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Communiqués were central to the coordination of the mass popular uprising that challenged Israeli rule over Palestinians from 1987 until the early 1990s. These short political texts were called manasheer or bayanat al-Intifada, in Arabic. This essay demonstrates a methodology for engaging with the body of intifada bayanat as a source by focusing on the first of these serialized communiqués, which was distributed early in the first Intifada on January 8, 1988. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article provides a methodologically novel, large-scale proof of historical bias against Palestine in a newspaper of international importance – The New York Times (NYT) – during the First and Second Palestinian Intifadas. Using state-of-the-art natural language processing toolkits as well as a regression model with over 90 percent accuracy based on a carefully validated word bank, the author analyzes over 33,000 NYT articles for (1) their use of active/passive voice, and (2) the objectivity, tone, and violent sentiment of the language used. She follows up her quantitative analysis with a qualitative validation step, analyzing biased articles in each period. In conjunction with historical context, the article shows that anti-Palestinian bias persisted disproportionately in the NYT during both periods and, in fact, worsened from the First Intifada to the Second. This work builds on a history of qualitative research on anti-Palestinian bias in the US media and attempts to provide a methodological contribution that encourages conversation between quantitative and qualitative metrics of bias. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents an overview of Palestinian exhibition making in the twentieth century. It addresses an absence of academic engagement with how, starting in the 1920s, a repertoire of Palestinian pedagogical and representational materials, temporary and makeshift spaces, and multiple protodiplomatic and unionized efforts under the Palestinian Liberation Organization informed a culture of exhibition making that created critical sites for: cultivating and critiquing taste within art movements and among Palestinians; operationalizing national sentiment and political consciousness; and mobilizing international support around the legitimacy of the Palestinian cause. Specifically, the article accounts for the Palestinian mobilization of exhibitions in response to European and Zionist expansionism (1917–48), as a social praxis of community building and resilience (1948–64), and as a form of political resistance through the radical internationalization of Palestinian cultural affairs (1964–87). It culminates with a discussion of the first intifada and the morphing of exhibition culture into the Palestinian Authority's state-building project following the Oslo Accords (1987–93). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Pacha: Revista de Estudios Contemporáneos del Sur Global is the property of PACHA REVISTA DE ESTUDIOS CONTEMPORANEOS DEL SUR GLOBAL and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article looks at Hamas's war against Israel through the lens of the poetry written by leading members of Hamas during the period 1987–1996 (from the founding of the organization through the early stages of the implementation of the Oslo Accords). Poetry is one of the means employed by Hamas to convey its political, social, and religious messages and ideology, which links its Islamic outlook with Palestinian nationalism. During the years covered by the article, dozens of the organization's senior members expressed themselves in this genre. The article looks at ten poets who were affiliated with Hamas leadership circles and were intensively engaged in writing poetry in those years. It describes the background to this activity, extracts the main messages and motifs presented in their verse, and examines the goals served by this lyrical composition in the organization's war against Israel. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The report of the CEIPI is analyzed, emphasizing the passages concerning Israeli oppression and Palestinian resistance, from the beginning of this report until 1980. The significance of this struggle is evaluated and to what extent it helps to understand the First Intifada. The main passages are summarized and contrasted with other reports on the issue and with part of the bibliography, verifying their relevance and contribution to an understanding of the situation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research explores the development of the Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ) over the last decade as a proxy organization of the Iranian regime, or as a group that finds its way between Palestinian nationalism and support for the religious Islamic revolution of Iran. Most studies of Islamic organizations in Palestine focus on Hamas, the "Big Brother" of the PIJ. Hamas, which grew out of the Muslim Brotherhood in the Gaza Strip and the West Bank, began violent operations in 1987 during the First Intifada partially due to its competition with the PIJ. Although the role of the PIJ in Palestinian society has grown in its influence, disappointingly there are very few research studies that analyze this organization. Moreover, most of these works focus on the period before the al-Aqṣā Intifada and especially examine suicide operations and the group's motives. The main questions to be answered by this study are: What is the nature of the PIJ? Is it a religious movement with religious aims or Palestinian national one? This article analyzes these questions through an examination of the PIJ's activity vis-à-vis the Islamic Republic of Iran. This study's central argument is that the PIJ is a Palestinian religious national organization that sees Iran as a partner. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For millions of people living in humanitarian crisis, education can confer physical and psychological protection and offer a path to a brighter future. Overshadowing this promise, however, are the unavoidable politics of humanitarianism. In this historical case study of the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East during the First Intifada (1987–1993), Jo Kelcey shows how the agency's ostensibly apolitical humanitarian education program was in fact shaped by competing political interests. This case highlights both the impossibility of apolitical education programs and the unforeseen consequences of humanitarian framings for education, ultimately underscoring the need to critically reflect on the value of aligning education to humanitarian discourse and practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Does experiencing a mass uprising during one's formative years shape attitudes toward post-uprising institutions? Existing research on cohorts has not examined settings of ongoing statelessness. We focus on Palestinians who witnessed the First Intifada and subsequent Israeli-Palestinian negotiations during their youth-to-adulthood transition. Analyzing a pooled sample of surveys conducted between 1996 and 2000, we observe that men from this cohort – using a youth-based definition of one's formative years – evaluated the Palestinian police more negatively than did other men, ceteris paribus. We test two, potential explanations. We find support for the proposition that men from this cohort held distinctive views about coercion and resistance that shaped their evaluations. We conclude that experiencing mass mobilization and transition during one's formative years can influence attitudes, but additional work is needed to test for their long-term endurance. Further, a younger operationalization of one's impressionable years may be salient in settings of insecurity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Positing the archive as " I a tissue of citations, i rather than a source of direct and unmediated indexicality", Hochberg carves out a capacious space for thinking about the radical political potential of Palestine (22). In I Becoming Palestine: Toward an Archival Imagination of the Future, i Gil Z. Hochberg advances a transformative theory of becoming. [Extracted from the article]

The paper explores the link between the civil war (1975–1990) in Lebanon and the first Intifada (1987–1993) in Palestine, and women's transition to marriage and consanguinity. It marries the literature on demographic behaviour and social ties, and contributes to nascent literature on demographic behaviour in times of war extended to consanguinity. It uses a mixed methods approach using two nationally representative data sets- one from each country, complemented with in-depth interviews (n = 55). Estimation methods are a discrete-time hazard model for entry into marriage and a discrete-time competing risks model for type of marriage. Findings provide empirical support for a war-induced effect on marriage formation, with a conflict-induced educational differential, especially for higher educated women in both settings. In times of war, Lebanese, and Palestinian women and their families resort to marriage as a protective strategy, especially when further educational pursuit is no longer deemed relevant because of both actual and perceived threats to women's safety. The strategies that women devise however, differ across both countries. Women in Lebanon strategize out-group marriages to diversify resources by establishing new alliances through marriage, while in-group marriages decline. Palestinian women on the other hand, show more heterogeneity, with some women maintaining existing familial bonds through in-group marriages, while others diversify resources through out-group marriages to facilitate new alliances. The differences in women's strategies in each setting is also indicative of other context contingent conflict-induced mechanisms. These operate through distorted sex-ratios against women in Lebanon, and through the breakage of kin networks through migration/displacement in Palestine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Zeira shows how the development of anti-regime protest since the late 1970s as well as the institution building that occurred in the 1980s enabled the sustained, nationwide uprising. Two, by focusing overwhelmingly on Fatah's and other PLO factions' institution building and mobilization efforts, Zeira underestimates the role of religious and politico-religious actors and their relevance in paving the ground for the First Intifada. Yael Zeira's book addresses the question of why some individuals engage in risky anti-regime resistance while others abstain when faced with situations of pervasive grievances. [Extracted from the article]

How does the urban environment, and the ethnic geography at its heart, influence the combat effectiveness of democracies conducting counterinsurgency operations? We argue that the city's ethnic geography – whether it is ethnically homogenous, segregated, or mixed – influences combat effectiveness through two main mechanisms: intelligence and public opinion. There is no 'ideal' urban ethno-demographic setting where militaries are likely to be effective in combat. Rather, different ethno-geographies lead to different challenges with respect to intelligence and public opinion, which in turn affect combat effectiveness. We test our arguments through a structured focus comparison of the Troubles and the First Palestinian Intifada. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Journal (MESJ) publishes the fourth dialogue of its series of dialogues regarding the Palestinian crisis and its prospects. It has exercised a deep dialogue published in this issue with Dr. Joseph Massad, Professor of Politics and the History of Modern Arab Thought at Columbia University in New York, US. This dialogue focuses on the historical dimension of the crisis. It looks for the chance to create a new dynamic to overcome the crisis, referring to the historical transformation of the Palestinian cause. Dr. Massad noted that the Palestinian crisis had begun at the political level after the Balfour promise (declaration) and strengthened during the British Mandate on Palestinian 1919-1948, leading to the Nakba in 1948. The Nakba included dispelling the Palestinian people out of their homes and lands and at the same time committing many massacres by the Israeli armed gangs. As for the current crisis, its roots went back to the first Palestinian Intifada in 1987. Massad emphasized that the dividing approach between the Palestinians was a British-Israeli policy dedicated to fighting the unity of the Palestinian people. Such policy worked insistently to separate the Palestinian people religiously. They used such division to claim their place as the third religion in Palestine to have a similar and third voice. Massad considered preserving the state's Jewishness as one of the most critical factors governing Israel's strategy and political policy. This factor developed considering the demographic concern that has frighteningly dominated the thinking of Israeli leaders. As a result, since 2007, they explicitly raised their demand for Arab countries, the PLO, and Western countries to recognize Israel as a "Jewish" state. Concerning some Arab normalization trends towards Israel, Massad noted that ties and relations with Israel are old and diverse. Their owners wrote many of these intimate relations in memoirs published after their death. As such, Massad considered the recent peace agreement today as nothing but a declaration of these old friendships. Massad emphasized that the "Sword of Jerusalem" between Palestinians and Israel revealed that Israel no longer has control over matters, as it can destroy the Arab world. However, it will be able to protect itself from destruction. He considers such development a new military equation that Israel was not accustomed to in the past. Massad also noted that the growing boycott of Israel in the academic, technical, and investment sectors of Europe, America, and Canada is an essential shift at the regional and global levels. He also assured the effect of denouncing Israel as an apartheid state in the 2017 United Nations report, and recently in 2021 by the Israeli human rights organization B'Tselem. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Anaquel de Estudios Árabes is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Ayer: Revista de Historia Contemporánea is the property of Asociacion de Historia Contemporanea and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

La retórica y la ideología también están en discusión en el estudio de Elad Ben-Dror "La guerra de Hamas contra Israel como se refleja en la poesía escrita por sus líderes durante la primera Intifada y los primeros años de implementación de los Acuerdos de Oslo". This issue of the Digest of Middle East Studies offers articles on topics that range from foreign and defense policy to poetry, and as is often the case, these wide-ranging topics have more in common than one might expect at first glance. The authors explain the several factors underlying Saudi policy and its significance for regional strategic concerns and argue that regional deterrence best explains Saudi policy interests and decisions here. [Extracted from the article]

The paper discusses Selma Dabbagh's debut novel Out of It within the context of crisis of Palestinian resistance and political agency following the first Intifada and the Treaty of Oslo, defined not only by indiscriminate and unceasing Israeli violence but also by rampant corruption of the national leaders, Western humanitarian paternalism and consequently swelling cynicism, defeatism, distrust of dominant political narratives and apathy among the citizens of the Gaza Strip. The principal importance of the novel lies within its departure from dominant discursive tropes of representation of Palestinians and their resistance in Anglophone postcolonial studies by creating characters whose attempts to get "out of it" are read as acts of disidentification from hegemonic narratives of family, nation, martyrdom, resistance, representation and political and humanitarian activism. Such acts are - although indicative of self-interested hyperindividualism supplanting the collective grand narratives - not to be read as mere expressions of the aforementioned late-modern sentiments and inclinations but as, evidenced by the novel's key character's final act, fuzzily articulated altruistic acts of political self-sacrifice through symbolic self-deliverance and potential liberation of Palestinian political imagination by overcoming the hegemonic discursive limits of its articulation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On the eve of the highly controversial 2020 plan for Israel to annex parts of the West Bank, the author examines the nature of the Palestinian condition and the many challenges Palestinians confront, including the absence of an effective leadership. In registering this, the article proposes a reassessment of the First Intifada that places it in a contemporary perspective and seeks to 'excavate' modes of resistance. It engages with the problematic of leadership and highlights how existing challenges might be addressed. Taking into account the Oslo Accords and subsequent attempts towards neoliberal state-building, it draws on theories of settler colonialism and stresses the neo-colonial continuum in Palestine. Finally, the author interviews key activists from the First Intifada to (respectively) provide insight into the nature of the contemporary situation and suggest an alternative model of leadership and struggle. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract The Wanted 18 narrates the story of a Palestinian town whose residents assert their autonomy by purchasing 18 cows and producing their own milk during the first intifada. In response, the Israeli military declares the cows a 'threat to the security of Israel' and hunts down the 'wanted 18.' This article provides an analysis of The Wanted 18, focusing on the human-animal interactions. It demonstrates how film directors Amer Shomali and Paul Cowan deploy animal protagonists as a means of exposing anti-Palestinian prejudice, critiquing Israeli occupation and the Palestinian authorities who undermined civil resistance during the first intifada, and elucidating the transformative impact of human-animal companionship and creative resistance in a humorous manner that appeals to a global audience. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores the relationship between the Israeli architects and the settlers of Hebron in Palestine between 1967 and 1987. Topics discussed include advocacy for settling Jews in Hebron including the initial settlement attempts, housing projects that the settlers negotiated including the Kiryat Arba in 1971 and the Avraham Avinu Quarter in the mid-1980s, and the outbreak of the Palestinian uprising in 1987 and its impact on housing.

This article engages with the views of prominent leaders from the First Intifada to evaluate the possibility of a Palestinian uprising under existing circumstances. It provides insight into the past and present to establish a basis for contemporary struggle. In acknowledging the fragmentation of Palestinian land and population, the article argues that many of the features that made popular struggle possible during the First Intifada are now clearly absent, requiring a new praxis of resistance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study explores an information interpretation explanation of strategic surprises using a non-traditional national security threat: a popular uprising. To explain why this type of assessments fail, I emphasize the role of information relevance when evaluating intelligence about civilian unrest. I posit that the dynamic nature of relevance is crucial for signals of popular dissent becoming dominant indicators that are incorporated into security assessments. A case study and observational data analysis of the Palestinian uprising (Intifada, 1987) demonstrate how information relevance contributed to the Israeli intelligence failure and how it affects the potential for strategic surprises facing a civilian threat. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article, titled "Children of the Stones," recounts the experiences of a man who was a child during the first Palestinian Intifada in 1987. The uprising was a response to the Israeli occupation of Palestinian land, and the boy, who was 13 at the time, witnessed the violence and oppression inflicted upon his people. He describes how he and other children participated in protests, using stones as their only means of resistance against tear gas and armed soldiers. The article also highlights the sacrifices made by the children, including the loss of loved ones, and the unity and resilience that emerged during this period. [Extracted from the article]

This article explores the ideological rigidity of secular and religious terror groups. Analyzing leaflets disseminated by two Palestinian groups during the First Intifada, it examines if and how each shifted its identity and goals in response to repression, political shifts, or resource changes. The results suggest that while similar catalysts led to ideological reformation among the secular and the religious group, the extent of ideological change within the religious group was more limited. The article argues for the need to disaggregate ideological analysis further in order to identify more subtle shifts, alterations, and omissions, in the positions held by religious terror groups, moving past the exploration of if such changes exist in ideological templates and instead focusing on the extent and type of alterations the different groups allow. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I examine the inception of a decolonised community psychology programme in the Palestinian colonial context and its subsequent decline and setback. I describe the background to the Palestinian colonial condition, and the theoretical inspiration for the programme by the short-lived experience of grassroots organising during the first Palestinian Intifada is illustrated. Specific pedagogical and research activities, marked by the influence of the Latin American liberation psychology model, are presented and discussed. These include a focus on praxis, dialogical education, conscientisation and community participatory action research. I consider the influence of the South African experience on the programme principally in reference to Steve Biko’s notion of Black Consciousness, which translated to Palestinian collective-national identity, as well as relevance in psychological knowledge. In the concluding section, I appraise the setback of the programme in light of administrative and epistemological debates with related disciplines that shifted from psychological-individualistic reductionism to social-cultural reductionism. I conclude with the assertion that unless framed within the context of the broader anti-colonial national liberation movement, a decolonised community psychology has minimal chances to survive and thrive. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]