the proposals to raise the pensionable age result in increased income inequality, similar to the outcomes under the current system. This finding suggests that the triple burden identified by literature review—the reduction in benefits due to disparities in contribution periods and life expectancy, and the raised pensionable age—has a greater impact on low-income participants than the inequality-reducing effects of the BP-KNPS Proposal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using survey data from the China Family Panel Studies (CFPS) from 2010 to 2018, this paper analyzes the relationship between income inequality, group‐specific income redistribution, and subjective well‐being among China's urban, rural, and migrant populations. Income redistribution significantly reduces the within‐group inequality for urban residents while widening the income gap among urban residents, rural residents, and migrants. Using narrowly defined reference groups, our findings indicate that there is no significant correlation of within‐group inequality and subjective well‐being of the respective group members. By contrast, the increased income gap between urban and rural residents is positively correlated with the rural residents' subjective well‐being. More importantly, the group‐specific redistribution inherent in the Hukou system that widens the income gap between urban residents and both migrants and rural residents makes both the aforementioned worse off. The existing Hukou system thus bars the way to implement the concept of "common prosperity" of the Chinese government that aims to foster a more balanced and sustainable development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates the evolution of income and wage inequality in Portugal from the 1974 democratic revolution up to 2020, drawing on a series of administrative records, survey data and aggregate statistics. Over this period, Portugal consistently ranked among the most unequal nations in the developed world. The transition from a deeply unequal dictatorial regime, in the wake of the 1974 revolution, brought about substantial redistribution. However, since the 1980s, income and wage inequality followed an arc‐shaped trajectory. There was a sharp rise in inequality from the early 1980s to the mid‐1990s, which, in just eight years, outpaced the infamous US growth in wage inequality of the last five decades. Then, there was stability at high levels until the mid‐2000s. Finally, there was a sharp decline in inequality until 2020, which halved both the gender wage gap and the college wage premium. Changes related to the supply and demand for education/skills emerged as key drivers of inequality dynamics. Institutional and political forces were especially relevant in reducing inequality during the transition to democracy and, more recently, with the rising importance of the minimum wage and collective bargaining. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates ways in which major recessions have impacted individuals' views about the role of the state in the economy across the world. We build on three complementary sources of data. We analyse experiences during the COVID-19 crisis using a survey of more than 39,000 adults across 14 economies as well as during the global financial crisis using a representative survey covering 34 economies. Exploiting variation across individual experiences during these crises, we find that support for state ownership and redistribution of income is significantly higher among individuals who experienced job losses and, to a lesser extent, among those who experienced an income shock. We show that policy preferences may become self-reinforcing: those who only experienced an income shock are relatively more likely to support benefits for the working poor, while those who experienced job losses favour unemployment benefits. To track the longer-term effects of crisis experiences, we rely on six waves of the World Value Surveys spanning over 100 economies and exploit differences in lifetime exposures to crises by country, year of birth and survey year. Individuals who lived through a major recession during adulthood express a stronger preference for state ownership and redistribution of income. Moreover, we show that the impacts of multiple recessions on attitudes can accumulate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many scholars argue that gender affects welfare attitudes: women support welfare policies more than men in most welfare societies. However, in South Korea, women tend to oppose welfare policies or show no gender gap in welfare attitudes. As welfare programs in South Korea are expanding, I investigate whether women's attitudes towards welfare policies have changed and if they differ based on self‐interest. I analysed welfare attitude data from the Korea Welfare Panel Study (KoWePS) for 2013 and 2022 using ordered logistic regression models, finding that women in South Korea supported almost all welfare policies less than men. However, in terms of income redistribution and free preschool and childcare service provision, there were no gender differences observed. Furthermore, cleavages among women were found regarding attitudes towards support for the unemployed and free preschool and childcare service provision based on self‐interest. Additionally, progressive women exhibited more supportive attitudes across all domains of welfare. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the post-Keynesian and Sraffian perspectives on the relationship between monetary policy and income distribution, highlighting their endogenous demand-led money approach and rejection of the neutrality of interest rates, and monetary policy as tool of redistribution among social classes. Both approaches acknowledge that the central bank can influence interest rates and hence, the functional distribution of income. These shared ideas recognize the political nature of interest rates and the distributive impacts of monetary policy. Although all are crucial common points, some differences persist; PK theory often emphasizes the impact of monetary policy on rentiers vs. non-rentier classes, while Sraffians focus more on wage earners vs. non-wage earners. Further, while PK theorists advocate for alternative monetary policy rules, Sraffians favor discretionary policy tailored to each economy's unique institutional framework. The paper concludes by suggesting that these shared critical conceptions, despite minor differences, should stimulate collaborative efforts to further develop heterodox theories of monetary policy and income distribution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While the public opinion literature on Social Europe is growing, so far, it relies on quantitative survey evidence that hides some of the arguments and motivations lying behind the standardized results. This article reveals through qualitative research that 'welfare Euroscepticism' (i.e., opposition towards Social Europe) needs more attention in the literature and explains why. Specifically, this article uses qualitative focus group discussions on Social Europe collected in Germany, the Netherlands, Poland and Spain (134 participants in total). The participants filled out a quantitative survey before the discussions started and these survey results are in line with the usual public opinion literature on Social Europe, that is, relatively supportive of the social dimension of the EU. However, multi‐faceted welfare Eurosceptic attitudes appeared throughout the discussion. While participants may support the general idea of a Social Europe, they are highly critical about how it actually works in practice. The analysis reveals that the public is sceptic towards both harmonizing social policies on the EU level and redistributive social policy instruments on the EU level. Three overarching and partly overlapping rationales appear to drive welfare Euroscepticism: (1) economic self‐interest, (2) cultural ideology and (3) the democratic deficit. The results emphasize the public preferences for more conditional redistributive policies and the need to make Social Europe more visible to the public. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We examine the effects of patient cost‐sharing on adolescents' healthcare utilization and out‐of‐pocket medical expenditures by exploiting the healthcare reform in South Korea that lowered the coinsurance rate for inpatient care from 20% to 5% for children under 16. We apply a difference‐in‐regression‐discontinuities design using administrative claims data. We find that the reform increased adolescents' inpatient care utilization. It also reduced out‐of‐pocket healthcare expenditures. This effect was larger among low‐income households, facilitating income redistribution. However, the lack of evidence on health improvements and household consumption spending responses suggests that generous patient cost‐sharing for adolescent healthcare may cause efficiency losses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Taxes today are regarded as instruments for social policy and policy of redistribution of income and wealth. Tax equality and equity represent essential components of a welfare state. Theoretical debates around the role of social and political principles in taxation in modern conditions obtain even greater significance. Today, almost all modern countries, aiming towards improved equity in taxation and achieving social equality, have incorporated the principles of equality and equity within the framework of constitutional norms. The principle of equality of citizens in front of the law, including the Tax law is in direct correlation with the principle of economic and social solidarity. The paper focuses on the principles of tax law which are in direct correlation with social equity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A rich literature examines the determinants of income inequality. Less is known about the distribution of income composition, or the extent to which different socio-economic groups hold different sources of income. This article explores the drivers of income composition inequality (ICI). Contrary to recent studies, which show that the composition of government has ceased to shape redistribution and income inequality dynamics, this article posits that left-wing parties are associated with lower income composition inequality. We test this expectation with data from thirty European countries between 2003 and 2017. Our results suggest that the polarization between capital and labor income holders declines under left-wing governments. We establish that this is mainly because left-wing parties seek to broaden access to capital income. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the late 2000s, China has accelerated reconstruction of the welfare state against the backdrop of the second transition. Following a typological approach, this study proposes an analytical framework for assessing varieties of social reproduction before delving into a comparative look at China's national institutional framework, in which China is regarded as a transitional economy and a late bloomer. As represented in three dimensions, countries have production regimes that diverge in the degree of coordination, welfare regimes that differ in the degree of decommodification, and labor reproduction regimes that vary in the degree of depatriarchalization. We investigate the convergence and divergence of advanced economies, transitional economies, and the emerging economies of East Asian countries. Hierarchical cluster analysis and a three-dimensional map illustrate the varieties of regimes at the intersections of production, welfare, and reproduction. With the help of institutional complementarities, five worlds of social reproduction are distinguished: the late blooming, the liberal, the catch-up/transitional, the conservative, and the social democratic. China's production regime converges with that of continental Europe and Post-Socialist societies based on institutional arrangements of nonmarket coordination; however, limited income maintenance and redistribution policies, the absence of family-friendly policies, and the regendering of the division of labor make China's institutional mix appear more compatible with East Asian societies than Western ones. The institutional complementarities between the welfare and labor reproduction regimes reveal a social reproduction scenario that is less than purely late blooming. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study investigates conclusions from the scholarly literature that for low and middle-income countries, higher income inequality is linked with lower carbon dioxide (CO2) emissions. Using a sample of 39 sub-Saharan countries consisting of lower- and middle-income countries, this study investigates how increasing inequality affects renewable energy consumption. The empirical evidence is based on quadratic Tobit regressions. The investigated assumption is only partially valid because a net positive impact is apparent only in one of the three income inequality variables used in the study. It is difficult to establish whether the inequality or equality hypothesis underpinning the nexus between income inequality and renewable energy consumption hold for Sub-Saharan Africa. However, based on the significant results in terms of the threshold, the equality hypothesis is valid when the Atkinson index is below a threshold of 0.6180 while the inequality hypothesis becomes valid when the Atkinson index exceeds the threshold of 0.6180. Hence, as the main policy implication, for the equitable redistribution of income to be promoted and, therefore, for policies that favor income inequality for renewable energy consumption not to be encouraged, policy makers should keep the Atkinson index below a threshold of 0.6180. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Does the Quebec model of social policy reflect a public opinion more favorable to public services and to income redistribution? To answer this question, the authors use three series of surveys on two core issues of the comparative study of citizens' preferences for the welfare state: support for income redistribution (1986 to 2021) and preferences for the size of public services (2019 to 2023). In all survey series, they observe significantly higher support for redistribution and public services among Quebec respondents than among respondents in other provinces, although respondents in the Atlantic provinces also maintain strong support. Conservative voters and richer citizens are significantly less supportive of public services and redistribution outside Quebec. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mass immigration is transforming the politics of income redistribution in European welfare states. Some scholars argue that immigration erodes public support for redistribution, while others argue it could have the opposite effect. Until now, the literature has attempted to isolate a generic role of immigration without distinguishing between different immigration categories. This article analyzes the relationship between internal European migration and public support for income redistribution in 17 Western European countries using the European Social Survey's seven rounds (2002–2014). It finds that some forms of internal migration, namely, migration from new Central and Eastern European countries, are positively related to Western European support for income redistribution. The study also sheds light on the crucial role of the welfare state, finding that the compensation effect is stronger in countries with higher social protection. The results support group-specific understandings of the relationship between immigration and income redistribution. In sum, the relationship varies by immigrant group and depends on the generosity of social protection. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the extent of public income redistribution in a Scandinavian welfare state. We confirm previous findings where the redistributive effect of cash transfers is larger than that of in‐kind transfers, indirect taxes, and collective consumption, but their difference depends substantially on common methodological choices. First, we apply administrative data to identify actual use of in‐kind transfers and compare their redistributive effects to those from simpler allocation rules advocated in the distributional national account literature when actual transfers are not observed. Second, we show that the use of the insurance value (age and gender specific mean use) as an alternative allocation brings the redistributive effect of in‐kind transfers far closer to that of cash transfers. Third, we adjust for life cycle differences and show that while in‐kind transfers mainly redistribute income across age groups, redistribution from cash transfers takes place both within and across age groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We compare two welfare programs: the universal basic income (UBI) and negative income tax (NIT). Under a linear income tax system, we show that (i) the NIT can replicate the allocation of the UBI exactly by providing an identical marginal effective tax schedule, and (ii) the budget of the NIT is always smaller than that of the UBI. According to our quantitative model, which is calibrated to approximate the income and wealth distributions in the United States, the optimal UBI is to pay everyone 7.2% of the average income. We also show that the NIT can achieve a similar average welfare with a much smaller budget (2.3% of the GDP) by providing a subsidy that is generous to the very poor and quickly phases out as income increases. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article proposes to defend the basic income as a pillar of a socio-cultural revolution. This is done exclusively from a literature review and articulation of different works. The introduction section presents the characteristics of a basic income. Section 2 brings how it would mitigate current capitalism problems, which are: increasing inequality, lack of equality of opportunity, means tested social security and its bureaucracy, narrow definition of paid work and future of labor. On Section 3, the author does a literature review to address two common objections against basic income: the cost, and potential labor decrease. Section 4 presents the author argument on three pillars of the socio-cultural revolution: austerity, active citizenship, and solidarity. The article ends with a general conclusion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Do beliefs about fairness interact with past experiences of labor market shocks to condition redistributive preferences? In a large-scale survey experiment, we investigate the effect of informing individuals that growth in automation could disrupt labor markets in ways that are (possibly) viewed as unfair. We then exploit the COVID-19-induced labor market shock to test for an interaction between treatments and shock exposure. We find that beliefs interact with shock exposure to increase redistributive preferences and commitments to donate potential prize winnings. Our findings suggest this may be motivated by respondents' concerns about their vulnerability to future labor market shocks. • Fairness and inequality concerns increase demand for redistribution. • Lived experience of job loss amplifies informational treatment effects. • Information about luck resonates with experiences of labor shocks. • Personal shock history informs future economic anxiety. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Financial transfer has the functions of allocating financial resources and income redistribution, which is of great significance to reduce the income gap. From the perspective of financial transfer, based on the panel data of 31 provinces in China from 1998 to 2019, this manuscript introduces the bilateral stochastic frontier method, constructs a measurement model of farmers' income distribution including the influence channels of financial transfer, and tests the effect of different financial transfer channels on Farmers' income distribution. The empirical results show that the financial transfer within the sample interval increases the income distribution of farmers, which shows the distribution characteristics of "differentiation at both ends and convergence in the middle" in general. There are obvious differences in the impact of different financial transfer paths on Farmers' income distribution. Farmers' income distribution is directly proportional to inflation, and inversely proportional to financial and educational expenditure and rural economic growth. Under the two characteristic factors of regional factors and rural financial development level, the impact of financial transfer on Chinese farmers' income distribution shows heterogeneity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines how different forms of digitalization affect inequality in Europe. Using a cross-national dataset of economic development and digitalization across a range of regression specifications including country and time fixed effects, this article explores the heterogeneous relationships of disparate forms of digitalization -- human capital, broadband connectivity, integration of digital technology into small and medium enterprises, and digital public services -- with income inequality. Fixed country and time effects models show that only the digitalization of human capital and integration of digital technology by SMEs are associated with decreases in income inequality. Causal mediation analysis reveals that tertiary education, despite its oft-cited connection to digital technology uptake, has no causal effect on the pathways through which digitalization of labour and SME operations lower inequality, which are direct. The findings tentatively suggest that there exist informal sources of digital skills training apart from formal tertiary education and point to SMEs as a potentially impactful area for investing in digitalization as pathways for income redistribution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Redistribution for income equality is a contentious issue, with advocates citing increased economic stability and skeptics fearing potential negative impacts on economic growth. The United States (U.S.) faces notably high income inequality compared to the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) average, with wealth concentrated in the top brackets. This paper critically examines the existing U.S. redistribution methods, including the taxation system and welfare programs, highlighting challenges such as the lack of tax progressiveness in top brackets and limited redistribution compared to European counterparts. Based on this overview, the study evaluates alternative redistribution strategies, including wealth and business taxes. The paper compares theory with insights from pilot programs in other countries. Finally, the paper argues for a universal basic income (UBI) set at per-capita welfare spending, positing that this approach can empower individuals to escape poverty traps, enhance productivity, and introduce a choice mechanism for welfare consumption. Ultimately, this research seeks to propose the most effective and feasible income redistribution policies for the U.S. to bridge the income inequality gap. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract Background Preterm births increase mortality and morbidity during childhood and later life, which is closely associated with poverty and the quality of prenatal care. Therefore, income redistribution and poverty reduction initiatives may be valuable in preventing this outcome. We assessed whether receipt of the Brazilian conditional cash transfer programme - Bolsa Familia Programme, the largest in the world - reduces the occurrence of preterm births, including their severity categories, and explored how this association differs according to prenatal care and the quality of Bolsa Familia Programme management. Methods A retrospective cohort study was performed involving the first live singleton births to mothersenrolled in the 100 Million Brazilian Cohort from 2004 to 2015, who had at least one child before cohort enrollment. Only the first birth during the cohort period was included, but born from 2012 onward. A deterministic linkage with the Bolsa Familia Programme payroll dataset and a similarity linkage with the Brazilian Live Birth Information System were performed. The exposed group consisted of newborns to mothers who received Bolsa Familia from conception to delivery. Our outcomes were infants born with a gestational age

In this study, we elucidate the income redistribution effects of the proposal to incorporate the Bend Points mechanism of the U.S. OASDI into the Korean National Pension Scheme (BP-KNPS Proposal) through a micro-simulation analysis using individual data from the Korean Labor and Income Panel Study (KLIPS). In addition to examining the effects of introducing the BP-KNPS Proposal into the current National Pension Scheme (NPS), we also consider the impact of this scheme being combined with the 5th National Pension Comprehensive Plan (Draft), announced by Korea’s Ministry of Health and Welfare on 30 October 2023. When the BP-KNPS Proposal is introduced into the current NPS, the Mean Log Deviation (MLD) of the net transfer amount (lifetime pension benefits minus lifetime pension contributions) for regular employees decreases from 0.2022863 to 0.1929960. Similarly, the MLD for self-employed and irregular workers decreases from 0.2046127 to 0.1721433, indicating a reduction in income inequality. Furthermore, when the BP-KNPS Proposal is combined with the 5th National Pension Comprehensive Plan (Draft), the effects are mixed. The proposals to increase the pension contribution rate and adjust the rate increase speed via generation lead to a reduction in income inequality compared to the current NPS when combined with the BP-KNPS Proposal. However, the proposals to raise the pensionable age result in increased income inequality, similar to the outcomes under the current system. This finding suggests that the triple burden identified by literature review—the reduction in benefits due to disparities in contribution periods and life expectancy, and the raised pensionable age—has a greater impact on low-income participants than the inequality-reducing effects of the BP-KNPS Proposal.

We document four secular trends about U.S. mortgage origination by traditional and FinTech lenders after the 2008-2009 financial crisis. First, since 2011, the overall number, size, and approval rate of small and medium-sized loans have been decreasing over time, relative to large loans. Second, the largest lenders redistribute their lending the most. Third, this loan-size redistribution of credit increases in the size of the lender. Fourth, the effects are stronger for mortgages further away from the conforming loan limit(s) in both directions. We argue that the supply of credit drives these secular trends, and we assess several potential economic mechanisms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• Examine the effect of corruption, income inequality and redistribution on energy mix. • Income inequality reduces renewable energy demand and increases nonrenewable demand. • Income redistribution increases renewable energy demand and decreases nonrenewable demand. • Control of corruption increases renewable and nonrenewable energy consumption. • Reducing income inequality and corruption is key for hastening renewable energy transition. This study examines the impact of corruption, income inequality, and redistribution on energy consumption (renewable, nonrenewable, and total) in 166 countries. Panel data and the two-step dynamic system-generalized method of moments techniques are utilised. Our findings show that net (post-tax/transfer Gini index) and market (pre-tax/transfer Gini index) income inequality reduce total energy and renewable energy consumption while increasing nonrenewable energy consumption. The results indicate that income redistribution drives total energy and renewable energy consumption while decreasing nonrenewable energy use. The study highlights that control of corruption increases total energy, renewable, and nonrenewable energy consumption. Moderation and marginal effect analysis suggest that when control of corruption increases, income inequality increases total energy, nonrenewable, and renewable energy consumption. Again, when corruption is effectively controlled, income redistribution increases renewable energy consumption while reducing nonrenewable energy consumption. These findings differ amongst regions. Following these findings, we recommend that policymakers should focus on reducing corruption and addressing income inequality through redistribution policies to accelerate the transition towards a renewable energy economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The tax system serves as a crucial tool for achieving fiscal policy objectives efficiently, with minimal impact on the economy's functioning. Its primary role extends beyond merely funding government expenditures to include income redistribution and economic stabilization, fostering an environment conducive to sustained economic growth. The progress of nations on economic, social, political, and cultural fronts hinges significantly on governments' adeptness in revenue collection and maintaining fiscal system stability. This research delves into the intricate interplay between fiscal and social policies and their influence on the economies of emerging and developed nations within the Central and Eastern European Union member states during the period 2005-2020. Employing the autoregressive regression model (VAR), the study aims to unearth the impulse-response functions triggered by fiscal variables on the gross domestic product (GDP). By scrutinizing historical data, the research endeavors to offer forecasts concerning the economy's responses to shocks induced by both direct and indirect taxes, as well as social security contributions. The findings reveal nuanced insights. Indirect taxes exhibit minimal and statistically insignificant impact on the GDP. Conversely, direct taxes and mandatory social contributions demonstrate a substantial and adverse effect on the gross domestic product, signaling a noteworthy impact on the overall economy. This research contributes valuable perspectives on the intricate dynamics between fiscal policies and economic outcomes, shedding light on the need for strategic and calibrated approaches to taxation for sustained economic development and social welfare in the Central and Eastern European Union member states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study explores the association between income inequality and trade openness in the former centrally planned middle-income economies over the period 1994-2019. Apart from the full sample, the European Union member or candidate middle-income Balkan economies, and the middle-income Commonwealth of Independent States subsamples were used in estimations as benchmark. Foreign direct investment, inflation, government expenditures and gross fixed capital formation control variables are incorporated into the PMG-ARDL model used in the study. The results for the sample including the middle-income Balkan economies reveal that within 1% increase of trade openness, income inequality worsens by 0.27. We suggest these countries strengthen their income redistribution strategies while pursuing policies that promote integration into the global market. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses how the characteristics of recipient countries shape individual support for international redistribution in Europe. Whilst a growing body of research has looked into the determinants of support for international redistribution, we argue that individuals may not be willing to redistribute in equal measure to any foreign country. We use data from a survey asking respondents in 14 European countries whether they think their governments should provide financial help to 35 [European Union (EU) and non‐EU] foreign countries in the event of a major crisis. We show that individuals are more likely to support helping foreign countries that speak the same language, are geographically close, have deeper trade links, are poorer than their own and are also EU members. Individuals who are more sceptical towards international redistribution are more likely to discriminate amongst foreign countries in their support for redistribution across borders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

CO2 emissions are disproportionately caused by more affluent consumers. In the political debate, this fact has triggered the demand for income redistribution and wealth taxes not only to reduce inequality but also to reduce CO2 emissions. This paper calculates the possible size of a green dividend, i.e., a reduction in total national CO2 emissions, of redistribution in 26 countries and concludes that, for most EU countries, it is negative if the redistribution is efficient, in the sense that it keeps average incomes constant. If the redistribution introduces inefficiencies that lead to total income losses, the negative green dividend, otherwise associated with additional redistribution, may be avoided. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We estimate the effect of vertical fiscal flows in China using Bayoumi and Masson method. The results show that vertical fiscal flows have a redistribution effect on regional economy and reduce regional differences for about 30.8%. But there is no evidence shows that fiscal flows automatically stabilize the inter-regional economy. Both effects increase in recent years. Compared with other fiscal-federal countries, China has a stronger redistribution effect and weaker stability effect. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Previous studies have investigated to what extent voters can achieve proximity between their preferences and the positions of the party they vote for. Combining data from the European Social Survey and the Chapel Hill Expert Survey, we investigate whether trust in political parties increases ideological proximity voting. We argue that voters use their level of trust in parties as a heuristic mechanism. First, trust can increase proximity voting because citizens need to trust that political parties will take voters' policy preferences into account when in government. Second, we examine whether low-trusting voters tend to cast a protest vote, and do not engage in ideological proximity voting. We test this assumption regarding three determinants of the vote choice: general left-right ideology views, preferences for income redistribution, and anti-immigrant sentiments. We find that ideological proximity voting is indeed moderated by trust: those who trust political parties are more likely to cast a vote based on their policy preferences, while those who distrust tend to vote for protest parties. Nevertheless, also among protest voters, trust is conducive for higher levels of proximity voting. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This work analyzes the performance of the current export pattern of productive specialization in Latin America after the global economic crisis of 2008. It maintains that in the 2010 decade and the beginning of the following decade, the region suffered the exhaustion of said pattern as a product of the measures and responses by global capital to confront the fall in profit rates caused by the Great Recession and stimulate the share of surplus value within the fra-mework of the current international division of labor. Thus, Latin America suffered from the slowdown in its external trade; low economic dynamism; production stagnation; reduction of public resources and expenses; decline in income redistribution; growth of labor informality; increased unemployment and high levels of poverty and inequality, which resulted in a further deterioration in living conditions and the exacerbation of the super-exploitation of work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: The purpose of this paper is to investigate the adjustment of government redistributive policies in Scandinavian and Mediterranean countries following changes in income inequality over the period 1980–2021. Design/methodology/approach: The authors first modelled the time-varying dynamics between income inequality and redistribution and then used a non-linear framework to test for the existence of asymmetries and cointegration in their long-run relationship. The authors used two complementary measures of inequality – the share of total income accruing to top percentile income holders and the ratio of the share of total income accruing to top decile income holders divided by that accumulated by the bottom 50% – and computed redistribution as the difference between the two inequality indicators before and after taxes and transfers. Findings: The authors found that the sign of the relationship between income inequality and redistribution is mostly positive and time-varying. Overall, the authors also found evidence that the impact of increases in inequality on redistributive measures is higher than that of decreases. Finally, the authors obtained a significant long-run relationship between both variables in all countries except Denmark and Spain. These results hold for both Scandinavian and Mediterranean countries. Originality/value: To the best of the authors' knowledge, this is the first paper to account for the potential existence of non-linearities and to examine the asymmetries in the adjustment of redistributive policies to increases in income inequality using alternative income inequality metrics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In China, between 1995 and 2018, the proportion of workers employed in unskilled job categories grew, while the share holding middle‐skilled jobs declined. The resulting income polarization magnified a major redistribution of wages within job categories, which is not only the main component of total income inequality but is also the driving factor contributing to changes in total income inequality over the 1995–2018 period. Our counterfactual simulation results support our conjecture that the large employment shift from middle‐skilled to unskilled jobs reflects the adoption of labor‐saving technologies and the response to increased demand for services. We believe that our study sheds light on similar transformations in other developing economies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper conceptualises digital technology as a source of innovation in value co-creation (VCC) at the bottom of pyramid (BOP) markets through fieldwork focused on vegetable supply chains in Indonesia. An inductive analysis based uponin-depth, semi-structured interviews with multiple business actors identified VCC in an emerging e-commerce channel where digital technologies enabled engagement and interaction amongst channel members. The results suggest that market scripting based upon an inclusive, collaborative and empowerment ideology, which can lead to sustainable development and income redistribution from consumers to producers, was explicitly embedded in their VCC agenda. Fair-trade practices supported customer-driven innovations. For consumers, digital technologies created online 'consumption communities' where information and educational interactions supported online food purchases and innovation in the supply chain 'pull' strategies. The paper concludes that the logic underpinning this new transformative business approach of digitally enabled VCC in local BOP markets is akin to a 'social justice logic'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present work has a twofold objective: firstly, to underline the importance of George Bernard Shaw's political thought within the history of political doctrines and, secondly, to go beyond the study of Shawianism. Starting from these assumptions, this research, still in progress, intends to highlight a new aspect of the political thought of the Irish playwright through the critical study of one of his most famous works The Intelligent Woman's Guide to Socialism and Capitalism, published in 1928. In this work, long interpreted exclusively as a suffragist work – as we will see in the essay – Shaw's support for an "elitist socialism" of meritocratic type is clear. The author theorizes and explains in detail the socialist program that he relies on to solve the problems of the period thanks to the theory of redistribution of income, the only way, in his opinion, to bring out the "innate talents". Shaw defines these men as gentlemen with superior innate cognitive abilities not transmissible by heredity, who, driven by a vital energy, can contribute to raising society from mediocrity. Shaw also recalls Nietzsche's Superman, but with improved elements, hence the link with Fabian eugenics that theorizes the creation of a more efficient “human race”.

It is still debated whether people are driven by self-interest or ideological motives when judging redistributive policies of the welfare state. Drawing on personality research, we suggest that both material and ideational factors matter but not for the same kinds of individuals. Specifically, we theorize that the Big Five personality trait openness to experience increases the weight put on general ideological principles and reduces the importance of private economic concerns, as this trait is related to creative and philosophical thinking and uncertainty tolerance. To test this proposition, we use Danish survey panel data linked to registry data on income. Consistent with the argument, we find that higher openness promotes an ideological evaluation of income redistribution and depresses the influence of material self-interest as measured by income. Among open individuals, attitudes toward redistribution reflect left–right positions but are unrelated to personal income fluctuations. People who are close-minded, on the other hand, are less likely to be ideological and do base their support for redistribution on whether their income is rising or falling. Similar, although not identical, results are obtained using U.S. data. The findings have implications for our understanding of citizens' motivations to support welfare policies and political opinion formation more broadly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cross-country income inequality has declined in the last decades, but this trend has been paralleled by an increase in within-countries inequality. At the same time, many governments have implemented fiscal decentralization policies, devolving increasing decision-making powers on fiscal matters to sub-national levels of government. In this paper, we provide empirical evidence on the relationship between fiscal decentralization and intra-regional income redistribution, based on regional level data on inequality and local government revenues for 183 regions of 14 OECD countries. Our results show that within region income redistribution is negatively associated with fiscal decentralization, especially when it takes the form of revenue decentralization. • We analyze the nexus between fiscal decentralization and intra-regional income redistribution. • We use data for 183 regions of 14 OECD countries. • Within region income redistribution is negatively associated with fiscal decentralization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Iversen and Soskice's notion that electoral rules affect democracies' propensity for income redistribution is one of the political economy's most discussed concepts. Yet, it comes with a number of caveats. Most importantly, it is not clear whether electoral rules indeed affect states' propensity for redistribution or vice versa and thus whether or not Iversen and Soskice's findings are spurious. In this article, we focus on the critical case of New Zealand's electoral reform of the 1990s and offer a comprehensive test of Iversen and Soskice's concept. We employ the recently developed Bayesian alternative to the synthetic control method and compare the relevant dynamics for New Zealand to those of six majoritarian democracies. Our results largely support Iversen and Soskice's claims; due to the lower prevalence of right (center-right) governments, proportional representation democracies tend to redistribute more than majoritarian ones. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]