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Despite the widespread use of sanctions as a foreign policy tool in the absence of armed intervention and as a means to promote peace, there is notable absence of research on the effects of sanctions on the peacebuilding capacity of tourism and their relationship to the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). This situation is surprising given that both sanctions and tourism are promoted as a force for peace and reconciliation processes. Drawing upon international relations and political science and via semi-structured interviews with key stakeholders in the Iranian tourism and hospitality industry, this study investigates whether sanctions contribute to peace and create an environment suitable for tourism development. The findings indicate how the imposition, relaxation and then re-imposition of sanctions by international state actors as a means of peace have paralyzed the Iranian tourism industry through its psychological, sectoral, and societal effects and mobility restrictions. The consequences of sanctions and their sharp contrast with the SDGs are also explored. This study fills a significant gap in tourism research by examining the implications of the application of a widely used coercive geopolitical tool of statecraft in relation to the peace and tourism nexus. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the beginning of the XIXth century the relations of dependency and inter-dependency between the Iranian monarch and foreign officials became an integral part of Iranian political life. During the Iranian Constitutional Movement (1905–1911) nascent Iranian nationalism harshly condemned the Qajars as tyrants and lackeys of foreign powers. Muhammad 'Ali Shah (r.1907–1909), the first Qajar sovereign who had to share his powers with the representative assembly, was quickly discredited by his political opponents as despot and Russian puppet, an accusation that seemed to be proved when the deposed Muhammad 'Ali returned to Iran from his exile and launched a military campaign. This study represents an attempt to shed more light on the relations between Muhammad 'Ali and Russian officials, especially in the context of his return campaign of 1911. Relying mostly on unpublished Russian archival sources, this paper proposes a critical assessment of Muhammad 'Ali's link with Russia, avoiding the habitual reductionist scheme of 'patron-client' relations and putting more emphasis on the role of agency in Russian foreign policy in Iran as well as the proper intentions and ambitions of the Qajar princely elite. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following the Trump Administration's decision to withdraw from the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) in 2018 and the reimposition of economic sanctions, Iran witnessed public unrest that threatened the survival of the regime. Throughout its history, the Iranian regime has deployed various intricate internal and external strategies that have worked separately at times, and overlapped at others, to secure the regime against threats and guarantee its survivability. It is important to discover the strategies the Iranian regime has followed to survive the stifling crises it has faced since its establishment in 1979, in order to evaluate whether it will be able to survive its chronic economic crises. While the regime has purposely supported the Palestinian cause, strengthened its relations with non-state actors, and engaged in religious discourses on an external level, it has also achieved militarization and securitization, populated unelected governmental institutions with personnel loyal to its clerical and military institutions rather than qualified persons and pursued legitimacy renewal on an internal level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Iranian nuclear programme is a controversial issue that has had domestic, regional and international effects. Iran's pursuit of nuclear technology has divided the Middle East region and international community. Turkey has been at the centre of the Iranian nuclear debate and has sought to play a 'mediating role' in this issue. This article will apply a Historical Sociological (HS) framework to analyse Turkey-Iran relations considering the Iranian Nuclear Issue. It will explore the period from 2002 until the signing of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) in July 2015 and will provide an analysis of the historical, domestic and regional/international developments in the nuclear issue and how this has affected Turkish-Iranian relations. By highlighting the continuities and constraints each actor has faced, this article will demonstrate how the interaction of structure versus agency, geographical determinants and historical analysis all help provide a comprehensive understanding of the constraining and enabling factors in Turkish-Iranian relations. By applying Historical Sociology and 'Cuspness' to Turkish-Iranian relations in the Iranian Nuclear Issue, this article provides the reasons of 'how' and 'why' the relationship is complex, and how Turkey and Iran can maintain pragmatic relations yet be constrained by these factors at the same time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Different theoretical approaches can be used to analyze countries' foreign policy and regionalism. The present study intends to study and compare the policy of regionalism of Iran in the second Pahlavi era and the Islamic Republic based on the theoretical approach of James Rosenau, using the variables of decision-making personality, role, government, society and international system variables. Iran's regionalization policy during the Second Pahlavi period was in line with the structure of power in the international system. At the same time, Iran, in this period influenced by the structure of the bipolar system and the Cold War, also sought to gain supremacy and leadership in the region, as the most important person in foreign policy decisionmaking and in the personality of Mohammad Reza Shah. On this basis, we can say that the two variables of the international system and the decision-making personality were the most important variables influencing the process of foreign policy and regionalism of Iran during this period. In the Islamic Republic, with the formation of ideological elements such as the construction and nature of political power based on the velayat-e faqih and the idea of issuing a revolution, the policy of regionalism was in conflict with the structure of power in the international system and in line with ideological foundations and interests. Accordingly, the two variables of the international system and the decision-making personality were the most important variables influencing the process of foreign policy and regionalization of Iran during this period. The purpose of this paper is to use a descriptive-analytical method, a comparative study and to use the historical data to study the effect of each of these variables on the regionalization process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on the Strategic Culture Theory, this article analyzes Iran's evolving ballistic missile program (BMP), by focusing especially on the period of the Trump administration (January 2017-January 2021), including both Iran's Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) shooting down a US surveillance drone in the Strait of Hormuz in June 2019 and Iran's attack on the US military bases following the assassination of IRGC General Qasem Soleimani, in January 2020. This work demonstrates the increasing reliance on the 'revolutionary', more offensive narrative, which has become additionally reinforced after the assassination of General Qasem Soleimani and Professor Mohsen Fakhrizadeh. This has consolidated the retaliatory aspects in Iran's foreign and security policy, while it has also marginalized moderated actors willing to engage in negotiations with the US. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the rise of the Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi (AKP), Islam has come to play a more prominent role in public and political spheres in Turkey. This paper draws on ethnographic data gathered in Istanbul and Diyarbakir between 2013 and 2015 to highlight Kurdish attitudes to Islam. Following the electoral success of the AKP amongst Kurds in the general election of 2007, Kurdish actors have sought to incorporate Islamic sensibilities into their political offering in order to appeal to Kurdish constituents. Amid the AKP's recent authoritarian turn and instrumentalization of religion, and the rise of Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS), many Kurds have sought to redefine their relationship with Islam to clearly demarcate distinctly Kurdish religious and political spaces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the questions which characterized the first two decades after the rise of the Qajars to the Iranian throne was the fierce rivalry between the two leading princes during the reign of Fath-ʿAli Shah, namely, ʿAbbas Mirza Nayib al-Saltanah and Muhammad-ʿAli Mirza Daulatshah. The main cause of this rivalry was the nomination of the former to the position of crown prince and regent instead of the latter, who was the elder of the two. The aim of this article is to explain the reasons for this seemingly unjust decision on the part of Fath-ʿAli, and to discuss the intensity of this princely rivalry, analyzing its repercussions on various domestic and external affairs during the first decades of Qajar rule in Iran. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Late Imperial Russia's multifaceted presence in Persia retains many fascinating life-stories of its actors, who often exerted crucial influence on the course of the history of Russian-Iranian relations of the time. Drawing on international scholarship about the Russian-Iranian relationships at the turn of the twentieth century, but mostly on documents from Russian and Georgian archives and the diaries of his contemporaries as well as his own private notes, this article examines the activities of Seraia Shapshal (1873–1961), focusing on his embeddedness both in the Qajar court and in Late Imperial Russia's policy towards Iran during the period 1900 to 1908. The paper for the first time in Iranian studies sheds light in sufficient detail upon how Shapshal found himself in Persia and what enabled him to reach the highest levels of power at the Qajar court. In so doing, it also identifies his leading role in the June 1908 anti-constitution coup. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a speech by His Excellency Ardeshir Zahedi, former Iranian minister of foreign affairs and ambassador to Great Britain and U.S., delivered during a telephone conversation in June 2020. Topics covered include Iran's relations with the U.S., the efforts of the young generation in Iran to manufacture goods needed in the country and the need for the oppression of Iran by foreign countries to be stopped. He also discusses the reasons for the revolution in Iran.

An interview with His Excellency Ardeshir Zahedi, former ambassador of Iran to the U.S., is presented. Topics covered include his view on the current tensions, as of 2020, between Iran and the U.S., what Iranian people should do under the present circumstances and the relations of the neighboring countries with Iran. He also discussed how he sees the future of Iran and the direction it is taking.

Since the coup attempt of 2016, bilateral ties between Ankara and Tehran have witnessed a significant boost. Using and refining Steven David's framework of omni-balancing, which argues that the conduct of foreign policy in Third World settings also takes stock of domestic threats to the regime, this paper explains this emerging rapprochement. The article argues that after 2016, the AKP's foreign policy became increasingly predicated on regime survival, which was also reflected in Ankara-Tehran ties. This rapprochement was strengthened by both countries' intersecting positions on the following issues (1) A mutual pro-Qatar stance in the recent Saudi Arabia-Qatar spat, (2) Mutual opposition to a Kurdish state in northern Iraq, and (3) Increasingly troubled relations with the US. Through a careful analysis of Turkish and Persian sources along with official discourses, this paper will expand on these key aspects of these significantly improved bilateral relations between both countries and will conclude with discussion of its durability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Iran's coalition with the states and political organizations in the Middle East that are either Shia or act to counter the West and its regional allies is a consequence of the Islamic Republic of Iran's emotionally constructed identity. The empathy Iran has for the Shia resulting from the pain they have collectively suffered throughout history explains Iran's support for the Shia elements in Lebanon and Iraq. With the same logic, assistance Iran gives to Syria and the Palestinian organizations fighting Israel and sanctioned by the West are out of resentment against some Western powers embedded in Iran's identity shaped by a history of disrespect Iranians have seen from some Western powers, particularly Britain and the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the foreign relations between Azerbaijan and Iran. Topics include increase in contact between Azerbaijan and Iran in which several delegations have exchanged visit including top military and intelligence brass, the indications of Tehran-Baku rapprochement such as the possibility of a close military and geopolitical alliance which demonstrates declining global role of United States, and historical relationship between the nations and related territorial disputes.

The article explores Iran and Saudi Arabia, long time adversaries socially, politically, militarily and religiously. The author traces this competition back to two events in 1979: the Iranian revolution and the siege of the Grand Mosque in Mecca, Saudi Arabia. Other topics discussed include how the Iranian revolution transformed the country into a theocracy, Islamic extremism and Shiite and Sunni Islam.

This analysis examines the foreign policy features and domestic implications of British policy towards Iran between 1974 and 1976. Starting with the assumption that economic interests, as well as Cold War imperatives, shaped British policy towards Iran into one where human rights had no space, the conduct of Britain's foreign policy apparatus towards the Shah vis à vis the disturbing reporting of human rights abuses in Iran and the intensification of anti-Shah activism in Britain remains important. Situating the relationship amongst societal forces, foreign policy, and diplomacy as the main analytical thread, this analysis brings new evidence to the field of Britain's relations with Iran, anti-Shah activism abroad, and the effects of the government's policy towards Iran on the British Labour Party. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the role of the U.S. foreign policy in improving relations between Tehran, Iran and Moscow, Russia. Topics discussed include complexities of domestic politics in Iran, the foreign-policy of Russia President Vladimir Putin and vote of Russia at the United Nations (UN) Security Council in favor of American resolutions sanctioning Iran.

Focuses on several issues concerning the decision of Iran to abandon its deal with the European Union (EU) on the suspension of its uranium enrichment program, as of November 2004. Concerns of the EU and the U.S. over the decision; Terms of the agreement, including the recognition of the right of Iran to the peaceful use of nuclear energy; Information on an investigation initiated by the International Atomic Energy Agency to verify the nuclear program of Iran.

Features information on the Ministry of Atomic Energy (MINATOM) of the Russian Federation. Financial problems; Performance of the ministry's nuclear power plants; Reorganization under the leadership of Evgeni Adamov; Nuclear cooperation with Iran; Initiatives for commercialization.

The article discusses the regional and international implications of peace in the Syrian Civil War, including in regard to Russia and Iran's support of the Syrian government under President Bashar al-Assad. An overview of the U.S.'s policy towards the Syrian Civil War, including former President Barack Obama's call for Assad to step down, is provided.

Iran is expected to be one of the main beneficiaries of China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). China and Iran had a track record of cooperation long before the announcement of BRI, developing a highly asymmetric Great Power-Middle Power partnership over the course of three decades. This article asks whether BRI will enable China and Iran to transcend the limitations faced by most Great Power-Middle Power relationships on the basis of Iran's enhanced strategic economic and geographic value. It is argued that while BRI could benefit from stronger China–Iran ties, Iran's international posturing has proven a significant hindrance to China, highlighting that entrenched patterns of engagement in Great Power-Middle Power relations are not easily shifted, even in the face of immense economic incentives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the competition for regional leadership between Egypt, under President President Abdel Fattah Sisi, and Saudi Arabia, under crown prince Muhammad bin Salman. An overview of their mutual opposition to Iran and to the alliance between the organization Muslim Brotherhood, Turkey and Qatar is provided.

Over the last few decades, Turkey, Iran, and Saudi Arabia have become very active in Northeast Africa. In addition to developing bilateral relations with countries in the region, they regard the area as the gateway to connections with the rest of the continent, although they are guided by different motivations. Turkey's expansion of its interests in Africa is both a reaction to the European Union's rejection of its membership and an opportunity to expand its trade, which has been hindered by instability in the Middle East in recent years. Like Saudi Arabia, it views Northeast Africa as a place to extend its cultural influence with that region's indigenous Sunni population. Saudi Arabia has used its wealth to curtail Iran's attempts to expand its influence in the region, while Turkey has provided on-the-ground technical assistance to enhance its political and economic connections in the region. In recent years the two countries have been drawn together by Iran's involvement in Yemen, although Turkey has sought to avoid becoming involved in local political disputes. Rather, it has served in multinational peacekeeping efforts and actions to prevent piracy in the sea lanes off the coast of Africa and the Arabian Peninsula. However, since the dispute between Saudi Arabia and Qatar over the latter country's relations [End Page 1] with Iran that began in June 2017, some tension has arisen between Turkey and Saudi Arabia. While Iran also wants those sea lanes to be freely open to traffic—as they were during the time of Shah Muhammad Reza Pahlavi—it also wants to counteract Israeli involvement in Northeast Africa. Turkey has made great inroads politically and economically in Northeast Africa in recent years, while Saudi Arabia has gained the upper hand in its rivalry with Iran. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the backdrop of a protracted global "war on terror" campaign, there has been a significant increase in the frequency and scope of informal intelligence‐sharing agreements by democratic states with non‐traditional partner regimes known to routinely employ torture. It will be argued that an international "norm vacuum" currently exists surrounding policies and practices in efforts to uphold the torture prohibition in these types of contemporary security relationships. This article will focus on the 2015 Australia‐Iran intelligence relationship as an illustrative case‐study to identify the problems, opportunities and risks related to such sharing arrangements and agreements. It will be argued that, at present, Australia appears indifferent to the risk of being passively complicit in torture. However, in applying an analytical framework of norm entrepreneurship, this article examines the role that countries like Australia could play in crafting normative standards and supporting appropriate behaviour about how global intelligence co‐operation should be considered through reinforcing accountability standards and the torture prohibition world‐wide. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Kurdish question has played a complicated role in relations between Iran and Turkey. After the emergence of modern states, Iran and Turkey were mostly preoccupied with security issues, which dominated relations between the two countries. Then, the Kurdish issue occupied a leading place in Iranian-Turkish relations either as a source of conflict, competition or as a source of cooperation. This article aims to review the Kurdish question in Iran, and influence of the Kurdish issue on Iran-Turkey relations since the ‘Islamic revolution’ of 1979. In this regard, it addresses the Kurdish question as a security issue in Iran and analyzes the Islamic Republic’s policies with regards to it. And then it turns to Iranian-Turkish relations and analyzes the role of the Kurdish question as a source of conflict, competition and cooperation between the two countries. Finally it deals with implications of the new regional dynamics of the Kurdish question and their effects on Iran’s relations with Turkey. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses relations between Pakistan and Iran by referring to the book "Pakistan's Foreign Policy 1947-2016: A Concise History" by Abdul Sattar. Topics discussed include Iranian media perception of Pakistan, economic cooperation between Pakistan and Iran, diplomatic relations between Pakistan and Iran following the visit by Pakistan's Prime Minister, Liaqat Ali Khan in 1947, and collaboration between Iran and Pakistan provided by the U.S.-led Central Treaty Organization.

This article sheds light on the converging interests between Iran and Russia in the Middle East as well as persistent points of friction between the two countries. There is an internal debate in Iran about defining a new regional and foreign policy in the aftermath of the Arab Spring and during the administration of United States president Donald Trump. As there are no purely bilateral relationships in the international system, the Tehran-Moscow relationship is, to a certain extent, influenced by US foreign policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Media reports have recently indicated that Israel and Saudi Arabia have been cooperating behind the scenes against their common enemies, Iran and jihadist groups. This article sets to explore the rationale behind and essence of this cooperation, while putting it in proper historical perspective. The article shows that Saudi policy toward Israel was consistently dictated by pragmatism rather than ideology, while Israel's suspicions toward the kingdom disappeared only following the 2006 Lebanon War and the Arab Spring. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Historically, India's policy on Iran has been a balancing act between securing its interests as a counterweight to Pakistan, and ensuring its continued partnership with the US and other regional players. Yet confusion in India's Iran policy became evident when Iran's nuclear program began to draw international attention in the 1990s. More recently, India has attempted to reach out to Iran, reigniting trade relations and initiating new plans. Growing Indo- Iran relations are however a worrying sign for Islamabad, which is attempting a simultaneous expansion of ties with Tehran while continuing to resolve outstanding disputes. The central argument of this paper is that India's relations with Iran are best understood through the prism of the intertwining of geo-economic and geopolitical considerations. Analysis has often separated these two factors, but there is evidence that a synergy exists -- and that it is particularly visible when the Pakistani element is introduced. Often emphasising historical and cultural affinity, India and Pakistan have each sought politically and economically viable relations with Iran. Yet their bilateral political calculations and the current economic challenges have prompted a nuanced policy based on a careful balancing of geo-economics and geopolitics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examine the Iranian civil-military relations, aims to provide a succinct history of the evolution of the relationship between the military and the political process from 1979 to 2018. It mentions that Iran has suffered coups in its modern history and has been a force to be reckoned with in the political and socioeconomic spheres. The article adds U.S. sanctions on Iran following the withdrawal from the nuclear accord Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA).

An interview with author Abdolreza Ansari is presented. Topics discussed include the 2,500 year anniversary celebration of the foundation of Persian Empire by Cyrus the Great; catering services of Maxim's restaurant, responsibility of the Ministry of the Imperial Court of Iran for helping foreign diplomats; and an importance of serving Persian food.

A reprint of the article "Remembering A Friend" by Feridoon Zandfard, which appeared in the November 2005 issue of "Keyhan London periodical," is presented. The author recalls his meeting with Ardeshir Zahedi, Iranian diplomat. at his house Villa les Roses in Montreux, Switzerland. The author recalls that he meets with Zahedi on the day when Zahedi was hosting Queen Fawzia first wife of the Shah of Iran & mother of his ex-wife, Princess Shahnaz.

The literature about factors that promote growth and change presents models of diffusion that are based on societies’ attempts to learn from the success of other societies and adopt their models. The stepped-up protests and calls for change that led to the Arab Spring were strongly influenced by Arab society’s exposure to the successes of the non-Arab Muslim states in the region: Turkey and Iran. In this article, we identify the focal points of the discussions about the models that the Arab world should adopt from Turkey and Iran, as proposed by leading public intellectuals, leaders, and think tanks, during the period between 2002 and 2012 prior to the eruption of the Arab Spring and during its first stage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When Iran’s nuclear agreement was signed, critics raised questions about the terms of the agreement, its duration and especially about whether the deal would prevent Iran from achieving nuclear weapons. However now, three years since the agreement was signed, one might be able to judge whether or not it is a good deal and what are its future implications. This research intends to review three specific clusters of concerns that critics had, and tries to find out whether or not these concerns have materialized. The first was that under the guise of the JCPOA Iran would commence a clandestine weaponization to produce a bomb. The second concern was that regional actors would respond to the JCPOA by developing their own nuclear arsenals. The third concern was that Iran would use the money it would receive from the sanctions relief to expand its regional ambitions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the past year, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia has experienced a period of rapid transformation under the direction of a new Crown Prince, Mohammed bin Salman, the son of the current King. Domestically, Bin Salman has overseen political reform in the upper echelons of the al-Saud ruling family, whilst embarking on a more pro-actively anti-Iranian foreign policy. This article looks at the actions of the new crown prince to explore the impact of Bin Salman’s influence on both the Kingdom and the Middle East more broadly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Foreign policy development in the Islamic Republic is often conceived through secularizing homologies of ideology and pragmatism and radicalism and moderation. Policy practice, however, has often welded their crossed terms together religiously. This article seeks to resolve some contradictions in extant models by reconceiving of Iran’s foreign policy since 1979 as a religious system that differentiates contending values hierarchically. It explores policy in three periods representing particular balances of ecumenism and sectarianism: the revolutionary decade (1979–1989), the reformist interlude (1989–2005) and the era of radical reassertion (2005–2013). Rather than being perceived as fundamentally opposed orientations, ecumenism and sectarianism are presented as integrated tendencies of Shiite Islamism. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article analyzes Sino-Iranian relations and mutual strategic perceptions, highlighting several types of tension in Sino-Iranian ties alongside areas of deeper cooperation. We examine in particular the policy debates about China between conservatives and reformists within Iran, and we compare their views of China to the views of Iran held by Chinese commentators. To that end, we extensively survey both the official media and scholarly literature in Farsi and in Chinese, since each strand reveals different sentiments and is accorded a different degree of openness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ayatollah Khomeini after the 1979 Revolution contemplated the promotion of Shia core doctrinal values in the Muslim world. A strategy to instill these values in young minds and academic community in the largely Sunni majority Muslim states was needed. Khomeini used 'exporting revolution' instead of 'exporting Shia core values' to avoid resistance in the Sunni dominant communities. The Islamic Republic of Iran founded al-Mustafa International University (MIU) with branches across the Muslim world. The MIU's strategy and activities in Malaysia and Afghanistan suggest that it is engaged in proselytizing followers of Sunni theology and recruiting Sunni academia as propagandists and sympathizers of Shiism. In Afghanistan, the Islamic Republic also aims to penetrate policy-making circles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the nuclear research programs of Iran. Although the Iranian government has said it is not pursuing nuclear weapons, its behavior has aroused suspicions in the international community. According to nonproliferation analysts, claims that Tehran is actually pursuing a nuclear weapons capability deserve careful scrutiny. The Iranian regime is divided over this issue, and its failure to cooperate with the International Atomic Energy Agency might be the result of bureaucratic and ideological infighting.

Effective border management between Iran and Pakistan is an area in bilateral relations where tactical coordination could eventually result in strategic convergence. This is due to the affiliated commonalities between the two nations in terms of culture and commerce. Common cultural and shared economic interests would be instrumental in the effort toward rebuilding strategic relations. The benefits of strategic cooperation could emerge in the form of enhancement in bilateral trade, and increased stability in Afghanistan. This paper explores how the nuclear agreement between Iran and P5+1 has prepared the grounds for improvement in bilateral cooperation. It is recommended here that effective border management would be the relevant CBM to establish post-nuclear deal tactical coordination. This could result in the revival of strategic ties between Iran and Pakistan based on economic integration and defense cooperation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the study on how the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) also known as Iran nuclear deal, affect the country's nuclear projects. Topics discussed include the aspects of the sanctions theory and practice which is derived from the rational-choice theory, the implementation of the Resolution 1696 which imposed sanctions which ban the supply of the nuclear-related materials and technology, and the implication of the sanctions on the country's economy.

Cultural diplomacy is one of the tools of public diplomacy that governments are trying to attract people from those countries before attracting other governments; among different types of modern diplomacy, including public diplomacy, media diplomacy, and educational diplomacy, cultural diplomacy has a special significance. During the Qajar era, the German government began a consistent and expansive cultural activities in many countries, including Iran, by understanding the international structure affected by the two powers of Russia and the United Kingdom, as well as the proper understanding of the power of cultural diplomacy. In this paper, we try to answer the following questions: Why did the German government, contrary to its rivals in Iran, the British and Russian governments, define their foreign policy on the basis of a cultural approach? How has this cultural relationship affected the Iranian intellectual community? In response to these questions, we can state the following assumptions: "The German government is aware of the fact that in traditional societies such as Iran, cultural diplomacy based on religious feelings and religious intolerance is higher than any political and economic motive, and that this type of diplomacy is not confronted with the opposition of the two powers of Russia and Britain". "Iranian-German cultural associations have been influential both on Iranian intellectual activists and those acting with religious backgrounds and those with stronger nationalist tendencies". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article talks about Iran's defense posture and its relation with neighboring countries and the U.S. Topics discussed include relations between Iran and Western powers being characterized by mutual suspicion and hostility since the 1979 Islamic Revolution, the dispute over Iran's nuclear deal, and the signing of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action in July 2015 that was to further relations between Iran and Western powers, led by the U.S.