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The Pasteur Institute of Iran underwent a major expansion of its research productivity and international recognition during some of the most significant events of modern Iranian history: the nationalization of the Iranian oil industry, followed by the Anglo-American coup against Prime Minister Mohammad Mosaddegh in 1953. During this period, the institute's French director, Marcel Baltazard, was embedded in a complex set of working relationships with his Iranian employees, research subjects, and government ministers; American scientists and foreign aid workers; and French Pasteurians and diplomats. Baltazard constantly described these relationships as instances of "collaboration." The temporal and geographical context demands a critical reading of scientific collaboration alongside the negative implications of political collaboration. Investigating the political commitments and social attitudes of the French director and Iranian staff, this essay demonstrates that scientific collaboration at the institute both reinforced socioeconomic inequalities within Iran and mirrored global Cold War geopolitics that undermined Iranian sovereignty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines relations between the U.S. and Iran during the 1960s, particularly allegations made by Iranian businessman Khaibar Khan Gudarzian that financial aid given to Iran by the U.S. government had been utilized as bribe money and otherwise misappropriated. The article discusses how such accusations and a U.S. Senate investigation raised tensions and altered the balance of power between the two countries during the Cold War.

As the writers in this symposium illustrate, dealing with Iran's nuclear program is one of the most important foreign policy issues of the day. Years of stalled talks, diplomatic dead-ends, and sanctions have made it difficult to see exactly where progress has been made and what efforts are worth pursuing. In this Global Forum, leading foreign policy experts weigh in from around the world on the options for how to move forward with Iran—from diplomacy to fuel swaps to military strikes. Whatever their proposed solutions, the writers express one common theme: We ignore Iran at our own peril. From the US, Thomas R. Pickering (2010), Lawrence J. Korb, and Bennett Ramberg (2010); from Turkey, Mustafa Kibaroglu (2010); from Iran, Kayhan Barzegar (2010); and from Israel, Emily B. Landau (2010). Over the months of November and December, this forum will continue at www.thebulletin.org. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article looks at three Swedish companies that were operating in Iran and how those firms exited that particular market between 1975 to 1992, which was a period of revolution and war in Iran. The process model of internationalization implies that globalization is unilateral but this model is, in fact, multilateral. A brief history of Iran is presented to show how the political and social climate of the country in the latter half of the twentieth century prevented it from becoming a home for multinational corporations.

Beginning in the early twentieth century, a discourse on population crisis emerged in the Iranian press. Iran, it was argued, suffered from a small and sickly population, and therefore was unable to fully exploit its natural riches and resources. One suggested solution to the problem was a reformation of the traditional model of marriage, making monogamous, age-appropriate marriage the new norm. This was to provide Iran with numerous robust future citizens, the result of healthy and suitable couples. The article presents the process in which fear of population decline led to a change in the perceptions of ‘proper’ male sexuality, of married life and of love in Iran. It shows how this process influenced gender relations and social relations, preserving women’s subjugation within companionate marriage and constructing men of social groups who practised polygamy and child marriage as corrupt and unpatriotic, unlike Western-educated elite men who adopted companionate marriage. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Having been introduced to the scholarly community and the general public through a variety of photographic presentations during the inter-war period, monuments in Iran, particularly those of pre-modern Islamic periods, became key buildings to be seized upon as the ultimate embodiment of Persian beauty. The lasting image of Persian Islamic architecture that was articulated through photographs continues not only to set an important benchmark for the understanding of the aesthetic and political matrix of the early twentieth century but also to provoke a methodological question as to the future of Persian architectural studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the Anglo-Soviet occupation of Persia (Iran), the Tehran-based Defence Security Office was responsible for protecting from Nazi subversion and sabotage three potential strategic targets: the vital oilfields, pipelines, and refineries of Khuzistan; the Lend-Lease supply route between the Persian Gulf and the Soviet Union; and the security of the Persian polity itself. Against all odds, under the command of Lt Col E.L. ‘Joe’ Spencer, this small but effective British/Indian security-intelligence unit succeeded in neutralising the Nazi threat, in capturing all German operatives on Persian soil, and in maintaining the security of a territory five times the size of Britain. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Following the First World War, empires were replaced with nation-states for good and the map of the Middle East was redrawn. Traced back to the final decades of the nineteenth century, Kurdish nationalism did not result in a nation-state in the modern Middle East. Therefore, the Kurds inhabiting the borderlands of the four nation-states of Turkey, Iran, Iraq and Syria came to be perceived as ‘trouble’ by these nation-states. Through the use of a wide array of published and unpublished Kurdish, Turkish, Persian and French archival documents, memoirs and oral and written literary pieces, this article unearths the role of a Kurdish tribal chief by the name of Ferzende in Mount Ararat Revolt in the late 1920s and early 1930s against the Turkish and Iranian nation-states. An exceptional contribution of this study is its exploration of the petition submitted to the Iranian Parliament by Ferzende's wife Besra. This study thus is a fresh contribution to the study of social history of the Middle East from the margins. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article challenges traditional accounts of the 1946 Cold War Crisis in Iran by moving beyond Soviet–American confrontation to focus on British policy. In contrast to the United States, Britain was a major stake-holding power in Iran due to the valuable holdings of the Anglo–Iranian Oil Company (AIOC). By comparing the reactions of the AIOC and Foreign Office, continuity between the events of the 1946 Crisis and later developments in the Mosaddegh premiership becomes apparent. Soviet interference in Azerbaijan prompted great concern from representatives in Iran, but the central Foreign Office pursued a more cautious policy. Only concerns relating to the growth of domestic Iranian communism in the form of the Tudeh Party and the threat this entailed to the British concession prompted the Foreign Office and AIOC to take measures rendering them partially complicit in the internationalization of Iranian politics, setting an important precedent for future action. This article evaluates the policy-making process and its impact on Anglo–Iranian relations by utilizing records from the UK National Archives, British Petroleum Archive and diplomatic personal papers. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This essay unravels the intertwined emergence of “Fordist” connections and conceptions of America in Iran during the 1920s. By focusing on the interplay of infrastructure and information, I use a Persian travelogue to chart the impact of motor transport that, in the wake of the First World War, connected a formerly isolated Iran to the Arab Mediterranean and thence to America. Compared to the extensive Levantine encounter with the Americas that from the 1870s generated an Arab diaspora and Arabic emigration literature from Buenos Aires to Detroit, the Iranian encounter with the United States was much later and more limited. This changed rapidly, however, with the opening of the “Nairn Way” and the importing of American automobiles, developments that tied Iran to the Levant at the very moment American strategists were coining the unitary spatial concept of a “Middle East.” In Iran, this conjunctural moment coincided with the rise of Riza Shah and the nationalist search for a third-power strategy to negate a century of Russian and British influence. Expanding the recent literature on Middle Eastern globalization, this essay uses ‘Abdullah Bahrami's 1926 travelogue Az Tihran ta Niyu Yurk (From Tehran to New York) to reconstruct what Iran's new nation-builders hoped to learn from the United States during the formative decade of U.S.-Iran relations. From behind the better-known story of petropolitics, Bahrami's travelogue captures the turning point when the United States first rose on the globalizing horizons of Iran's modernizing nationalists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the concept of state terrorism in relation to the politics of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The author uses the typology elaborated by the American political scientist Gus Martin. Iranian domestic and international patronage and assistance are researched. This paper comes to the conclusion that Iran is involved in a broad spectrum of terrorist activities; however, the specific forms of terrorism are carried our autonomously and in various time periods. The most active period was during the 1980s and the least Iranian terrorist activity can be noticed in the second half of 1990s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From the late nineteenth century until the mid-twentieth century, men of an emerging western-educated Iranian elite utilised knowledge, practices and objects originating from western countries to reach and preserve a hegemonic position in their society. This article follows the appropriation of western knowledge and education, along with western clothes and manners, and explores how these became essential components of a new hegemonic masculinity in Iran. It also describes the criticism this model of masculinity met from conservative segments of society and the manner in which men of the western-educated elite dealt with this--by giving new meanings to the criticism and redirecting it towards non-elite men. Thus, men of the western-educated elite appropriated ‘correct’ westernisation and excluded non-elite men from it and from the new model of hegemonic masculinity. The new model was further promoted during the reign of Reza Shah (1926–41), when dress laws enforced western attire upon all Iranian male lay citizens, a move which entrenched the social and political hegemony of westernised men as well. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A biography is presented of the Christian missionary, American diplomat and professor at Urumia college of Urumia City, Iran William Ambrose Shedd. He was born in the second half of the 19th century in a remote part of Persia and graduated from Marietta College, in Marietta, Ohio in 1887. During World War I, as the acting American consul, he led efforts to prevent violence between Christians and Muslims in Urumia.

In June 1924 Tehran woke up to the news that a famous saqqa-khanih had performed miracles. The most widespread story was that a Babi / Baha 'i girl had tried to poison the saqqa-khanih's water and had suddenly gone blind. This happened against the background of an acute power struggle between Reza Khan and the opposition which had recently ended with the failure of his campaign to turn Iran into a republic. The news of the miracles led to anti-Babi demonstrations as well as a rush by the sick and the disabled to seek cure from the saqqa-khanih. And when the American vice-consul Robert Imbrie and his friend went to take photos of the scenes they were murdered by a mob, probably helped by police and soldiers. The government and the opposition both blamed each other for the incident, but the likeliest explanation is that the demonstrations had been fomented by the royal court and a few conservative clerics close to them, though the murder of Imbrie had been totally unplanned. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Türk Dünyası Araştırmaları is the property of Turk Dunyasi Arastirmalari Vakfi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In the early twentieth century, Iranian Baha'is were at the forefront of efforts to promote modern schooling for girls in Iran. Using previously untapped published primary sources and archival records, this article examines the history of the Baha'i schools for girls in the context of modern schooling of Iranian girls and assesses their contribution to female education in Iran. This contribution was significant and all the more remarkable considering the Iranian Baha'is’ numbers and resources and the restrictions under which they operated. Most notably, in the spring of 1933, less than two years before the forced closure of Baha'i schools by the Pahlavi state, 4 percent of all females in Iran's accredited schools were enrolled in Baha'i schools. The Baha'i community's most prestigious school, Tarbīyat-i banāt in Tehran, was by this time Iran's largest girls’ school. Outside Tehran, in some localities, the only girls’ schools were run by Baha'is, and in others a significant portion of all female pupils were enrolled in Baha'i schools. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper analyses the walled landlord villages of the Tehran Plain in terms of hierarchy and control, and how these structures are created and expressed through the spatial landscape of the villages. Drawing on original fieldwork, the ways in which landlords used the physicality of the villages to maintain and reinforce control over farmers is explored. We suggest that the 'success' or at least longevity of the land tenure system in Iran prior to the later twentieth century can be attributed at least in part to the buildings and spaces of the villages themselves. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Urban politics in Iran's contemporary history is considered as a groundbreaking subject and at the same time an introduction to a new era in Iran's history of urban development. The role of urban politics is particularly important when considering its role in the development of public spaces. Developments that pertain to public spaces eventually manifested themselves as a pattern for future developments 1921-1941. The present research is meant to look for an answer for the following question: "How has been the urban politics at the current juncture with regards to public spaces?" Researches carried out over Iran's contemporary history mostly focused over political issues and less addressed social issues. This is while such researches could help answer a certain share of Iran's needs like defining the identity of the Iranian society. Also, such researches can help the designers and managers of urban politics and particularly those in charge of the development of public spaces - which is already considered as a vital need in the social life of any nation. The present study is based on the following hypothesis: "The policies of the Iranian government from 1921 to 1941 were based on the need to create a significant change in people's life and also to revolutionize the political, social and economic aspects of the Iranian society. This eventually led to the emergence of new public spaces in Iranian cities which reflected the above changes." The policies of the government and the measures that were taken with regards to the urban management during the above period were counterproductive from the viewpoint of public interests. Those measures and polices had prepared the public opinion for a shift from the underdeveloped city infrastructures that had remained unchanged from the Qajar period due to the poor performance of those in power. The issue of underdevelopment of the Iranian society was effectively exploited by the officials serving in the administration of the Pahlavid dynasties to promote a platform of development and modernization. However, the deficiencies pertaining to the underdevelopment of city structures that had remained from the Qajar period did not justify all measures. Rather, the necessary step that needed to be taken was to remove those deficiencies in city structures by considering certain rules and regulations. This needed to be done in such a way as to protect the common culture of urban economy and the tradition of Persian urbanization which were based on the mentality and social values of Iranians developed within the course of an ancient civilization. Therefore, efforts taken by officials during the First Pahlavid period (1921-1941) which were mostly based on imitating the West in the name of modernization and renovation without considering the opinions of the real representatives of the people prepared the ground for the country to quit a crisis and plunge into another crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article studies the relationship between social culture and spatial discrimination in the modern urban planning of Tehran. It examines how planning attempts during the Qajar era began to enrich the ideas of citizenship and public space, which in effect transformed the racial and religious discriminations to new forms of segregation based on economic classes. It shows how multiple planning practices during Reza Shah favored a uniform modernist style to create an imaginary national identity. The divergence of socioeconomic classes under Shah’s planning practices is also analyzed to show the spatial discrimination that the new urban poor had to bear. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

During the First World War, Persia was the scene of early British cryptanalytical successes against German diplomatic codes and ciphers under the auspices of Room 47 (one of the suite of rooms which for convenience have been listed under “Room 40 OB” or the Old Building of the British Admiralty in London). It is the contention of this article, based on newly discovered archival material, that there is a strong, and previously undetected link with the Zimmermann Telegram, which David Kahn has called “the greatest intelligence coup of all time.” [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Revue des Sciences Sociales is the property of Universite des Sciences Humaines and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article discusses joint British and Russian operations in Iran during World War II. It examines Iran's 1939 declaration of neutrality and explores competition for influence in Iran between Germany, the Soviet Union, and Great Britain. The author offers thoughts on the reasons behind Iran's lack of a successful resistance to the Soviet-British operations. The actions of British leader Winston Churchill, Soviet leader Joseph Stalin, and Iranian leader Mohammad Reza Pahlavi are also considered.

This article looks at the Iranian Constitution of 1906 and its Supplement of 1907 in terms of the existing trend towards the centralization and strengthening of the state, looking in detail at the role of the reformist higher bureaucracy in pursuing these objectives in the drafting of the Constitution. It also considers the question of the long term trend relating to control of power in the form of the army, and the way the issue was handled in the two documents. It concludes that the rights of the people were weakened by these particular trends, and that modern principles of legitimacy recognized traditional practice with regard to the army, and thereby also undermined accountability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the Constitutional years (1906-11) the legal status of the Jews and some other religious minorities improved, even if only to a limited extent. Can one assume that this change in the legal status of the Jews reflected changes in the public's actual treatment toward the Jews in reality during the days leading up to the Constitutional Revolution in 1906? To an extent, the answer is in the affirmative. The present article argues, however, that the real life situation of the Jews in the years leading up to the Constitutional Revolution was still often one of abuse and occasional persecution. To prove this contention, section I of the article presents some such cases. Section II establishes some of the reasons for the attacks on the Jews—not only religious, but also economic and socio-political ones, as well as briefly suggesting certain recurring paradigms surrounding it. Section III looks at one case study from November 1905 in the city of Shiraz. Finally, this preliminary research ends with some concluding remarks. Be-karestan-e Sane' kas cheh danad, kherad dar kar-e U hayran bemanad.1 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses events surrounding the June 12, 2009 election in Iran. It states that the election results represent the end of the political stalemate that followed the 1989 death of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini and the beginning of a period of confusion, predicting a nuclear explosion in the desert. It notes the installation of Shah Reza Pahlavi in 1921 with Western help, and his son Mohammed Reza in 1953. The son ordered Khomeini into exile in 1964 in an attempt to demolish political influence of the clergy. Khomeini came to power in the revolution of 1978-1979. Mir Hossein Mousavi, a 2009 candidate for president, was then an influential newspaper editor. The 2009 election retained Mahmoud Ahmadinejad in power but is widely considered to have been fraudulent and unrest persists.

Although the first Persian language newspaper was published in Iran 170 years ago, Iranian journalism is a twentieth century creation, indeed a product of the 1906 Constitutional Revolution. The press played a significant part in the revolution, especially by promoting the demand for the rule of laws enacted by parliament, rather than decrees issued by the king or the religious leaders. Once a constitution had been declared, many journalists felt relieved of all restrictions and engaged in bitter, personal attacks on their opponents, including the monarch and his family. Many papers also opposed a press law that was passed soon after the revolution, arguing that it was meant to suppress their newly-gained freedom. Five more press laws have been passed in Iran since then, but the debate over press freedom and the rule of law in the country does not appear to be anywhere near resolution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Discusses American agents' role in a 1953 coup to depose the Iranian Prime Minister, Muhammad Mosadeq. Contextualization of the decision to launch the coup; U.S. interests in what was nominally a commercial dispute between Iran and the British-owned Anglo-Iranian Oil Co. (AIOC); Choice between Operation Ajax and writing Iran off to communism as an expendable asset.

Michel Foucault (1926-1984) was one of the great philosophers whose interesting journalistic reportages of the Islamic Revolution of Iran are widely discussed. However, his reading of the 1978 Revolution and its influence on his thought has received several interpretations. The aim of this short paper is to notify that Foucault's interest in the Iranian Revolution is basically rooted in his philosophical approach to the West. The author refers to his principal strategy and to his reading of the Iranian Revolution in this context. Part of his suggestion is that the Islamic Revolution of Iran influenced Foucault's strategy of power-knowledge relationship, since the Islamic Revolution of Iran provided Foucault with a contemporary manifestation of religion as an overt political force. In this context the author turns to the emerging idea on Iran that follows a particular reading of Islam developed from the work of French orientalists Louis Massignon and Henry Corbin. This reading supports Foucault's overall problematics of religion in terms of the political.

Examines the United States Central Intelligence Agency's report on the 1953 American-British overthrow of Iran Prime Minister Mohammad Mossadeq. Use of the archives of the British Foreign office as a source to shed light on the hidden aspects of the coup d'etat; Role of the U.S. ambassador and military advisers in the coup d'etat; Use of assassinations to destabilize the Iranian government.

Presents the author's lecture before the Royal Society for Asian Affairs' meeting on March 8, 1988 regarding her recollections of Iran in the mid-20th century. Inculcation of the concepts of patriotism; Adoption of Western-style reforms; Effects of modernization; Arbitrariness of power; Transportation system; Improvement of health and education; Ubiquity of officials; Conditions of women.