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Copyright of Dados - Revista de Ciências Sociais is the property of DADOS and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The guaranteed minimum income is an idea that is consonant with a social-theoretical tradition which can be traced from G. W. F. Hegel via Eduard Heimann to contemporary social thinkers like Jürgen Habermas and beyond. It is the cornerstone of an expansive theory of social policy expressive of the changes in the relationship between economy and society over the long-term, which I am referring to here as the societal rationalization of the economy. By starting with Hegel's remarks on poverty in The Philosophy of Right (1821/1958), the stage is set to examine the guaranteed minimum income as a policy project with strong constitutional implications. Like Hegel, Eduard Heimann did not address the idea of the guaranteed minimum income directly; yet, his arguably most important work, Social Theory of Capitalism: Theory of Social Policy (1929/1980), provides an excellent frame of reference for appreciating how the guaranteed minimum income exemplifies a radically reformist project of social policy that is pointing beyond inherently regressive social structures. In the writings of Ralf Dahrendorf and Claus Offe, a theory of social policy that treats the guaranteed minimum income as a constitutional right takes shape. This chapter concludes with an attempt at delineating how a guaranteed minimum income should aspire to be one important step toward the societal rationalization of the economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This short essay situates The Societal Rationalization of the Economy: Guaranteed Minimum Income as a Constitutional Right by Harry F. Dahms, published in 1992 (and included in this volume), in its historical context in Germany shortly after the unification of the Federal Republic of Germany (West Germany) and the German Democratic Republic (East Germany). The challenge of implementing a guaranteed minimum income served as an anchor for discussing a unique opportunity to create greater consonance between the quality and effectiveness of social policies and claims about how the latter were supposed to support democratic citizenship and equality. The essay provides a brief summary of Dahms' chapter, his take on the idea of a guaranteed minimum income, and the concept of the societal rationalization of the economy between socialism and neoliberalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes the practice of considering cases under Art. 161 of the Criminal Code of Ukraine, which provides for liability for violations of the equality of citizens depending on their racial, national, regional affiliation, religious beliefs, disability and other characteristics. According to the results of the monitoring of court decisions, placed in the State Register of Court Decisions for the period from January 1, 2019 to August 2024, 45 convictions were found. It was established, that the majority of persons were convicted under Part 1 of Art. 161 of the Criminal Code of Ukraine. The most typical forms of actions were identified as signs of the objective side of this crime, the most ways of committing them and a number of «traditional» criminal offenses, that are committed together with this crime. In particular, it was established, that the most common forms of socially dangerous actions, which were directed at inciting national, religious enmity and hatred, on humiliating the national honor and dignity of Ukrainians and Jews. The addressees of the actions, which consisted in offending the feelings of citizens in connection with their religious beliefs, were parishioners of the Orthodox Church of Ukraine. Based on the analysis of the sentences, certain trends regarding the punishment of guilty persons were revealed. In particular, it was noted that in most cases a fine was imposed, mostly from 200 to 600 non-taxable minimum income of citizens, as well as the fact that when imposing imprisonment, the courts actively applied the institution of exemption from serving a sentence with probation. For the purpose of ascertainment of the features of the portrait of the criminal, the data analysis of the report «On persons, who have committed criminal offenses» for 2017-2023 was carried out. As a result, socio-demographic and criminal-legal characteristics of the perpetrator were summarized. In particular, the number of detected under Art. 161 of the Criminal Code of Ukraine of persons, their structure by gender, age, citizenship, education, employment, presence/absence of a criminal record, features of the commission of the crime (perpetration with complicity, in a state of intoxication). Individual characteristics, such as a person's place of birth, marital status, were established on the basis of the monitoring of sentences. As a result of the generalization of these data, a portrait of the criminal was outlined. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is ample literature to suggest that labour's interests are at odds with the extension of income protection to 'outsiders'. Until recently, Italian unions were reluctant, if not outright obstructive, towards the introduction of a minimum income scheme (MIS). After the 2008 financial crisis and its dramatic social and economic consequences, however, the three major labour confederations supported the introduction of a national MIS, openly embracing the fight against income insecurity. Why did trade unions overturn their conservative approach and eventually support social assistance safety nets? Drawing upon textual evidence and semi‐structured interviews, the paper suggests that the Italian labour movement, albeit with differences among the confederations, has radically changed its preferences towards social assistance. Unions gradually shifted from a 'deservingness' logic (championing 'hard work') to one of reservation wage (the 'we are all in the same boat' narrative). Weaknesses in labour market peripheries have encouraged the labour movement to defend those at risk of poverty. The Italian case has wider implications for actors' preferences and roles in welfare reform, showing that structural and strategic factors may encourage labour to join coalitions that support welfare 'de‐dualisation' pathways. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Today's youth find it extremely difficult to look beyond the present, in large part due to the precariousness of the labour market. Unconditional basic income, meanwhile, is emerging as the economic and social policy that is attracting most interest as an alternative not only to the conditional minimum income programmes, but also to the increasing unemployment and precarious conditions of employment. This survey study, conducted among students at the University of the Basque Country (UPV/EHU) in 2021 (n = 709), explores the attitudes of young people towards basic income. Findings reveal strong support among Basque youth for basic income, citing its potential to enhance personal freedom and improve living conditions. While previous studies have already found that young people tend to be more supportive of basic income, this research fills a gap in the literature by analysing in depth young people's attitudes and beliefs about this policy proposal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article shows how Kant’s framework of domestic right can be understood as a model for modern employment law, a suggestion made by Garrath Williams in a commentary on Kant’s Theory of Labour. I begin by exploring how Kant’s historical context informed his account of labor relations and argue that he made three key innovations: the theorization of domestic right, the linkage of work and political standing, and the development of contract right to make sense of the material dependency and formal equality of “free” contract workers. This account of contract-based work, however, sketches a dangerous “fantasy” of free contract that we see echoed in contemporary defenses of the gig economy. I show that this argument is central to understanding Kant’s evolving conception of the relationship between labor and citizenship, but I defend the claim that modern employment resembles domestic right more closely than contract right, by attending to both the formal structures of modern employment law and the lived experiences of professional employment in the digital age. Finally, I explore how drawing on the domestic model for understanding modern employment can help us to see the limits of both Kantian and contemporary accounts of the public good. I highlight the ways that public law is deployed to formalize asymmetrical relations of dependence, to check their capacity for exploitation and domination. In so doing, public law acts to limit the scope of the state’s responsibility for both the formal and material conditions of equality, freedom, and flourishing, enforcing conditions in which citizens must rely on private employers for goods like health insurance, sick leave, and a minimum income. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper offers a comparative perspective on the wage and working conditions of marginal part-time workers (less than 15 hours per week) in the Danish, Irish and Norwegian hotel and restaurant sector. Each of the three countries belongs to distinct industrial relations models with different sectoral traditions of multi-employer bargaining, political intervention and union strength. We focus on social partner initiatives, over time, covering trade unions, employers and national governments' unilateral, bipartite or tripartite measures to secure 'living hours' for workers with contracts of few hours. Analytically, we seek inspiration from the work on industrial relations regimes by Visser (2009) and combine it with the concept of living hours. We find that social partners have introduced a series of initiatives to secure living hours, notably to protect and increase hourly wages and secure guaranteed weekly working hours. However, while securing minimum wages and income through either bipartite, tripartite or unilateral measures seem relatively successful in all three countries, the attempts to guarantee minimum weekly working hours and thus secure living hours prove more difficult and mainly has had an impact in Denmark. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Derecho de la Seguridad Social, Laborum is the property of Ediciones Laborum S.L. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Purpose: This article challenges the prevailing view that a minimum income for the poor is only relevant to basic needs. It contributes to the discussion on the meanings of money by specifically focusing on the Italian Citizenship Income scheme as a case study. Design/methodology/approach: A qualitative research design was developed and implemented in four regions of northern Italy. The analysis is based on 131 in-depth interviews with minimum income recipients. Findings: The empirical analysis shows that money transfer has various meanings. Four dimensions are identified: functional, relational, protective, and emancipatory. The first two are connected to spending, while the latter two are related to self-identity. Although the four dimensions may overlap and coexist in the daily lives of minimum income beneficiaries, they are distinguished for analytical purposes. Originality/value: The article presents a comprehensive analysis of the multiple meanings that minimum income can have for beneficiaries; meanings which are often not explicitly addressed in social policy studies. It goes beyond the equally important consideration of material needs by adding other meaningful aspects. This approach makes a different way of looking at cash transfers possible, and it provides elements useful for the design and analysis of minimum income policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Non-take-up of welfare schemes is a key concern of policy effectiveness. Building on studies that have shown the low take-up of minimum income schemes, our case study of Ireland's Working Family Payment is the first to analyse non-take-up of an in-work benefit and its determinants with a special focus on labour market factors. Based on EU-SILC (2014–2019) we estimate a non-take-up rate between 63 and 76%, which poses a major obstacle for effective poverty prevention. Moreover, we stress that non-take-up of in-work benefits differs to minimum income schemes. We provide new evidence on how labour market characteristics play an important role in explaining non-take-up, especially self-employment and the interaction with unemployment benefits. Benefit erosion is a key factor in declining eligibility, which should be addressed by indexing wages and prices. Furthermore, we propose policy reforms around automatic enrolment or tax credits to mitigate non-take-up and alleviate in-work poverty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Diversification of income sources is one of the most common strategies households employ to minimize household income variability and to ensure a minimum level of income that guarantee their food security. This study examines the impact of livelihood diversification on farm profits among smallholder rice farmers in the Central Luzon Region (CLR) of the Philippines using long‐term farm‐level panel data spanning from 1966 to 2016. We employed a random‐effects ordered probit model to investigate the drivers of livelihood diversification and then used the mixed Markov chain model to analyze the transition of households from less to more diversified livelihoods and its impact on farm profits over time. Our findings reveal substantial diversification among households over time. In particular, the elevation of the farm location is a key driver of rice farm households' probability to diversify. The estimates show that an increase in the latitude of the farm location increases the probability of rice farmers in the CLR to diversify. We find that 64% of the rice farm households constitute farmers for whom diversification can be a strategy for survival. For medium‐ to high‐profit farm categories, diversification tends to protect farmers against farm profit losses arising from adverse climatic and weather variability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Polityka Spoleczna is the property of Institute of Labour & Social / Instytut Pracy i Spraw Socjalnych and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The main factors related to the lack of coverage in Health Information Systems are concentrated in the scarce and incipient training of health professionals regarding the collection and typing of data, as well as the importance of using information. The aim of this study was to analyze the perceptions of primary health care professionals from Brazil about the functioning of the Food and Nutritional Monitoring System (SISVAN). Multicentric qualitative study, carried out with 38 health professionals in Basic Health Units (BHU) in five regions around the country. Data collection took place through interviews, which were submitted to content analysis, using the thematic modality. The treatment of the results and interpretation of the themes were carried out using the theoretical framework of the philosopher Michel Foucault. Four themes emerged: (Lack of) knowledge of SISVAN; SISVAN and the conditional income transfer program; Difficulties in the execution and use of SISVAN information; and Strengths. Some of the interviewees recognized the purpose of SISVAN's functioning. The collection of anthropometric data was related to the conditions of the Bolsa Família Program. Ignorance of the system and/or limited perception emerged as obstacles in the operability, use and quality of the data. The participants recognize that professional training is necessary to optimize the strengths of the system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Financial & Economic Law Review is the property of Angle Publishing Co., Ltd and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Enhancing social participation among low‐income households has long been regarded as a component of building an inclusive and equitable society. This study examines the association between China's Dibao program and social participation among beneficiaries. Furthermore, it explores the heterogeneous effects between urban and rural groups as well as across age groups. We analyzed panel data from 2015 to 2017 and combined propensity score matching and differences‐in‐differences methods to examine the effects of Dibao on recipients' social participation in participatory governance (PG) service co‐production (SC), and relational participation. This study demonstrates that receiving Dibao greatly enhances beneficiaries' social participation, PG, and SC, but has minimal impact on relational involvement. According to heterogeneity analysis, urban and middle‐aged recipients are significantly affected by Dibao. Future reforms of Dibao and similar welfare programs need to tailor based on geographic differences and demographic diversity to enhance recipients' social participation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Documentos de Trabajo del CEDLAS is the property of Universidad Nacional de La Plata and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Government Decision no. 598/2024 for establishing the gross minimum basic salary per country guaranteed in payment increased, starting from July 1, 2024, the gross minimum basic salary per country guaranteed in payment. For the gross minimum wage per country guaranteed in payment of 3.700 lei, no additional act is concluded, the employer does not negotiate the minimum wage with the employee as long as it is regulated in a normative act. At the same time, the employer does not need the employee's consent, but only states by decision that the minimum wage has changed. However, the tax-free benefit increases by 50% - 300 non-taxable lei from the value of the minimum gross salary. In the construction sector, we are still talking about the highest gross minimum salary in Romania: 4.582 lei. The method of establishing the minimum gross salary per country will change in the next period, in the context of the appearance of European Directive no. 2.041/2022, which should be transposed into national legislation by November 15, 2024. Practically, the value of the minimum wage will no longer be established following negotiations between the Government and representatives of trade unions and employers, within the Tripartite National Council, as before, but in the basis of a clear calculation mechanism. The gross minimum wage per country guaranteed in payment will be updated annually depending on the purchasing power, the general level of wages and their distribution, the growth rate of wages and labor productivity at the national level. The adequacy of this minimum income requires that the salary is not less than 50% of the average gross salary earnings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The question of whether welfare benefits imprison recipients in unemployment traps has been at the centre of academic and political debates in recent decades. Empirical evidence at the micro level supports the existence of work disincentive effects of welfare benefits, although of a small magnitude. However, the question of whether this translates into lower aggregate employment remains unsettled. This study innovates the existing literature by providing an estimation of the impact of the monetary component of the Italian minimum income scheme (MIS) on the employment rate. Isolating this impact from the spurious pro‐work effects of the Active Labour Market Policies embedded in every contemporary MIS is possible because in the Italian case, in the first quarters of implementation of the policy, the activation side was not operating. We adopt a difference‐in‐differences method and find that the impact of the monetary component of the Italian MIS on the employment rate is not statistically significant. The finding is robust to different treatment definitions, different specification models and weighted and unweighted econometric analysis. We then carry out a heterogeneous analysis and find that the impact, despite being indistinguishable from zero on average, is significant and negative for provinces with weak labour demand. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Selcuk University Social Sciences Institute Journal is the property of Selcuk University Social Sciences Institute Journal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Shaping solidarity, guaranteeing basic subsistence, maintaining income and employment activation can be seen as basic values underlying social security law in many European welfare states. This article argues that the meaning of these values or concepts is determined by legitimating discourses within which they are interpreted. While so far Rawls's theory of justice and related egalitarian liberal philosophies have had a great impact on these discourses, the ecological crisis has given rise to new discourses which are inspired by neo-republican theory and green republicanism. Instead of legitimising a capitalist economy based on economic growth, these discourses promote a post-productive society that seeks to realise human flourishing and meaningful lives. The aim of this article is to contribute to the emerging debate on social security reform by explaining how neo-republican theory and green republicanism can fill social security law's basic values or concepts with meaning that is more in line with current ecological concerns. In contrast to previous contributions that have sought to rethink labour and social security law ('social law') in a way that is more compatible with our ecological and climate crisis, this article builds on Poststructuralist Discourse Theory to develop its argument. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The social policy literature indicates a notable shift towards activation in minimum income schemes (MIS) since the 1990s, which has led to the emergence of new policy varieties. However, previous research has failed to reveal institutional changes over time and across/within varieties. This article measures and interprets varieties of minimum income across six welfare states from 2008 to 2022. It examines the evolution of varieties of MIS over time, and the extent to which changes have been driven by path dependence dynamics or by convergence towards a workfare model. Theoretically, the article builds on the regulation approach in political economy. Methodologically, it applies a Principal Component Analysis to a new dataset that consists of three OECD‐standard indicators alongside two novel indicators formulated for this study. The findings illustrate that varieties of MIS have undergone both quantitative and qualitative changes, moving within and between typologies. These changes are attributed to a lack of investment in income protection, limited enabling opportunities, and the introduction of specific, incremental workfare reforms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Latinoamericana de Estudios sobre Cuerpos, Emociones y Sociedad is the property of Revista Latinoamericana de Estudios sobre Cuerpos, Emociones y Sociedad and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

While the poverty risks of non‐standard employment have been explored extensively, this study focuses on the role of activation‐oriented social policy in alleviating material deprivation for persons with non‐standard employment histories. Using EU‐SILC data, individuals over a four‐year period were analysed. I focused on substantial earners and distinguished between six non‐standard employment histories expected to benefit from activation measures. Multi‐level models revealed that compared to standard employment histories, all non‐standard employment histories had higher material deprivation risks but to substantially different extents. At the macro level, participation in activation measures, expenditures in formal childcare and minimum income protection reduced material deprivation. Participation in training can be interpreted as an equaliser, as the deprivation gap between standard and most non‐standard employment history types diminished. As expenditure‐ and participation‐based measures differed significantly, evaluating the success of activation strategies in reducing inequalities and alleviating poverty highly depends on the measurement of activation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explored the influence of unemployment perceptions on attitudes towards an EU‐wide social policy that guarantees a minimum standard of living for the poor across 18 European countries. The article relied on a theoretical framework that highlights the interaction among economic self‐interest, ideology, and perceptions. Using data from Eurostat and the European Social Survey, the results show that Europeans with more negative perceptions of national unemployment or the living conditions of the unemployed were more likely to support an EU minimum income scheme. This association was particularly strong among individuals with non‐egalitarian values or right‐leaning ideology and remained relatively consistent across different national contexts. Additionally, support was stronger in countries with poor economic and welfare conditions. Overall, the findings reveal a high perceived legitimacy among Europeans for implementing a policy measure that aims to tackle poverty in the EU. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Have frequently adjusted minimum wages slowed the widening of income inequality in China? To answer this question, this study examines the impact of minimum wages on income inequality among the migrant population using data from the China Migrants Dynamics Survey (CMDS) for 2011–2018 and data on city-level minimum wages over the same period. The research findings indicate that the minimum wage significantly reduces income inequality within China’s migrant population. Importantly, the conclusion remains robust after employing rigorous analytical methods, such as instrumental variable analysis, replacement of the explained variable, and provincial-level data regression analysis. Moreover, the mechanism analysis reveals that the minimum wage contributes to reducing income inequality within the migrant population by raising the income of low-income groups without causing unemployment. The extent of this impact is closely related to the implementation of regional minimum wage policies. Additionally, the heterogeneity results show that minimum wage has a more pronounced effect on reducing income inequality among formally employed individuals and those working in the state-owned sector than in the informal employment and non-state-owned sectors. Overall, these findings provide valuable insights for policymakers to further optimize the minimum wage system in China to promote common prosperity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Constitutionalisation of the decent standard of living in Greece – Euro-crisis and constitutional change – Financial assistance conditionality and minimum income policy – Decent standard of living in crisis jurisprudence [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Bankrecht und Bankwirtschaft is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de Derecho de la Seguridad Social, Laborum is the property of Ediciones Laborum S.L. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Global digital platforms have become important actors for economy and work with social policy consequences. This article analyses strategies and actions of global digital platforms from the perspective of how and what kind of global social policy these represent. It draws from analysis of how platform company strategic approaches relate to rights, regulation, and redistribution, and then using abductive reasoning and mixed methods empirical case study in Europe, articulate challenges to future global social policy. It examines what priorities of platform companies imply to global social policy and identifies five political and strategic elements of importance for global social policy: (1) denial or avoidance of employer status, (2) identifying as a "tech company providing services", (3) focus on private social insurance in contrast to statutory social security, (4) addressing social security as a market-based service through voluntary partnerships, and (5) investor driven business model and global engagement. Drawing from theoretical and empirical data, the article further examines potential countermeasures and solutions, which could be of relevance at different levels of governance. It concludes that social policy impacts of platform economy are more related to the business model than technology. Platform economy business models currently support upward redistribution and avoidance of regulatory measures to address minimum income, social protection, and workers' rights, yet platform economy is data rich and also could provide scope for government and regulatory action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: studies that seek to identify and outline the vulnerability profile contribute to directing necessary interventions to be carried out in people with tuberculosis (TB) and HIV (acronym in English for human immunodeficiency virus) co-infection, to achieve the end of TB. Objective: to describe the profile of people with tuberculosis and HIV co-infection, from 2016 to 2018, in Espírito Santo, Brazil. Methods: this is a cross-sectional descriptive study, using secondary data from the Notifiable Diseases Information System (SINAN) for TB and HIV, through a methodological process of database preparation and descriptive data analysis, the information was encoded and stored anonymously in a database in Excel for Windows®; Afterwards, the STATA statistical package, version 16 (Stata Corp LP, College Station, TX, USA) was used to carry out descriptive analyses with identification of relative and absolute values, and tables were generated for data analysis. The study was approved by the Research Ethics Committee of the Health Sciences Center of the Federal University of Espírito Santo (CEP/CCS/UFES) under opinion number 4022892 on 05/12/2020. Results: of a total of 4,428 cases, 325 cases were TB-HIV coinfection, 322 cases were located in the SINAN-TB database and three cases were located after linking with the SINAN-HIV database that presented a record of negative results for the diagnostic test of HIV in the SINAN-TB database. There was a profile with a predominance of men (71%), young people (20 to 39 years old) (52%), mixed race (59%), up to 8 years of schooling (25%), of which 29% reported alcohol consumption, 26% used illicit drugs, and 37% were smokers, who had the pulmonary form of the disease (66%), they reported adherence to antiretroviral therapy (65%) and only 44% had a cure outcome at closure and 20% stopped treatment; the majority of cases (61%) did not undergo directly observed treatment and only 6.9% of cases reported receiving assistance from the government’s income transfer program. Conclusion: in order to ensure greater coverage of tuberculosis control in PLHIV patients, it is necessary to expand the dialogue between health and social support policies; enable access to health services such as antiretroviral treatment for all people diagnosed with HIV, and timely directly observed treatment (DOT) for people who present this vulnerability profile. Carrying out new studies is essential to contribute to technological advancement and planning in health service actions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Established by Government Decision on January 2, 1990, the Quality of Life Research Institute (ICCV) is the most important scientific research institution dedicated to quality of life and social policies in Romania and one of the most significant in this field in the world. The Institute is part of the research network of the Romanian Academy and is a member of the "Costin C. Kirițescu" National Institute of Economic Research. The institute carries out prodigious scientific activity in the major research areas of quality of life and social policies and in related research areas: health, education, employment, housing, family life, standard of living, poverty, public services, social development, social economy, being concerned with the analysis of the transition and, in general, of the long-term change of the Romanian society. Quality of Life Research Institute assumes the responsibility of actively contributing to the development of Romanian society, through institutional development and the elaboration of legislation in the social field. The involvement in the development of the strategic framework of public policies in the social field, including in the development of national legislation in the social field, is visible in documents such as the National Anti-Poverty Strategy and Plan for the Promotion of Social Inclusion, (Joint Inclusion Memorandum) ─ country strategic document for social inclusion, developed by the Government of Romania together with the European Commission, the package of laws on the labour system and labour relations, the law on social assistance and the minimum income, the law on the national social assistance system, the law on education - the chapter on university education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By amending the Code of Administrative Offenses of Ukraine by changing the quantitative criterion for petty theft, the legislator caused a discussion about the adverse effect of such changes on those criminally punishable encroachments on property (theft, fraud, embezzlement and embezzlement) for which persons have already been convicted or for which are only at the stage of pre-trial investigation or in court. The article provides arguments that changes in the Code of Administrative Offenses, which directly affected the criminal law, should also be considered as changes to criminal legislation and have retroactive effect. Arguments are given that there is a significant difference between the usual change in the tax-free minimum income of citizens and the change in the value, upon reaching which the act becomes criminally punishable and, accordingly, ceases to be assessed as an administrative offense. The expediency of closing the relevant proceedings in connection with decriminalization is substantiated. The expediency of closing the relevant proceedings in connection with decriminalization is substantiated. Arguments are given that changing related legislation, namely the Code of Administrative Offenses, can be one of the ways of decriminalization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Româna de Dreptul Muncii is the property of Wolters Kluwer Romania and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Background: The last decade saw the emergence of a new significant migration corridor due to the mass migration of Venezuelans to neighboring countries in South America. Since 2018, Brazil became the third host country of Venezuelan displaced populations. Little is known about how migratory processes affect needs, access to social programs, and public health services of migrant women. The goal of this study is to shed light on the socio-economic profile, living conditions, and use of health services of Venezuelan migrant women in two main reception cities in Brazil. Methods: A survey was conducted using respondent-driven sampling (RDS) in the cities of Boa Vista (Roraima), and Manaus (Amazonas). The study included 2012 Venezuelan migrant women aged between 15 and 49 years old who migrated from Venezuela to Brazil between 2018 and 2021. Relative prevalence was calculated, and the χ2 test was used to analyse the homogeneity of proportions. All analyses considered the complex sampling. Results: The main reasons for migrating relate to difficulties obtaining food (54%) and accessing health services (37.8%) in their country of origin. They were young and mixed race (65.7%) and had high school education (69.9%). In Manaus, 3.7% of the interviewees declared that they had no family income in the last month, while in Boa Vista, it was higher (66.2%) (p-value < 0.001). Almost one-third of them sought health care in the last 15 days, and 95% of them received care. The residents of Boa Vista arrived more recently and family income and access to paid work improved with time of residence in Brazil. Conclusions: Given the increasing flow of Venezuelan migrants crossing to Brazil, a reception system was established for the provision of food, shelter, access to health services, and income transfer programs to migrants. This was the case despite high unemployment and poverty levels and income inequality, particularly in the city of Boa Vista. However, the majority had legal migrant status and had access to the public and universal healthcare system in Brazil (SUS). The use of the SUS was similar in both cities, acting as a buffer for the differences in opportunities offered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Crítica de Relaciones de Trabajo, Laborum is the property of Ediciones Laborum S.L. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Minimum Insertion Income programs in Spain have been pursuing the objective of social inclusion for more than four decades. In a context in which the number of people in situations of vulnerability, poverty or social exclusion is increasing and in which there have been substantial changes in the regional minimum income programs following the appearance of the Minimum Living Income, it is unavoidable to ask ourselves about the inclusive capacity of these benefits. Using in-depth interviews with professionals from Community Social Services and Social Inclusion Teams in Castilla y León, this study analyses the extent to which the Guaranteed Citizenship Income of this community and the national Minimum Living Income promote the social inclusion of its beneficiaries, as well as the main potentialities and limitations of the strategies they implement. The evidence gathered reveals that minimum income benefits have a limited inclusive capacity. In terms of regional income, the lack of personalization of the individualized insertion projects and their minimal adaptation to the characteristics of the environment stand out, while the state benefit, whose amount facilitates greater economic protection, is seeing its inclusive potential limited by the minimization of professional accompaniment in the social inclusion processes and by the generalized absence of itineraries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes public policies to reduce poverty in the autonomous communities of Spain. It examines the impact of the labor market, education, and social benefits on monetary and non-monetary poverty indicators. The results show that unemployment, temporary employment, coverage of minimum income benefits, and the ratio of pensioners per inhabitant are explanatory factors for regional poverty. It is suggested to strengthen social services and promote effective exit strategies to reduce poverty. [Extracted from the article]

Copyright of Papers: Revista de Sociologia is the property of Universitat Autonoma de Barcelona and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Foco (Interdisciplinary Studies Journal) is the property of Revista Foco and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Luridica is the property of Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Lodzkiego and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

We examine the socio-economic consequences in Brazilian municipalities of one of the world's largest social welfare programmes – the Bolsa Família. Since the Bolsa Família endogenously targets municipalities with weaker local socio-economic conditions, it becomes challenging to reason about its causal effects on the local economy. We address this endogeneity by exploiting a change in the Bolsa Família regulation in 2012 that established a minimum per capita income of 70 reais for recipient families. Previously, additional financial benefits were available based on the number of children in the family, up to five. Following the change, large families effectively received a positive income shock. We investigate this discontinuity by comparing recipient families of different sizes with income nearing the 70 reais per capita threshold shortly before the shift at the municipality level. Municipalities' employment, income, and health metrics show consistent and positive results. However, we find no effect on education, which could be explained by the lack of robust education-related conditionalities that Bolsa Família recipients are required to report continuously to enjoy the programme's benefits. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Population mental health in the United Kingdom (UK) has deteriorated, alongside worsening socioeconomic conditions, over the last decade. Policies such as Universal Basic Income (UBI) have been suggested as an alternative economic approach to improve population mental health and reduce health inequalities. UBI may improve mental health (MH), but to our knowledge, no studies have trialled or modelled UBI in whole populations. We aimed to estimate the short-term effects of introducing UBI on mental health in the UK working-age population. Methods and findings: Adults aged 25 to 64 years were simulated across a 4-year period from 2022 to 2026 with the SimPaths microsimulation model, which models the effects of UK tax/benefit policies on mental health via income, poverty, and employment transitions. Data from the nationally representative UK Household Longitudinal Study were used to generate the simulated population (n = 25,000) and causal effect estimates. Three counterfactual UBI scenarios were modelled from 2023: "Partial" (value equivalent to existing benefits), "Full" (equivalent to the UK Minimum Income Standard), and "Full+" (retaining means-tested benefits for disability, housing, and childcare). Likely common mental disorder (CMD) was measured using the General Health Questionnaire (GHQ-12, score ≥4). Relative and slope indices of inequality were calculated, and outcomes stratified by gender, age, education, and household structure. Simulations were run 1,000 times to generate 95% uncertainty intervals (UIs). Sensitivity analyses relaxed SimPaths assumptions about reduced employment resulting from Full/Full+ UBI. Partial UBI had little impact on poverty, employment, or mental health. Full UBI scenarios practically eradicated poverty but decreased employment (for Full+ from 78.9% [95% UI 77.9, 79.9] to 74.1% [95% UI 72.6, 75.4]). Full+ UBI increased absolute CMD prevalence by 0.38% (percentage points; 95% UI 0.13, 0.69) in 2023, equivalent to 157,951 additional CMD cases (95% UI 54,036, 286,805); effects were largest for men (0.63% [95% UI 0.31, 1.01]) and those with children (0.64% [95% UI 0.18, 1.14]). In our sensitivity analysis assuming minimal UBI-related employment impacts, CMD prevalence instead fell by 0.27% (95% UI −0.49, −0.05), a reduction of 112,228 cases (95% UI 20,783, 203,673); effects were largest for women (−0.32% [95% UI −0.65, 0.00]), those without children (−0.40% [95% UI −0.68, −0.15]), and those with least education (−0.42% [95% UI −0.97, 0.15]). There was no effect on educational mental health inequalities in any scenario, and effects waned by 2026. The main limitations of our methods are the model's short time horizon and focus on pathways from UBI to mental health solely via income, poverty, and employment, as well as the inability to integrate macroeconomic consequences of UBI; future iterations of the model will address these limitations. Conclusions: UBI has potential to improve short-term population mental health by reducing poverty, particularly for women, but impacts are highly dependent on whether individuals choose to remain in employment following its introduction. Future research modelling additional causal pathways between UBI and mental health would be beneficial. Rachel M Thomson and colleagues used a policy model to simulate how a Universal Basic Income might influence mental health for working-age adults in the UK. Author summary: Why was this study done?: Universal Basic Income (UBI) is a radical social security policy proposal where everyone in a society would receive a regular, unconditional cash payment. It has been suggested that UBI might be beneficial for mental health. However, there has never been a trial of a true UBI in a high-income country to know what its potential mental health impacts might be. What did the researchers do and find?: We used a policy model to simulate how a UBI might influence mental health for working-age adults in the United Kingdom. We found that the effects of UBI were very sensitive to assumptions we made about how people's employment choices might respond to receiving the money—if people choose to stay in work, UBI may have small benefits for population mental health, but if people are more likely to leave work, population mental health may actually worsen. The groups most likely to experience positive mental health effects of UBI were women and those with the lowest educational qualifications. What do these findings mean?: UBI may have potential to improve population mental health in high-income countries, but only if people do not choose to leave work in response to the policy. More real-world research is needed to know how people are likely to respond to receiving a UBI in reality. The main limitation of our modelling study is that it looks at how UBI would influence mental health only through income and employment, and other pathways might also be important to include in future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research aims to identify the factors that influence the perception of poverty in Bogota and Cundinamarca. For this we used data from the Multipurpose Survey in Colombia (2017) and estimated a binary response model using LASSO (least absolute shrinkage and selection operator). The empirical testing showed that high levels of schooling, sufficient income to cover minimum expenses, receiving rents, being a housewife, belonging to the special health regime or not receiving state aid or remittances, decreased the probability of feeling poor. Meanwhile, people were more likely to consider themselves poor if they presented at least one of the following conditions: they were unemployed, were disabled, belonged to the subsidized regime, had low levels of schooling, received help from another person or some institution, or their minimum expenses were not covered by their income. Therefore, to reduce the perception of poverty, public policies in Colombia should aim to create mechanisms that promote higher education and job stability, instead of increasing subsidies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We propose a novel approach to retirement risk and its measurement. We define retirement risk as a shortfall of financial resources to meet the needs of a retiree's household, which is different from the inability to maintain a standard of living in retirement. Taking a subjective approach to risk, we operationalise it using the Leyden approach to estimate the minimum satisfactory income for a retiree household and compare it to the pension value. Using a logistic regression model, we estimate the effect of pension value and household and reference person characteristics. The retirement risk level strongly depends on the pension value, household composition, and the reference person's education attainment level, which also moderates the impact of the pension. This paper contributes to the literature by proposing a subjective retirement risk measurement method and offering a methodological tool that can be used with similar data from other countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Guaranteed Minimum Income Benefit (GMIB) and Guaranteed Minimum Death Benefit (GMDB) are options that may be included at the inception of a variable annuity (VA) contract. In exchange for small fees charged by the insurer, they give the policyholder a right to receive a guaranteed minimum level of annuity payment (GMIB) and a guaranteed minimum level of payment when the policyholder dies (GMDB), respectively. A combination of these two options may be attractive since it protects the policyholder's investment from potential poor market behavior as well as mortality risk during the accumulation phase. This study examined the pricing of a composite variable annuity incorporating both the GMIB and GMDB options (a Guaranteed Minimum Income–Death Benefit, notated GMIDB). We used a non-arbitrage valuation method, decomposed the GMIDB value into two parts, and derived an analytical pricing formula based on a constant fee structure. The formula can be used to determine the fair fee to be charged. We conducted comprehensive sensitivity analyses on critical parameters to determine what drives the value of a GMIDB option. Our approach offers a simple and deterministic way to price a VA embedded with the GMIDB option. Our numerical findings suggested that the annuity conversion rate, age of the policyholder, and volatility of risky investments are significant in the valuation of a GMIDB option. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Die Unternehmensbesteuerung (Ubg) is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In the book "Sustainability for the Forgotten" by Gary Machlis, the author argues that current sustainability policies and practices have neglected social justice and the needs of marginalized populations. Machlis emphasizes the importance of the 1987 United Nations Brundtland Report, which called for a radical sustainability philosophy that prioritizes the redistribution of resources and power. However, he criticizes the lack of focus on the poor and disempowered in sustainability discourse and offers a reframing of sustainability to address these issues. While the book provides a clear case for the inclusion of marginalized populations in sustainability efforts, it lacks specific guidance on how to achieve this and does not delve into the reasons behind the exclusion of the poor in the first place. [Extracted from the article]