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The study examines the techniques of political violence used by the Bosniak political elite and Western countries led by the United States, Germany, and the United Kingdom in order to disempower the Republika Srpska and, in the long run, abolish it. The land, army, and judicial system were targeted as crucial parts of the Republika Srpska’s statehood, as confirmed in the 1995 Dayton Peace Agreement. All seizures of Srpska’s competencies were carried out in violation of the peace agreement and the Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina, as well as basic international law norms and egregious abuses of democratic procedures. Western countries have treated Bosnia and Herzegovina as a lawless zone, subordinating its democratically elected bodies and institutions to their own will, embodied in the form of “High Representative” or “Supervisor” in the Brcko Municipality. The state of lawlessness and the principle of the “right of the stronger,” according to which the High Representative had the authority to pass and repeal laws, remove democratically elected officials, and prohibit different people from engaging in politics, provided a framework within which elements of the Republika Srpska’s statehood could be abolished against its citizens’ will

Major changes in the position of Kosovo and Metohija’s autonomy in the late 1960s affected the province’s relations with Albania. In 1967, the Yugoslav State Secretariat of Foreign Affairs and the Yugoslav Federal Executive Council began to encourage cultural and economic ties between Kosovo and Metohija and Albania, justifying this as a strategy for the normalization of relations between Yugoslavia and Albania. Following the joint commemorations of the anniversary of Skanderbeg’s death in Priština and Tirana, an agreement was reached on the use of textbooks from Albania in the Kosovo and Metohija school system. The two sides organized mutual visits of folklore and art groups, as well as friendly matches of soccer teams. Kosovo companies were allowed small border traffic with Albania without any prior interstate agreements between Belgrade and Tirana. Constitutional changes in Serbia in 1969 enabled the expansion of economic and cultural cooperation between Kosovo and Albania. The University of Priština and the University of Tirana signed an agreement to hire professors from Tirana as lecturers at Priština faculties. In 1971, scientists from Tirana participated in the work of the Kosovo Archives, the Provincial Library, and the Priština Museum, while 41 Albanian professors gave lectures at the University of Priština. Reports by Albanian lecturers from Kosovo enabled the Albanian state leadership to be acquainted in detail with the political situation in Yugoslavia.

Decision of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia to pay special attention to the development of the Autonomous Region of Kosovo and Metohija has radically changed the economic structure of the region. This was reflected in the opening of new plants in the electrical, chemical, textile and food industries, which was followed by the high rates of economic growth. These changes were made possible by investments from the federal and republican levels, which accounted for over 70% of total investments in Kosovo and Metohija. Data on the economic boom of Kosovo and Metohija in the period 1957-1964. years deny the myth of the "oppression of Albanians" while Aleksandar Rankovic was in positions of power. The increase in professional engagement and material investments at the end of the fifties enabled school buildings in Kosovo and Metohija to meet modern urban, hygienic and pedagogical standards. In order to improve interethnic relations, Serbian, Albanian and Turkish students from the same places started attending schools in the same facilities, and the Albanian language was introduced as an elective subject for Serbian students. During the 1950s, Kosovo Albanians rarely chose to study at Yugoslav universities, driven by cultural, economic and political considerations. The situation changed after 1958, with the establishment of the Higher Education School in Pristina. The faculty network expanded in the following years, so that in the early 1960s, Kosovo and Metohija had four towns that housed higher education institutions. Pristina has become the cultural, economic and educational center of this part of Yugoslavia.

This research aims to shed light on the social challenges of school development in Kosovo and Metohija after the Second World War. It examines how the philosophy created in Soviet Union and Western Marxist circles was applied in nationally divided, predominantly agrarian, traditional society, with an extremely high illiteracy rate. The paper also shows how society is impacted when educational policy in a certain area becomes a means for achieving ideological goals. The study is grounded in the unpublished documents of the Archives of Yugoslavia, Archives of Serbia, and the Central State Archives of Albania.

The main cause of demonstrations was Vojvodina leadership's persistent refusal to accept changes to the Constitution that would confirm the sovereignty of Serbia in its autonomous provinces. After Slobodan Milosevic rose to power, the Serbian authorities developed two different policies regarding autonomous provinces. In case of Vojvodina, the main emphasis was on using the lack of democratic capacity and legitimacy of the leadership in Vojvodina, while leadership of Kosovo was the subject of party pressure through the League of Communists of Yugoslavia. Leadership of Vojvodina, which has been decisively and confidently rejecting any thought in which Vojvodina could be politically subordinated to the Republic, was confused by the July and August demonstrations. In absence of finding an adequate response to the new situation, leadership remained passive, which ultimately led to complete paralysis of Vojvodina government. The confusion and passiveness of the main Vojvodina communists during the summer and autumn of 1988. indicates that demonstrations hit their weakest point - democratic capacity. It turned out that the stern attitude of Vojvodina Communists towards Serbia was not supported by the population of Vojvodina, and that the province government policy was not legitimate.. Second key factor in the Anti-bureaucratic revolution in Vojvodina was the influence of media, which was controlled by the Serbian leader Slobodan Milosevic. The anti-bureaucratic revolution in Vojvodina represents a historical phenomenon of a unique kind, which at the same time contains the elements of the Revolutions of 1989, in which Eastern European regimes were down due to the lack of their own legitimacy and under the burst of the popular rebellion, as well as elements of the "Cultural Revolution" in China, when the most powerful man of the party used and manipulated national dissatisfaction in order to remove political opponents and reduce the influence of competitive fractions in the party.

Велики број припадника фашистичког режима „Краљевине Албаније" током Другог светског рата је након повлачења Немачке са Балкана пронашао уточиште у Италији, Турској и земљама западне Европе, где је наставио да политички делује. Вођа организације Бали комбетар Мидхат Фрашери се након вишегодишњег боравка у Италији, 1949. го дине пребацио у САД, а са собом је повео и друге истакнуте квислинге. У САД-у се ускоро настанио вођа покрета „Легалитет" Абаз Купи, а сре дином педесетих година и вођа Друге призренске лиге и министар уну трашњих послова Албаније под немачким покровитељством Џафер Де ва. Преломан моменат за албанску екстремну емиграцију на Западу представља операција „Valuable", којом су САД и Британија покушале да оборе комунистички режим Енвера Хоџе у Албанији. Иако је опера ција неуспела, иза ње су остале чврсте везе између америчке и британ ске обавештајне службе и националистичке албанске емиграције, које су додатно интензивиране шездесетих година. After the Second World War, a large number of members of the fascist regime of the Kingdom of Albania found refuge in Italy, Turkey, and the countries of Western Europe, where they continued to act politically. The three leading political options in exile—Balli Kombetar, the Zogists, and the pro-Italian National Independent Bloc—decided to cooperate with each other, so they formed the Albanian National Committee in 1946. The turning point for the Albanian extreme emigration in the West is Operation Valuable, by which the United States and Great Britain sought to overthrow the communist regime of Enver Hoxha in Albania. Although the operation failed, strong ties were forged between US and British intelligence and Albanian nationalist emigration, which were further intensified in the 1960s. Xhafer Deva, who was dedicated to acting on the annexation of Kosovo and Metohija to Albania, immigrated to the United States in 1956 and established cooperation with the CIA. Albanian emigration in the West applied different methods in politics towards Kosovo and Metohija. Some organizations, such as Xhafer Deva's Third Prizren League, have focused on lobbying Western intelligence. The Bali Kombetar Independent, headquatered in Rome, paid particular attention to working with Albanian high school students and youth in Kosovo and Metohija. The Alliance of Kosovo, formed in 1949, was engaged in subtle methods of involving Albanian nationalists in Yugoslav state structures, the League of Communists of Yugoslavia, the Yugoslav People's Army, and educational and health institutions in Kosovo and Metohija. Albanian emigration was also involved in violent demonstrations in Kosovo and Metohija in 1968, and cooperated on this issue with the communist regime of Enver Hoxha in Albania.