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The 2017–2018 constitutional reform amended the Constitution of Georgia and changed the political system of the country. The president has the responsibility to represent the country in international relations, but only with the approval of the government. Constitutional norms are not specific, leaving room for different interpretations. Article 78 of the Constitution obliges constitutional bodies to use all measures for European integration. Under this constitutional obligation, the president met with European colleagues, though without governmental approval. This provoked the ruling party to initiate the process of impeachment. The Constitutional Court of Georgia concluded that the president breached the Constitution, but the parliament could not impeach the president. The paper analyses the role of presidential representation in international relations and its constitutional responsibility in the light of Georgia’s European aspirations.

On January 6th, 2021, a mob of more than 2,000 Trump supporters stormed the Capital—at his urging—in an effort to halt counting of electoral college votes from the 2020 Presidential Election. Vandalism, injury, and loss of life ensued. Although the actions of Trump and the insurrectionists were alarming, the structural factors that gave rise to this offense are arguably even more troubling. In this paper, we outline three "criminogenic antecedents" that provided individual actors an opportunity to incite insurrection: (1) a lack of clarity and consensus in conceptualizations of crime, which has resulted in an ambiguous, contentious, and limited foundation from which to respond to crimes of the powerful; (2) a resultant pattern of symbolic punishments that fails to control these offenses; and (3) Congressional deviance, which virtually ensures that this environment of nonfeasance will continue. We conclude the analysis by proposing policy ideas that will hopefully strengthen our democracy and reduce the risk of something similar happening in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From 2013 until the present, the dispute on the separation of competencies between the leaders of the state government has been ongoing in political life, as well as on an international scale in the fi eld of foreign relations. The fi eld of foreign relations is of national importance and is directly related to the state’s image and foreign policy. The conclusion of the international treaties, as well as the appointment of the ambassadors and representation of the state, has become the subject of dispute at various times. State representation by the President in foreign relations has led to a Constitutional Reference submitted by the Parliament of Georgia to the Constitutional Court of Georgia, alleging a violation of the Constitution by the President for the fi rst time in the country’s history. As a result, according to the conclusion of the Constitutional Court of Georgia dated October 16, 2023, President Ms. Zurabishvili violated the Constitution of Georgia by exercising representation powers without the consent of the Government. Based on the above, this thesis will analyze the meaning of the representation power in foreign relations, the President’s constitutional status, and the President’s role in foreign relations, acting as the so-called “neutral arbitrator”. This thesis will include a discussion on the roles of the Parliament and the Constitutional Court of Georgia in the political-legal process of Presidential impeachment proceedings. It will also examine the conclusions and decisions of Constitutional Courts in various states regarding alleged constitutional violations by Presidents and disputes over competence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of A&C - Administrative & Constitutional Law Review - Revista de Direito Administrativo e Constitucional is the property of A&C - Revista de Direito Administrativo & Constitucional (Instituto Bacellar) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Impeachment is an institution that can remove high-ranking officials of the executive who are disqualified and unfit to continue the office. Impeachment could be seen in the constitutional law of all kinds of political systems, including presidentialism, semi-presidentialism and the parliamentary Republic. In some instances of domestic research, we see the fusion of impeachment and interpellation, which sometimes leads to mistakes leading to deduction. Scrutinizing the terminology of impeachment is the solution for such fusion. Accordingly, the question of the research is: what are the elements of impeachment in order to recognize it from interpellation? By the descriptive-analytic method, the research concludes that differences in officials and differences in grounds of removal are the most important elements and parameters for the distinction of these two terms. While impeachment targets officials with protected tenures or terms of office, interpellation is practiced mostly where ministers are subject to the confidence of the parliament. The common ground of Impeachment is removing a person or persons in the government whom the legislature deems unfit to continue in office due to subversive acts against the country and grave violations of public trust, which contain several instances like violations of law, corruption and treason. In addition, the procedure, stages and outcomes of impeachment and interpellation would be distinguished in many aspects. The paper is about to explain impeachment and distinguish it from interpellation.

The elections in Indonesia in 2024 have ended and confirmed the candidate pair Prabowo Subianto and Gibran Rakabuming Raka as the elected president and vice president to lead Indonesia. One of the controversies in 2024 election that occurred was President Jokowi's abuse of power with the aim of winning certain candidate pairs in the elections. Therefore, some people created a group called Petisi 100 to carry out a social movement, namely the impeachment of Jokowi. This movement can be categorized as New Social Movements (NSMs). This research aims to explore the Jokowi impeachment movement as NSMs which includes what is behind it, who is involved in the pros and cons, how the development process is, what activities mark it, the opportunity structure, mobilization and framing, and what impact it has on political dynamics in Indonesia. The research results show that the movement to impeach Jokowi was carried out due to dissatisfaction with Jokowi who was considered too involved in the 2024 elections. This movement developed through five stages, namely identity formation, escalation, mobilization, polarization, and actor formation. This movement could have an impact on challenges to political parties in channeling their aspirations and the results of the 2024 Election.

Observed from a wider historical perspective, the most recent period of the constitutional life of the United States of America risks to be remembered as the one during which the presidential impeachment procedure was used incomparably more often than ever before. This sometimes attracts particular attention to the topic of criminal responsibility of the President, on which the Constitution itself remains silent. At the same time, legislation and jurisprudence seem to have been shying away from addressing this important and rather actual issue. The question whether the presidential immunity protects a sitting or a former president from arrest, trial, or punishment for deeds committed during the presidential term of office thus represents a particularly complex legal puzzler. This is particularly the case since the traditional checks-and-balances system appears to be displaying signs of weakness due to an overtly politicized procedure, notably in the absence of firm legal guidelines or clear theoretical perspectives.

Objective/context: The study aimed to analyze the debate among Brazilian women senators during the impeachment trial of Dilma Rousseff in 2016. Methodology: Elements of discourse analysis were applied to investigate the main question: How did the debate develop among women senators, considering the ideological spectrum of the party and their position on the impediment (favorable or contrary)? The analysis presents a political-ideological profile of women senators, the arguments used by them in the debate, and the different uses of the defense of democracy. Conclusions: The left-wing women senators were more diligent and repeated their arguments more frequently to increase their discursive visibility. They also addressed the non-existence of a crime of responsibility, a condition to initiate an impeachment process. Women senators from the right and the center, on the other hand, resorted to rhetorical models to reiterate that the then-president of the Republic was no longer in a position to maintain a parliamentary base to support her government. The senators of this group also stated that the investigations demonstrated the use of schemes to irresponsibly disguise public accounts, exclusively with a view to Rousseff's reelection. Originality: It is relevant to highlight the original fact that this is an analysis of the impediment of a woman in the office of President of the Republic from the female perspective of the parliamentary body of the Senate, the institution in charge of judging the impeachment process.

Objective/context: The study aimed to analyze the debate among Brazilian women senators during the impeachment trial of Dilma Rousseff in 2016. Methodology: Elements of discourse analysis were applied to investigate the main question: How did the debate develop among women senators, considering the ideological spectrum of the party and their position on the impediment (favorable or contrary)? The analysis presents a political-ideological profile of women senators, the arguments used by them in the debate, and the different uses of the defense of democracy. Conclusions: The left-wing women senators were more diligent and repeated their arguments more frequently to increase their discursive visibility. They also addressed the non-existence of a crime of responsibility, a condition to initiate an impeachment process. Women senators from the right and the center, on the other hand, resorted to rhetorical models to reiterate that the then-president of the Republic was no longer in a position to maintain a parliamentary base to support her government. The senators of this group also stated that the investigations demonstrated the use of schemes to irresponsibly disguise public accounts, exclusively with a view to Rousseff's reelection. Originality: It is relevant to highlight the original fact that this is an analysis of the impediment of a woman in the office of President of the Republic from the female perspective of the parliamentary body of the Senate, the institution in charge of judging the impeachment process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to discuss the carnivalized language of the online news commentary genre. We selected as a corpus comments about a news article published on the Terra portal about the publication of the opinion of the Federal Audit Court, with an indication for rejection of the federal government's 2014 accounts. The text is the result of studies related to a doctoral thesis, from which we took the corpus - one of the news items analyzed in the thesis. As results, we highlight the orientation of the online commentary genre itself as guiding a carnivalized language. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Estudios Socio-Jurídicos is the property of Colegio Mayor de Nuestra Senora del Rosario and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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This research presents the concept of testimonial User-Generated Content (tUGC): media content generated by ordinary citizens that witness an extraordinary event and publish it on their own channels. Rooted on the crossroads of UGC and Witnessing studies, this article provides a definition and a proposition of operationalization of tUGC in a case analysis, using two protests against former Brazilian president Rousseff's impeachment in 2016 as case of study. Results suggest three main patterns of tUGC production, named as political, journalistic and expressive. Quantitative analysis points to a high frequency of production but to low levels of diffusion of tUGC overall in the context of the analysed case. Finally, results suggest external factors seem to have effect on general patterns of tUGC production and circulation. Discussion and further developments are offered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Resumo Estudos sobre o impeachment de Dilma Rousseff enfatizam o papel da mídia, dos partidos, das elites políticas, da má performance da democracia e dos protestos de rua como fatores explicativos para a interrupção de seu mandato. O artigo contribui com essas análises aos discutir o papel da opinião pública no processo, com foco nos primeiros três meses de 2015, a partir de dados produzidos pela Secretaria de Comunicação Social da Presidência da República (Secom/PR), como surveys telefônicos semanais responsáveis por monitorar o “pulso” da opinião pública em relação ao Governo Federal. Foi neste período em que ela perdeu mais de 30% de apoio popular e chegou a 62% de avaliações ruins e péssimas, patamares de onde nunca mais saiu até ser removida do cargo. Ao perder o apoio junto à opinião pública, a ex-presidente perdeu também um dos mais importantes escudos contra a interrupção de mandatos, ficando refém das elites políticas e dos partidos representados no Congresso Nacional.

The 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia outlines the impeachment mechanism. This Constitution outlines that the procedure for impeaching the president and vice president must be mandated by the People's Representative Council (DPR) to the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR). It is important to acknowledge that the current impeachment process upholds the principle of checks and balances of direct presidential elections. The impeachment decision of the current president and vice president cannot strengthen the rule of law when the Constitutional Court (MK) determines that the president or vice president has violated the Constitution. This research aimed to find out the impeachment mechanism outlined in the 1945 Constitution with the principle of the supremacy of constitutional law. This research included a qualitative method by focusing on the problematic effectiveness of the 1945 Constitution on the check and balance mechanism and the impeachment of the president and vice president from the constitutional law perspective. The check and balance mechanism aims to create a democratic government. Check and balance is a principle controlling and maintaining state institutions' balance. The results revealed that the 1945 Constitution's mechanism for impeaching the president or vice president was relatively ineffective because the rule of law and the constitutional judicial mechanism were still handled by the political mechanism. Consequently, the check and balance mechanism did not occur in this process. The characteristic of impeachment as a control causes impeachment cannot to be implemented following the rule of law, which was an indicator that the check and balance mechanism had been unbalanced by the Constitutional Court's decision, which was used to create a legal mechanism that was not explicit and binding on the MPR and the 1945 Constitution.

Pozycję prawnoustrojową głowy państwa Ukrainy wyznacza zakres jego/jej odpowiedzialności. Na podstawie przepisów konstytucji Prezydent Republiki Ukrainy może być złożony z urzędu w trybie procedury impeachmentu. Niniejszy artykuł poświęcony został tej właśnie problematyce. Celem prowadzonych badań jest przedstawienie specyfiki ukraińskiej instytucji impeachmentu. Służyć ma temu przede wszystkim metoda prawno-dogmatyczna. Pozwoli ona nie tylko dokonać rzetelnej egzegezy norm, ale także skonfrontować poglądy przedstawicieli polskiej i ukraińskiej doktryny na badany temat.

Przedmiotem analizy jest model odpowiedzialności prawnokonstytucyjnej prezydenta Stanów Zjednoczonych w świetle najnowszych doświadczeń jego zastosowania wobec prezydentów: Richarda M. Nixona, Billa Clintona i Donalda Trumpa. W centrum uwagi autora znalazła się kwestia, w jak dużym stopniu mamy tu do czynienia z upolitycznieniem tej procedury w sytuacji, gdy akt oskarżenia formułuje Izba Reprezentantów, a sądzi Senat. Przeprowadzona analiza nie pozwala jednoznacznie odpowiedzieć na to pytanie. Elementy upolitycznienia, choć niewątpliwie obecne, nie pozwalają na zrównanie tej procedury z modelem odpowiedzialności politycznej, występującej w systemach parlamentarno-gabinetowych.

In parliamentary regimes, principally parliament has the authority to remove political officials from office due to violation of laws or failure in execution of governmental duties. Mechanisms of political supervision of ministers include notification, questioning, and impeachment. This article employs a descriptive-analytical method, by using library sources, to examine the subject of formality for the political supervision of ministers under the legal system of Islamic Republic of Iran and the Mashrooteh (Constitutional) era. Comparative analysis and historical evolution of this topic pose the question of which system, either the Mashrooteh (Constitutional) or Islamic Republic, has had a more dignified approach to the formality of political supervision of ministers by taking into account the legal, cultural, and historical background of Iran? The outcome of this research demonstrates that in the mechanisms of notification and questioning, the current political system, contrary to the Mashrooteh (Constitutional) one, has systematically and rationally provided rules governing the application of these parliamentary competencies. On the other hand, in impeachment mechanism, limiting the Members of Parliament to propose it in specific cases, and the effective and accurate examination by Commission had turned the impeachment process into a reasonable and efficient formality during the Mashrooteh (Constitutional) Era, while, in the Islamic Republic system, the quorum for proposing impeachment, the ease of the application of impeachment process, and the broad scope of impeachable subjects have posed notable challenges.

1. IntroductionThe president’s interpellation before the Islamic Consultative Assembly (ICA), set in the Constitutional law of the Islamic Republic of Iran, has been a challenge. The cause of the challenge is the contrast between the 2nd clause of Article 89 of the Constitution and Article 114 of the Constitution. Article 89 says: “In the event that at least one-third of the members of the Islamic Consultative Assembly interpellate the President concerning his responsibilities for leadership of the executive power and managing the executive affairs of the country, the President must present himself to the Assembly within one month after the submission of the interpellation and to give adequate explanations regarding the matters raised. After hearing the statements of the opposing and favoring members and the reply of the President, if two-thirds of the members of the Assembly vote for his incompetency, the vote will be communicated to the Supreme Leader for implementation of Article 110(10)”. Article 114 holds: “The President is elected for a four-year term by the direct vote of the people. His re-election for a successive term is permissible only once”In other words, The main cause of the challenge is the appointment of the president through elections and the lack of any power by the Islamic Consultative Assembly in this regard. The current presumption among the legal society is that interpellation would be applied to an authority that is elected by the ICA. Although the current presumption is relatively true, what has been neglected during these years is that in fact, the interpellation of the president in the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran is impeachment in a different, unique concept. Discussion In some political systems, the president would be removed by legislative assemblies by means of impeachment. Comparing the elements of the term impeachment with the elements of interpellation proves the above claim. Hence, comparing the two elements of their grounds and their procedures are notable.in the draft of the Constitution, a two-stage procedure for the removal of the president was set, but after the enactment of the Constitution, two different one-stage procedures were created. One procedure would be run by the Islamic Consultative Assembly, and the other would be run by the Supreme Court. In fact, two procedures that work together in an impeachment, have been transformed into two independent procedures, both of which leave the final decision-making to the Supreme Leader.ConclusiomThe grounds for the president’s removal have been changed from “treason or conspiracy against national security” in the text of the Constitution to “treason and violation of legal duties” and eventually, to “violation of legal duties” and “lack of qualification”. Lack of qualification and being unfit to continue in office are common concepts among the grounds of impeachment in different political systems. lack of qualifications, incapability in doing his executive duties, or ineptitude in executive management in the text of the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran are the instances of the general notion of “being unqualified unfit”. Both concepts of “lack of qualification” and “violation of legal duties” are incorporated in the general notion of unfitness in the legal and political literature of the Islamic Republic of Iran and are equal to impeachment in other systems; However, interpellation is often based on political reasons. Since the causes and the grounds of the president’s removal are enumerated in the Constitution, we can conclude that the nature of presidential removal in the Constitution is impeachment, but its title is interpellation.Thus, some clarification and some reforms are required by amending the Constitution. Before any constitutional amendment, the nature of the interpellation of the president and its elements should be explained by the legal society. It may prevent this oversight tool to become a reason to remove the president based on political disagreements and may regulate and restrict the oversight tool to only clear legal grounds. This may, in the future, be the inspiration to possibly omit or add to the grounds for presidential removal in the constitutional amendment. According to the current laws and regulations, the procedure of presidential removal via Islamic Consultative Assembly is almost clear but the procedure of presidential removal through the Supreme Court is unclear. Again, reforming the procedure of presidential removal and merging the two procedures requires an amendment to the Constitution. Another subject that must be considered is the effect of this presidential removal mechanism and whether, irrespective of the removal from office, there are any other effects and sanctions for the president or not. Another sanction for the president’s incompetency would be exclusion and prohibition from holding any public office which is worthy to be debated and considered for the future.

A sessão de votação da admissibilidade do impeachment da presidenta Dilma Rousseff, ocorrida no dia 17 de abril de 2016, retrata a presença/intensidade do acionamento discursivo da Literatura Sagrada Cristã no debate público brasileiro. Os embates políticos são também lutas de imaginários e formações discursivas que disputam a legitimidade perante a sociedade. Para investigar tal processo, o presente artigo retoma e analisa os textos bíblicos acionados na referida sessão parlamentar, com ênfase no versículo 12 do Salmo 33, que apresentou maior recorrência entre as citações, tendo como base os conceitos de Representação e Imaginário, oriundos do campo da História Cultural, e as concepções de Formação Discursiva e Interdiscurso, vinculadas ao arcabouço teórico da Análise do Discurso, e em diálogo com estudos sobre a Literatura Sagrada das Religiões. Desta forma, a presente investigação analisa, através do discurso, o modo como a Presidenta é anunciada como preterida por aqueles que se sentem escolhidos e reivindicam para Deus a constituição do processo que empreendem.

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What is the impact on symbolic representation of female leaders who are seen as failures? Do women from political dynasties elicit symbolic representation? I answer these questions by analyzing how Park Geun-hye's election as the first woman president of South Korea and her subsequent impeachment shaped voters' perceptions of women's potential and contribution as political leaders. Utilizing an original survey and focus groups, I argue that South Korean voters overall did not recognize Park's election as the country's first female president as a symbol of women's political empowerment because of her dynastic background and her failure to promote women-friendly policies. Although she received credit for being the historic first, women across the political spectrum were concerned that the epic failure of the first female president would reinforce voters' reluctance to vote for women. This study emphasizes the importance of adopting an intersectional approach in studying symbolic representation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article, with a descriptive-analytical method, tries to answer the question of whether in Iran's legal system, the criminal policy of the Estiza Foundation has been fair and effective in dealing with and fighting the crime of disrupting the economic system. Therefore, while referring to the process of approval of Istiza, the challenges of Istizia in 1397 and 1399 have been examined and finally, their function as well as their strengths and weaknesses have been evaluated. The findings indicate the inefficiency of the judicial criminal policy and the failure to achieve the desired result in curbing the crime through its implementation and restricting the rights of the accused. Therefore, measured and scientific methods in the fight against economic corruption should replace the symbolic emphasis on the "war on corruption" and a fair and discriminatory judicial system for economic crimes should be designed and approved in the light of legislative criminal policy in the form of a comprehensive plan or bill. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Impeachment in the Ming Dynasty was initiated by the supervisors, exercising supervisory function, and requested the emperor 's ruling, which formed a complete supervision system. However, the emperor started to participate in the early stage of the supervision process, asking supervisors to impeach in order to realize the legitimacy of punishment procedure after ZhengTong period. By analyzing this phenomenon and discussing its evolution, the emperor not only participated in the supervision as a decision-maker, but also a permission man and a initiator. This phenomenon was formed in the urgent needs of the stable operation of imperial power, developed in the political needs of the centralization of imperial power, and finally disappeared in the lack of institutional condition. It can be found that the censorate system in the Ming Dynasty played an indispensable role in the operation of imperial power in a specific period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When the first female president of a country is impeached, how does the disgraceful exit shape people's memory of her? Does sexism play a role in such retrospective evaluations? Do the voters who supported her remain loyal, or do they withdraw their support due to disappointment? This article utilizes the impeachment of Park Geun-hye of South Korea as a case to answer these questions. Using a public opinion survey conducted three years after the 2016 impeachment, I demonstrate that hostile sexism played a role in the negative retrospective evaluations of Park, while benevolent sexism did not. Moreover, those who voted for Park in the 2012 presidential election expressed more negative retrospective evaluations of Park than those who did not vote for her, suggesting a backlash effect. Voters who had high expectations of the first female president could experience deep disappointment when the historic first failed to meet their expectations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Luridica is the property of Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Lodzkiego and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The aftershocks of the riot at the United States Capitol on January 6, 2021, continue to ripple through the American public square. The United States Department of Justice brought over 750 criminal charges against the assailants. The United States House of Representatives appointed a Select Committee to investigate the riot. And the public continues to discuss the meaning of January 6 as these criminal prosecutions continue and the House's investigation concludes. Although this is the first time in American history that a mob actually breached the Capitol, riots and insurrections attempting to overawe parliamentary bodies on their own grounds are well precedented in the Anglo-American legal tradition. The purpose of this article is to provide historical context for affrays like the Trump Riot of January 6 and provide a framework for how legislatures should respond. Parliamentary precedents on both sides of the Atlantic prove that anyone who riots at the legislature is in contempt of parliamentary privilege. The legislature can refer such contempt to the executive for criminal prosecution. In egregious cases, however, the legislature should not hesitate to vindicate itself by using its own contempt power. The legislature should appoint a joint select committee or independent commission to investigate and hold those politically responsible to account. There may be cases when an officer or an agent of the executive provokes or incites a riot at the Capitol. The legislature must prevail in its efforts to bring them in for a hearing and compel them to produce discovery. Of the three coordinate branches of the federal government the legislature is first among equals. Parliamentary privilege must therefore trump executive privilege during an investigation of an assault on the national assembly. Any member of the executive who contemptuously incites a mob at the seat of government is liable for discipline under the inherent power of Congress. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Este artigo tem como objetivo analisar a síntese do governo Dilma disponibilizada pelo portal de notícias da Globo - G1, a partir de 31 de agosto de 2016. Ao estudar essa retrospectiva não nos limitamos a compreender o seu sentido formal ou estrutural, mas também nos concentramos em detectar as estratégias narrativas propostas pelo site a fim de entender melhor os sentidos em disputa, bem como as complexas relações de poder que fazem parte dessa disputa. Para dar suporte às nossas análises utilizamos um método baseado nas proposições de Erwin Panofsky que incorpora, de acordo com as proposições de Roland Barthes, o estudo das legendas e dos títulos associados às imagens selecionadas. Para refletir sobre os resultados encontrados, convocamos os conceitos de Acontecimento, desenvolvido por Louis Quéré, e de Enquadramento, proposto por Erwin Goffman; junto às noções de Discurso e Verdade advindos da obra de Michel Foucault; além das ideias sobre a fotografia em Alan Sekula, Roland Barthes e Susan Sontag.

Brazilian Political Geography is faced with the challenge of explaining the consequences of the deposition of President Dilma V. Rousseff, through an impeachment without a crime of responsibility and devoid of any involvement or accusation of corruption. Thus, this work seeks to highlight this movement, articulated by different forces, with suspicion of foreign financing, leading Brazil to the process of regime change, whose plot begins with protests by sectors of the middle class, allegations of espionage, sovereign foreign policy and is confused with economic and political crisis. After the impeachment filed against Dilma, the actions of oil companies and US financial capital on the pre-salt oil reserves and the financialization of the Brazilian economy were signed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Whether entrepreneurship generates economic growth depends on the institutional environment due to its impact on the mix of productive and unproductive entrepreneurship in the economy. The incentive structure embedded in each society affects whether talented people become entrepreneurs and potentially, the extent to which they engage in more productive forms of entrepreneurship. We examine how trust in institutions affects the entrepreneurial intentions of potentially productive entrepreneurs. We utilize the unique event surrounding the impeachment of South Korea's previous president. The event improved people's trust in the government because it was ultimately the people's protests and demands that led to the impeachment of the president for influence peddling and extracting personal rents from businesses. By surveying the same individuals before and after the impeachment ruling, we identify people's changes in trust in government and various institutions. We find that increased trust in institutions increases one's intent to start a business within five years. Moreover, we show that the relationship between trust in institutions and entrepreneurial intention is significantly stronger for engineering majors from top universities. Supplemental Material: The e-companion is available at https://doi.org/10.1287/orsc.2022.1583. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

O artigo possui dois objetivos interrelacionados. O primeiro é revisar, classificar e adaptar ao contexto brasileiro o conceito de contenção judicial (court curbing), amplamente empregado na literatura comparada para examinar iniciativas de integrantes dos Poderes Executivo e Legislativo que busquem limitar os efeitos da atuação de um tribunal, dos seus integrantes ou de suas decisões. Para tanto, formula-se uma tipologia dessas iniciativas em função do tipo de alvo (decisão, magistrado, tribunal) e intensidade da medida (baixa, média, alta) que permite apreender a variedade de fenômenos capturados pelo conceito. O segundo objetivo é realizar uma aplicação do conceito e da tipologia ao exame especifico de uma medida de contenção judicial: pedidos de impeachment de Ministros do Supremo Tribunal Federal. A partir de estatística descritiva, demonstramos que o incremento do número desses pedidos, observado a partir de 2015, somente pode ser efetivamente entendido como contenção judicial a partir de 2019, quando parlamentares e, posteriormente, o próprio Presidente da República passaram a adotar essas iniciativas em sua interação com o tribunal. Paralelamente, demonstramos que o crescimento dessas iniciativas está associado especialmente à ascensão de partidos de direita no espectro ideológico e se insurgem especialmente no âmbito de inquéritos relatados pelo Ministro Alexandre de Moraes. Por fim, demonstramos como o crescimento do número de pedidos gradativamente conferiu maior discricionaridade ao Presidente do Senado Federal em sua tomada de decisão quanto ao processamento desses casos.

O artigo apresenta uma análise comparativa dos filmes Não Vai Ter Golpe! e Democracia em Vertigem centrada na observação da sessão da Câmara dos Deputados de 17 de abril de 2016, que autorizou a abertura de processo por crime de responsabilidade contra a presidenta Dilma Rousseff. O objetivo é traçar as relações entre o debate público e o discurso cinematográfico. Para tanto observou-se a construção audiovisual dos argumentos apresentados pelos deputados, articulando-os com pesquisas em ciências humanas sobre os temas abordados e análise de arquivos da Câmara dos Deputados. Este trabalho busca contribuir para a reflexão cinematográfica de uma história do presente.

This article aims to uncover some less known uses of the impeachment mechanism in Brazil and in the United States of America: judicial impeachment. On the one hand, it aims at discussing how impeachment relates to the removal of judges from public office in these two countries, namely when it comes to judges in the highest courts of the judicial branch (Supreme or Constitutional Court); on the other hand, the purpose is to discuss the connections between impeachment, judicial independence and accountability. The idea is to use comparative constitutional law methodology to address the historical background of impeachment and how it spread throughout different jurisdictions along the way before arriving in the Brazilian legal and constitutional scenario. In light of that, one of the most relevant sources will be found in precedents and legal doctrine regarding impeachment, with a significant focus on historical registers of its use and relation to judicial independence. The final objective is to test and investigate whether judicial impeachment can be seen or not as a mechanism that enhances judicial independence in countries that still adopt the practice, such as Brazil and the United States of America.