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Copyright of Realidad Economica is the property of Realidad Economica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This work aims to analyze the outstanding role that foreign capital, companies and entrepreneurs had in promoting the industrialization process in the city of Querétaro (Mexico) and its metropolitan area, which includes the municipalities of Corregidora, El Marqués and Colón, among 1943-2018, within the framework of a historical period in which two economic models were developed: Import Substitution Industrialization (ISI) and neoliberalism. The main axis is the importance of foreign investments, understood as foreign companies and private Mexican business groups, for the implementation of said industrial development over more than seven decades, as well as investigating the types and industrialization processes that occurred in that period and their relationships with socio-technical and work areas. It is suggested as a hypothesis that said industrialization process can be defined as artificial and exogenous. First, because there was no local business community to carry out this process, as happened in other cities in Mexico -such as Monterrey-, and exogenous because, through national capital from other regions of the country, and especially from abroad, it was carried out the industrialization of the city. From the above, a process of dependent industrialization emerges, inserted in the periphery that has limited endogenous capacity in technological terms, but also in labor terms, a situation that has tended to worsen in the 1980s and that has continued its course to the present. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1961, the Mexican government launched the Programa Nacional Fronterizo (Pronaf) in partnership with the country's economic elites, a precursor to the state's more widely known border industrialization project. Pronaf was ostensibly an urban beautification program targeting nine cities at the Mexico‐US border, led by former Ciudad Juárez mayor Antonio Bermúdez and with architecture supervised by Mexico City–based modernist Mario Pani. However, as this article argues, Pronaf sought to better integrate the borderlands to the national market and political structure at a moment of crisis. The state's capitalist modernization plan of import substitution industrialization, which produced the so‐called Mexican Miracle in the 1940s, was showing signs of strain. Greater consumption of products made in Mexico, based on a more patriotic identification by citizens at the border, would buttress the "Miracle," which had initially ignored these very citizens based on metropolitan perceptions of their lack of allegiance to Mexico and affinity for the US. Understanding spectacular architecture to have not only a didactic but an affective function, Pronaf deployed a network of soaring, Jet Age–inspired built environments. These parabolic hyperboloid environments, accompanied by a hyperbolic rhetoric from Bermúdez, sought to convince border residents of the "beauty" and "desirability" of national culture and the fluidity of the national market just as their socioeconomic mobility came under greater government scrutiny. Pronaf piloted an affective infrastructure that desired to channel border residents' citizenship and consumption toward the reproduction of the political and economic status quo, eventually setting the stage for neoliberal transition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Iş, Güç: The Journal of Industrial Relations & Human Resources is the property of Is, Guc: The Journal of Industrial Relations & Human Resources and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Abstract This study examines the Turkish experience of export-oriented industrialization by emphasizing its linkage to previous capital accumulation model and developments and by the evolution of political and economic institutions. The study emphasizes that the structural drawbacks in Turkish economy that emerged in the economic development process aggravated in post-1980 period and aims to uncover the political and economic mechanisms leading to its aggravation. The VAR methodology is used to model Turkish economy’s experience of export-oriented industrialization by using the data for the period 2007: Q1–2017: Q4. The impulse response analysis results show that export is responsive to investment and capacity utilization and responsive to interest rate and import in the negative direction. Import is responsive to export, investment and capacity utilization in a positive direction and decreases with interest rate. Investment increases with export, but decreases with imports. Additionally, the debt level increases with export and investment, but decreases with import and import increases the interest rate and export decreases the interest rate.

This study examines the Turkish experience of export-oriented industrialization by emphasizing its linkage to previous capital accumulation model and developments and by the evolution of political and economic institutions. The study emphasizes that the structural drawbacks in Turkish economy that emerged in the economic development process aggravated in post-1980 period and aims to uncover the political and economic mechanisms leading to its aggravation. The VAR methodology is used to model Turkish economy's experience of export-oriented industrialization by using the data for the period 2007: Q1–2017: Q4. The impulse response analysis results show that export is responsive to investment and capacity utilization and responsive to interest rate and import in the negative direction. Import is responsive to export, investment and capacity utilization in a positive direction and decreases with interest rate. Investment increases with export, but decreases with imports. Additionally, the debt level increases with export and investment, but decreases with import and import increases the interest rate and export decreases the interest rate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following the years of WWII, Turkey and many developing countries performed import substitution industrialization strategy (ISI) on the advice of the International Organizations. These countries expected that the ISI strategy serve their longing desire to build a national industry. In Turkey's case, the policy implementation was conducted under the guidance of five years development plan was prepared by the State Planning Organization (SPO). Initially, the ISI strategy covered the optimistic expectations and Turkey's economy showed unprecedented economic performance during the ISI period. However, the economic growth came to an abrupt end in the late 1970s and Turkey became dependent on foreign resources than ever before. This study aims at clarifying the questions of why Turkey shifted its policy paradigm to the ISI strategy and the role of the SPO in the ISI period referring to the literature on the developmentalism and the developmental state. From this perspective, this study illustrates the discrepancies between the SPO and its counterparts in Japan and East Asian countries and the question of why Turkey could not shift its inward-oriented economic growth model to the export-oriented growth model. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the dependence of power engineering industry in Russia on imported equipment in general, as well as in the field of gas turbine technologies. The analysis of the equipment of foreign production of the electric power industry of Russia operating at the objects is given, the countries-producers of the installed and currently used foreign equipment in the electric power industry are identified. The role of the Eurasian Economic Union in the framework of import substitution programs has been singled out. Also the international experience of solving problems on reducing dependence on foreign companies is analyzed.

The economic and social policy of Mexico 1940-1970’s has been investigated. The preconditions for the economic growth of Mexico shaped in the early 1930’s – 1940’s has been analyzed. Thus, the article touches upon the agrarian and educational reforms, the nationalization of the most important industries and the formation of the public sector, expansion of export during the World War II. The reasons of adopting the policy of import substitution industrialization and its main directions have been revealed. The promotion of national private investments, protection from foreign competitors, expansion of the public sector in industry by nationalizing certain enterprises and industries, construction of state-owned enterprises, as well as the increase of state financing and lending to industry has been explored. The positive results of Mexico’s development in the 1940s-1970s have been assessed as follows: high rates of economic growth, stability of national currency, low inflation, growing of the middle class, implementation of many infrastructure and social projects. It is concluded that despite the significant short-term successes, the strategy of development of Mexican government had a number of “side effects” that led to a slowdown in economic growth over the coming years, increasing of social polarization and excessive dependence on external financing. The problems arose at that time resulted in the deep financial and economic crisis of Mexico in the early 1980’s.

Copyright of Semestre Económico is the property of Sello Editorial de la Universidad de Medellin and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Contemporary political regimes in Venezuela and Bolivia led by late Hugo Châvez (now by his successor Nicolas Maduro) and Evo Morales are considered by foreign and Russian scholars as part of the third wave of populism. In the 20th century Latin America already witnessed two waves of populism which coincided with significant political transitions, namely a transition from oligarchy to mass politics accompanied by implementation of import substitution industrialization policies, and a transition from authoritarian rule to democracy during the third wave of democratization which triggered neoliberal reforms inspired by Washington Consensus. This article presents common characteristics of Latin American populist regimes that emerged in different historical periods which help identify the origins as well as distinctive features of Venezuelan and Bolivian political regimes. It is stated that the Châvez and Morales left populist regimes resemble classic populist regimes in that they rely on incendiary anti-establishment discourse. Therefore, left populist regimes are characterized by high levels of polarization as well as weak institutionalization and class or indigenous orientation. Election of left populist leaders may lead to institutional deadlock, uneven playing field and transition to competitive authoritarianism.

Contemporary political regimes in Venezuela and Bolivia led by late Hugo Châvez (now by his successor Nicolas Maduro) and Evo Morales are considered by foreign and Russian scholars as part of the third wave of populism. In the 20th century Latin America already witnessed two waves of populism which coincided with significant political transitions, namely a transition from oligarchy to mass politics accompanied by implementation of import substitution industrialization policies, and a transition from authoritarian rule to democracy during the third wave of democratization which triggered neoliberal reforms inspired by Washington Consensus. This article presents common characteristics of Latin American populist regimes that emerged in different historical periods which help identify the origins as well as distinctive features of Venezuelan and Bolivian political regimes. It is stated that the Châvez and Morales left populist regimes resemble classic populist regimes in that they rely on incendiary anti-establishment discourse. Therefore, left populist regimes are characterized by high levels of polarization as well as weak institutionalization and class or indigenous orientation. Election of left populist leaders may lead to institutional deadlock, uneven playing field and transition to competitive authoritarianism.

Copyright of Journal of Middle Eastern Studies / Ortadoğu Etütleri is the property of Turkmen Cooperation & Cultural Foundation Center for Middle Eastern Strategic Studies (ORSAM) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Cinta de Moebio is the property of Universidad de Chile, Facultad de Ciencas Sociales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The features of the socio–economic development of Mexico in 1950-1980's are investigated. The role of development of state sector in the formation of the debt crisis of the 1980s and a sharp decline in living standards of the population. The conclusion that the 1990s became a turning point in the socio–economic development of Mexico is made. Main factors of the sharp transition of the country from protectionist development model to the model of an open market economy are analyzed. The researcher used the following methods of historical research: historical - comparative, historical - typological, historical - systematic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Argentina, depending upon the rapid growth of the export of the primary products, experienced its early transition from the traditional society to the modem one during the period from 1870 to 1914, when has been regarded as the Epoca Bella of the Argentine modernization process. However, Argentina has gradually moved from crisis to crisis, sinking as a "decayed nation" characterizing with political chaos, social disruption and economic stagnation since the 1930s. That is the so - called "Argentine riddle". This article systematically researches the historical process of establishing the import substitution industrialization strategy in Argentina, through reviewing the various controversies regarding whether Argentina should develop industries from the 1870s to the outbreak of the World War II, in order to understand exactly the origins of the "Argentine riddle". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There are several keys explored to explain the effective Korea's export-led development model. Korean government promoted the private sector's specialization in most of the strategic industries although subsidizing them by public financing. Although the Korean economy suffered setback in 1980, 1998, and 2009 for external shocks and internal problems, there always remained strong fundamentals to help the economy spring back up thanks to the achievements through R&D and human resources. The government-business communications and the industry-academic-research centers tripartite collaboration more facilitated the model than brought in improper or collusive relationship. Korean export industries have intensive forward and backward linkages with the other domestic sectors. Although the Korean economy has been highly dependent on trade, its vulnerability to external shock has not materialized seriously because its export structure is diversified. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]