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Various political movements in Russia followed the Anglo–Boer War of 1899–1902 (also known as the South African War). The reasons why the Russian Marxists, who later carried out the first socialist revolution in history, sympathised with the Boers and ignored the reactionary and exploitative nature of their regimes in the Transvaal and the Orange Free State remained unexplored. Russian Marxists were reluctant to join the mass pro-Boer effort. However, they participated in the pro-Boer campaign conducted by the Second International. Poorly informed about the oppression of Africans in the two republics, the social democrats regarded the Boers as freedom fighters whose experience deserved to be studied and applied to the confrontation with tsarist autocracy. Russian Marxists used information on Boer commando tactics and other aspects of the South African War for instruction, training, and dissemination of their ideas. They campaigned for an introduction of a militia in Russia and studied the methods and organisation of Boer military units. Although Russian Marxists had little in common with members of burgher commandos, lessons of the Boer resistance to British imperialism served the cause of a Russian revolution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this essay, I consider Meghji's implications for scholars of race, racism, and blackness/anti-blackness by providing an overview of Meghji's many interventions, and then pivoting to discussing its implications for understanding epistemological considerations of theorization of such questions and for understanding global solidarities around blackness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article demonstrates how the Women’s International League (WIL) dealt with the changing ideas of nationhood, internationalism, imperialism, and freedom when supporting the cause of Irish independence. Their actions included seeking to protect Britain’s good name while simultaneously criticising that very same nation for its war in Ireland. The ‘small nations’ rhetoric that had emerged during the First World War was used by British feminists to divorce the atrocities of the British Crown force, the Black and Tans, from the wider colonial experience of oppression. Comparing the occupation of Ireland in 1919–1921 to that of Belgium during the First World War enabled British internationalist-feminists to support the sovereignty of Ireland’s nationhood, without necessarily having to engage with the colonial dimension or history of the conflict. This entirely changed the parameters within which British feminists could show solidarity with the Irish republicans while still maintaining positive views of British imperialism and the empire. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over three decades ago, Robert Hill, the celebrated archivist and historian of the Universal Negro Improvement Association movement, argued that "the history of the audience is what's missing in the history of black radicalism." Building on Hill's provocation, this article theorizes modes of diasporic readership through the literature of the Jamaican communist and literary giant Claude McKay's novel Banjo. Through a close reading of two scenes in which the novel's characters engage in conversations about Black periodicals and embrace the contradictions within them, the article offers a provisional framework for exploring modes of readership and political education through print culture. Banjo must be read in part as an extension of McKay's political journalism and within his broader efforts to bridge Black nationalist and communist movements throughout the interwar period. Drawing on speculative and literary approaches to archival research, the article argues that the renewed emphasis on heterogeneity, ephemeral encounters, and place making depicted within Banjo can open up new lines of inquiry toward redressing the methodological challenges and textual silences surrounding the question of the audience and the study of radical print cultures within traditional archives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This review of Salar Mohandesi's Red Internationalism focuses on the author's contribution to our understanding of a movement of transnational solidarity in the 1960s under the framework of anti-imperialist internationalism as well as of its collapse in the 1970s and of the emergence of the discourse of “human rights.” This was not a case of an evolutionary transformation, with anti-imperialist discourse slowly morphing into human rights, but one of “displacement.” Anti-imperialism entered into a crisis in the early 1970s, and that crisis opened a space for the rhetoric of human rights to ascend as the dominant form of internationalism. Mohandesi further analyzes how “human rights” was quickly reduced to one single meaning, the rights of the individual, which allowed for and coincided with a retreat from forms of collective political engagement. This happened at a time where any space for revolutionary politics seemed to be foreclosed, and capitalist liberal democracy appeared to be triumphant globally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Green New Deal (GND) has emerged as a crucial progressive agenda for sustainability transition, but there have been few attempts to develop it into a concrete programme for government. This paper considers one such attempt – the GND proposals put forth by the British Labour Party under Jeremy Corbyn – and how it tackled three key challenges faced by the broader GND agenda: its reliance on the state, its relationship with capital, and its Western centrism. The paper argues that these challenges gave rise to tensions within Labour’s proposals: treating the state both as an instrument and as an object of change, ambivalence towards capitalism as an economic system and struggling to reconcile the competing forces of nationalism and internationalism. By examining these challenges and Labour's efforts to overcome them, this study provides valuable insights into the messy politics of enacting Green New Deal visions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the history of lynching in the United States and its impact on African Americans and foreign nationals. It discusses the unequal response of the federal government to mob violence, as it compensated the families of foreign lynching victims but not African American victims. African Americans recognized this hypocrisy and used international protests to advocate for equal protection, although they did not achieve legislative victories. The article also explores the complicated response of African Americans to lynching, with some expressing solidarity while others accepting guilt. Efforts were made to pass federal legislation to protect the rights of both foreign nationals and African Americans, but these efforts were largely unsuccessful. African American activists used international criticism of American mob violence to raise awareness and appeal for assistance in the fight against lynching. The international press began to criticize the United States for its practice of lynching, and black activist Ida B. Wells capitalized on this by mobilizing support in Britain against American white supremacy. While some Britons criticized Wells, others praised her efforts. African Americans continued to use international criticism to advocate for justice, but foreign governments were hesitant to challenge U.S. sovereignty. During World War I, African Americans protested the double standard of U.S. authorities, who compensated foreign governments for crimes against their citizens but ignored African American protests. The relative powerlessness of African Americans allowed federal authorities to ignore their demands. African American activists sought international support and intervention to address lynching in the United States, using instances where victims from different backgrounds attracted attention and criticism from foreign governments [Extracted from the article]

This article reconsiders A. D. Hope's cutting appraisal of the group of young poets and artists from the University of Adelaide who have come to be known colloquially as "the Angry Penguins". Setting aside the influence of the Ern Malley affair on the Penguins' perceived importance, the article proposes that Hope has contributed fundamental misrepresentations about the identities of the Penguins cohort and their aspirations for Australian literary identity. Contrary to Hope's opinion, the Angry Penguins—at least in the initial phase of their development—were not purveyors of an impenetrable brand of Australian surrealism, but were, rather, a group of diverse young poets advocating for the internationalisation of Australian cultural identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay examines how internationalization has been a part of the history of the History of Science Society (HSS) from its establishment in 1924 to the present. Although the HSS remains a US-based society and its annual meetings are held primarily in the US, attended by mostly US-based scholars, we argue that there has always been a strong commitment to internationalism that continues to this day. We walk through the hundred years of the Society in four phases, namely the Sarton years (1924–52), the coming-of-age of the field in America (1953–88), the opening up of the HSS to the world (1989–99), and the new millennium (2000–present). We end with a concluding section to elucidate how the Society has transitioned beyond Sarton as it goes into its second centenary. Our sources of evidence include interviews with select past HSS presidents, founders and chairs of HSS interest groups and forums, statistics of HSS membership to be found in the Smithsonian archives and HSS Newsletters , and distribution and patterns of Society-awarded prizes. We also take note of the growing numbers of roundtables and panels on global and non-Western history of science at HSS annual meetings since the 2010s. As we celebrate the HSS Centennial, it is important to reflect on the one hundred years of the Society's engagement with internationalizing the history of science. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article delves into the socio-ecological dimensions of OSPAAAL, the Cuban Third World solidarity institution, focusing particularly on the early years of its official organ: the magazine Tricontinental (1967–1971). Tricontinental 's articles and graphic works, even if not always in an explicit manner, addressed environmental concerns in a revolutionary way, anticipating debates that would later unfold on international institutional platforms. These concerns were primarily discussed in the context of the Third World's quest for autonomous production, closely intertwined with the agrarian question and sovereign industrialization. Key aspects such as land access, distribution, and resource management were pivotal. The publication's central emphasis on struggles for national liberation, especially within the guerrilla arena, played a crucial role in disseminating the anti-imperialist pursuit of a sovereign social metabolism across the Third World. Combining Cuban, Latin Americanist, and internationalist accents, Tricontinental also condemned the ecological impact of transnational corporations' predatory resource extraction in the Third World, while exploring alternative and cooperative models. This article unveils the latent socio-environmental dimensions of its critique, illustrating how ecological concerns subtly underpinned its anti-imperialist and internationalist discourse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes several documentary films on youth labor actions in socialist Yugoslavia, covering different stages of their organization. The analysis begins with educational films that outline recommended practices for the successful organization of youth labor actions. It continues with two films, shot 20 years apart, portraying international experiences of youth labor actions. These films, "Witnesses to the truth" (Svjedoci istine) from 1950 and "American woman" (Amerikanka) from 1970, articulate criticism in different ways, in keeping with when the films were made. The last film analyzed, Ho-Ruk! Ho-Ruk! Ho-Ruk! – filmed in 1974 – reflects on 30 years of experience of youth labor actions. Periodizing the films in this way presents three different views of youth labor actions, namely what they should become, what they are, and what they used to be. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An introduction is presented in which the editors discuss various reports within the journal on topics including the history of liberal internationalism, civilization, and the Euro-Atlantic international order in the post-Cold War era.

At the end of the First World War, defeated European empires ceded a wealth of imperial patronage, including palaces, government buildings and offices, to newly forming states in central Europe. While we know a great deal about these property transfers, the fate of ceded property in mandates and other newly emerging sovereign spaces, such as international zones, is less well known. This article traces the ways in which central European properties were reallocated and sold in international zones, with special reference to the International Zone of Tangier. While the remains of central European imperialism in Tangier were integrated into the international administration, this process encouraged erstwhile imperial powers to vie ever harder to reclaim 'their' former property, including private property portfolios. Meanwhile, it encouraged existing imperial powers to support private property purchases in order to secure advantages in the administration. In other words, internationalization entailed widespread competition for property that is omitted from the usual accounts of these spaces. Drawing attention to this phenomenon is important as it reveals the new forms imperial rivalries took on within the international structures created after the war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cross-cultural communication is difficult in any context due to conflicting worldviews, intellectual frameworks and cultural assumptions. It is even more difficult without sympathetic appreciation of the problem. Through acknowledgement, acceptance, appreciation and adaptation, it is possible to move to a posture of mutual enrichment in multicultural engagement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article seeks to provide a broad overview of anti-apartheid activism in Ireland, in doing so, demonstrating that anti-apartheid activists in Ireland forged a distinct identity grounded in Ireland's anti-colonial history as well their alignment with the African National Congress (ANC) and South African Communist Party (SACP). Focusing on the Irish Anti-Apartheid Movement (IAAM) it highlands the role played by its most prominent figure, the exiled South African academic and senior ANC/SACP member Kader Asmal. Securing a national profile through the mass protest campaign against the 1969–70 Springbok rugby tour, the IAAM portrayed itself as above domestic politics. Nonetheless, efforts to force the disaffiliation of the Provisional Sinn Féin in the early 1980s proved the impossibility of entirely avoiding entanglement in the domestic political climate. The IAAM was also criticised by the women who led the 1984–87 strike against South African goods at Dunnes' Stores, who saw it as dependent on middle-class support and reluctant to enter the industrial sphere. Drawing on engagement with the IAAM's internal archive, the article contributes towards filling a substantial gap in the scholarship of anti-apartheid activism globally, as well the study of left-wing activism and trade unionism in late 20th century Ireland. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Irish Democrat was the paper of the Connolly Association, a diaspora organisation established to build support for Irish republicanism within the British labour movement. The Connolly Association and the Irish Democrat had strong links to the Communist Party of Great Britain, which advocated for a peaceful mass movement to challenge the British presence in Northern Ireland and to remove discrimination faced by Catholics in the Six Counties. Encouraged by the wave of decolonisation across the British Empire in the 1950s-60s, both the CA and the CPGB saw the struggle against Unionist rule in Northern Ireland as analogous to events in Asia, Africa and the Middle East. This paper explores the narration of anti-colonial and national liberation movements elsewhere in the British Empire in the pages of the Irish Democrat and the overdetermination of Irish national questions by post-war discourses of radical decolonisation. It also traces the formation across difference of specific solidarities between the Connolly Association and other migrant communities within the multicultural political geography of post-war Britain, including out of campaigns against racial discrimination, the "colour bar" and post-war immigration controls. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As political theorists explore work beyond traditional workplaces, how should we understand the vast class of insecure, informal, and unsalaried workers whose existence defies traditional categories of employment? In asking this question, I revisit the political theory of the Marxist feminist and cofounder of the International Wages for Housework movement, Selma James, to explore her "internationalism of the unwaged" and her writings on wagelessness. An example of political theory in service of struggle, James's internationalism was widely circulated in anticolonial, Black radical, and autonomous Marxist circles in the 1970s. In this article, I argue that it was grounded in three intertwined and mutually reinforcing arguments: an account of how capitalist life is spatially divided into distinct workplaces; an anticapitalist theory of identity that explains social difference as maintained by the international division of labor and labor market hierarchies; and a diagnosis of work organization viewed from the perspective of the wageless worker. I trace how James developed these arguments about the spatial division of labor, hierarchies of identity, and internationalist political struggle and how her view of the common exploitation and division of workers formed the basis of a class-struggle identity politics. Her political theory was an important contribution to women's international thought and transnational feminist critiques of global forms of domination and exploitation. It also offers a critique of capitalism's organization of the displacement of work and workers and an account of wagelessness as a work situation, both of which illuminate capitalist organization of work and wageless life today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Jewish Left in Palestine/Israel has its own legacies of Palestinian-Jewish activism. I will examine those legacies with a particular focus on the thirty years from 1993 to 2023, when the Jewish anti-occupation independent Left shifted from prioritizing Left anti-colonial secular internationalist ideologies as grounds for regional and international visions of equality from the River Jordan and the Mediterranean Sea into a hermeneutical introspection of what "Jewish" might mean in Palestine/Israel through intersectional and decolonial prisms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Issues of political consciousness amidst early industrial mining workers in Bolivia is discussed. Despite notable illiteracy, early Andean proletarianization reveals high engagement with modernity and the emergence of anti-imperialist activism.

In 1983 a group of East European dissidents convened Resistance International (RI); a one-of-a-kind Cold War organisation designed to wage a global struggle against communism. Later, in 1984, a US branch of the group was formed with wealthy anti-communist conservative backers. Historians have begun to highlight the complexity of the partnership between East European dissidents and US anti-communists. This article conducts the first detailed study of RI and provides a new opportunity to study how dissident-anti-communist cooperation functioned. The article examines how dissidents involved in RI managed their relationship with US-based anti-communists alongside their relationships with the wider dissident community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the issues surrounding the First International Eugenics Congress, held in London in July 1912. After outlining the origins of eugenics, it examines the way in which this gathering can be described, testing the concepts of 'epistemic community' and 'transnational field' from a threefold perspective: firstly, a history of the ideas expressed at the congress and its organisation on different scales; secondly, a social analysis of the congress participants; and thirdly, a reflection on the effects of the eugenics congress in the short, medium and long term. The thesis defended is that the concept of the 'epistemic community', suggested by various historians, does not apply well to the London congress, which was intellectually and socially fragmented, whereas the 'transnational field' seems to be a more fruitful approach.

This article examines the refuge revolutionary Cuba offered to Chilean and Uruguayan exiles. Fleeing dictatorships during Latin America’s Cold War, thousands arrived in, or passed through, Cuba. Cuba was a logical refuge, representing a revolution suffused with promises of solidarity, internationalism and socialist modernity. It was also conceived as a route of resistance and return. Centring the memories of former exiles, this article examines expectations and reality of refuge in Cuba. Revealing a diversity of exile experiences, it asks what different forms of refuge existed in Cuba, how these evolved and with what significance for understanding the Cold War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the Cold War, Prague was home to several international non-governmental organizations (NGOs) uniting member organizations of different fields (students, journalists, trade unions, communist parties, churches and others). This article aims at a reinterpretation of their history through the lens of decolonization, presenting the NGOs not only as soldiers in the Cold War but also as 'hubs of anti-colonialism'. It shows the role of the 'Third World' delegates in the NGOs and their positioning toward Czechoslovak state socialism. It explores the mechanisms of knowledge production and transfers through media and training programmes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay offers reflections on how contemporary left internationalism could think through—and beyond—both "humanity" and "nation" when positioning its struggles. With this aim, it first turns to philosophy and then to history to distinguish unsettled questions that animate dilemmas of left internationalism today. The essay is not, in a straightforward way, an attempt to draw the boundaries, offer the definitions, and determine the strategies of left internationalism. Ultimately, it is an invitation to a partisan "we" who claims sides within humanity and nation. This "we" is an open question and permanent problem of left internationalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The decades between 1960s and 1980s were punctuated by intense anti-colonial and anti-imperialist struggles, the rise of Third World internationalism (both in terms of formal and informal connections), the articulation of viable economic alternatives to those imposed by the West, but also a massive wave of counterrevolution with bloody coups, assassinations, and interventions. Symbolically, the long 1960s started with Patrice Lumumba's assassination and ended in 1980 with Walter Rodney's assassination, and the defeat of the NIEO (New International Economic Order). While numerous analyses have engaged with these assassinations as historical events, this article seeks to provide a theoretical engagement with the phenomenon of Third World assassinations. The author's engagement with this phenomenon aims to broaden the idea, put forth by Quynh Pham and Himadeep Muppidi, of the "anxiety of domination." Drawing on Edward Said, James Baldwin, and Eqbal Ahmad, the article seeks to situate theoretically Third World assassinations within a larger paradigm of colonial/imperial anxiety: these acts of annihilation happened not simply because these individuals were on the opposite ideological divide but because their political vision exceeded the grasp of domination and intelligibility of imperial/colonial power and challenged in fundamental ways the imperially sanctioned "epistemic conformity." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Bringing together political theorists of empire with critical scholars of international relations who have interrogated the methodological nationalism (indeed the fetish of the nation-state) of their disciplines, this special issue examines the multifaceted dimensions (including political, ideological, and psycho-affective) of a radical international thought. Going beyond articulations of anti-colonial struggle at the national level, the issue charts radical theories and praxes of insurgency and revolutionary violence and brings an internationalist framework to bear on historical moments like the Spanish Civil War, the rise of anti-imperial development alternatives, and the Civil Rights Movement in the United States, and others. In doing so, the issue spotlights thinkers who are rarely read in a global register, such as Martin Luther King Jr., James Baldwin, Jalāl Āl-e Ahmad, Ghassan Kanafani, and Eqbal Ahmad, among others. Furthermore, the introduction argues, the essays track these understudied articulations of radical international thought in the context of the traveling projects of imperial domination to which they responded. These radical figures' political thought and action, in turn, inspired further imperial responses, such as political assassinations in the Third World, counterrevolutionary tactics, and other modes of violence in the service of empire. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines an international endeavour to manage the 1938 Yellow River dyke breach and to bring mechanized farming to the flooded area, as part of the UNRRA China Programme (1944–1947). It reveals why a Chinese Nationalist vision of international aid entailed technical assistance, and how this call for development was received by UNRRA's multi-national, albeit predominantly American, cadre of experts at a transitional period from war to reconstruction. This article argues that technical assistance is integral to understanding the history of UNRRA and its role in negotiating different visions for the post-war world, especially a developmental one. Development did not emerge as a united concept; instead, the ambiguity created a space for experts with different backgrounds to fit themselves into the post-war programme. Focusing on those recipients and fieldworkers that shaped the UNRRA aid on the ground, it offers a non-European perspective for understanding how development thoughts gained momentum through a post-war programme, leading the way to global proliferation of development projects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Trashumante. Revista Americana de Historia Social is the property of Universidad de Antioquia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article revisits the so-called ‘Jewish Question’ against the combined background of Marxist historiography and the resurgence of antisemitic and neofascist politics. It begins by analysing the critical reception of Marx’s formative essay, ‘On the Jewish Question’, and assesses its contemporary relevance in the aftermath of institutionalised antisemitism in the USSR, the monstrosity of the Shoah, the consolidation of the Israeli state, and the catastrophic ramifications of the ongoing Nakba. Despite the various defects of Marx and Engels’s reflections on the ‘Jewish Question’, their critical insights vividly anticipate the failings of liberalism, Soviet socialism, and Zionism in emancipating Jews, while also reminding contemporary Marxists about the political urgency of human emancipation. At its core, the ‘Jewish Question’ remains a universal question, extending to all oppressed peoples and classes that have been rendered abandoned and dispensable beings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay presents a transdisciplinary, reparatory history of police violence in Britain during the nineteen seventies and eighties. I consider how the histories of transcontinental colonial nationalisms and anticolonial internationalisms were intertwined with the development of transcolonial counterinsurgency operations and local modes of policing from the late eighteenth century. I argue that this is essential to an understanding of police violence in Britain that is interwoven with the trajectories of anticolonial, antifascist and antiracist political cultures. I discuss the psychopolitical legacies of police violence which illustrates the beginnings of a broader theory of racialised subjectification that I call biocolonisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the rise of international cooperation and policing in solving the so-called "Gypsy question" between 1870 and 1945. Situating this issue within a broader phenomenon of illiberal internationalism, it demonstrates how the central European powers often pursued international action to serve their own national agendas. In doing so, this study shows how the shared concern of cross-border Gypsy itinerancy and migration in central Europe prompted several international policing initiatives that eventually crystallized under the International Criminal Police Commission (or ICPC) in 1931 into a transnational framework for controlling Gypsies. Against this background, the article also investigates whether the role of Switzerland and Austria as major frontrunners for anti-Gypsy international measures changed once the ICPC was under Nazi control. By closely examining critical activities and antiziganist ICPC discourse between 1933 and 1945, it reveals how the ICPC created a matrix of surveillance that eased the way toward the Gypsy genocide. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Indigenous Australians and Palestinians experience some of the highest rates of incarceration and state violence in the world. In this article's first section we focus comparatively on administrative detention and other forms of incarceration to underline a commonality of oppression that is both historical and contemporary. We examine settler colonial structures of domination and the impact of structural violence on Indigenous bodies, seeking to understand how incarceration acts as a form of elimination, and how it contributes to the consolidation of settler colonial nationhood. To counter incarceration and elimination, this article's second and third sections call for a politics of solidarity premised on shared indigeneity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the role of United Nations (UN) tour guides from 1952 to 1977 and their contribution to public diplomacy. The guides, who were young women, played a crucial role in promoting the UN and became its public face for visitors. The article argues that the guides were diplomats in their own right, serving as stewards of internationalism. It also highlights the broader participation of young women in internationalism and challenges traditional notions of diplomacy and gender roles. The guides had autonomy over their tours and could emphasize important themes, but were expected to be objective representatives of the UN. They faced challenges such as sexism and objectification, but played a significant role in shaping public perceptions of the UN, particularly among American visitors. The article acknowledges the impact of the guides in promoting a positive image of the UN, but also recognizes the limitations they faced. The popularity of guided tours declined in the 1970s due to geopolitical shifts and increased air travel. Overall, the article emphasizes the important role of the UN guides in shaping public perception and understanding of the organization. [Extracted from the article]

Debates about reconstruction in Britain at the end of the Second World War included proposals to migrate up to half of the country's population across the Dominions. The advocates for mass migration included prominent figures in British civilian and military planning who were informed by anxieties about the consequences of a future war, the potential for demographic and trade imbalances to provoke social and economic problems, and concerns about Britain's place in the new balance of power. This article looks in detail at proposals to disperse millions of people from Britain by influential planner E.A.A. Rowse and Sir Henry Tizard, a prominent military scientist who held numerous high positions in the wartime and post-war governments. Proposals for mass migration on such a scale were outlandish and radical and have been somewhat dismissed in the historiography as a result, but a close analysis of these two interventions highlights how continuities in thinking about town planning and development in Britain intersected with those about migration and imperial development and were reframed by the emerging Cold War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article illuminates an intellectual puzzle of how South Korean cooperative movements attempt to overcome the dilemma between localistic practices and the value of internationalism. Moving beyond anti-capitalistic debates of building links globally, the cooperative movement brings Fair Trade products from developing countries to consumer cooperatives in South Korea, resulting in a scaling up of community economies globally and forging real international solidarity. Engaging with feminist theories put forward by Gibson-Graham and their collaborators, this article calls upon an expanded feminist politics that challenge the "spatial bounding" of community economies that are often joined with localistic practices. Born as one of the most significant forms of community economies to address the economic precarity of grassroots farmers and workers during the Asian Financial Crisis of 1997, iCOOP was set up as a consumer cooperative federation to support local Korean producers with alternative market linkage. Through Fair Trade movement, iCOOP serves as an interesting case to overcome localistic practices and nurture the value of internationalism. This article develops an expanded feminist politics of community economies to confront the tendency of localistic practices by providing four layers of analysis: value, campaign tactics, new governance structure, and scaling solidarity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Relações Internacionais is the property of Relacoes Internacionais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Asking how being 'international' relates to privilege, I analyse a role-play game, the Students' League of Nations, where pupils and teachers from select international schools simulate the UN General Assembly in Geneva. I document distinctive practices of selection and visions of excellence as talent, using Bourdieu's notion of 'institutional rite'. I combine insider ethnography and quantitative analyses of the host school with a historical account of its' elitism to bridge the gap between macro- and micro-analyses of 'everyday nationalism'. I show how this game draws a symbolic boundary between 'international' and 'local' high schools by separating students who are considered worthy of transgressing their national identity from all others. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Latin America has promoted the nonintervention principle as a fundamental tenet of the international order. The region defends this principle to prevent abuses of force by great powers. Why, then, have Latin American governments been reticent to support Ukraine against the ongoing Russian invasion? The Latin American reactions to the Russian invasion do not represent a normalisation of aggression or a rejection of the international order. The Latin American responses are anchored in two regional approaches to the international order favouring nonintervention: republicanism promotes collective responses while pluralism defends non‐Western values. If the West wants to win more Latin American support for Ukraine, it is necessary to disentangle supporting Ukraine and defending the international order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The first two decades of the twentieth century saw an intense period of international feminist organising and campaigning. Organisations such as the International Alliance of Women (1904), the Socialist Women’s International (1907), and the Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom (1915) exemplified the transnational geography of the movement. This was also a time in which women’s writing moved in new ways, imagining speculative utopian worlds to accompany their radical gender politics. This article examines two literary feminist utopias from the early twentieth century: Pauline Hopkins’s Of One Blood (1902–3) and Rokeya Sakhawat Hossain’s Sultana’s Dream (1905). While US writer Hopkins’s Of One Blood offers an early Afrofuturist or Black internationalist utopia that reflects women’s struggles, Hossain presents a simultaneously feminist and anti-colonial imagining of the world. Both these works, in an internationalist tradition, criticise both patriarchal and racist or colonial world orders, demonstrating the vital role played by literary utopian works in feminism of the early twentieth century [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the effects of consumer ethnocentrism, consumer internationalism, and consumer cosmopolitism on Malaysians' purchasing of electrical and electronic products from China. A reconceptualized consumer ethnocentrism measurement scale was used to capture cognitive, affective, and behavioral dimensions that previous studies have ignored. A total of 555 consumers were sampled through online questionnaires distributed on social media and used Partial Least Squares Structural Equation Modelling to test the proposed model. The results show that consumer ethnocentrism has a significant negative effect on Malaysian consumers' willingness to buy Chinese products. In contrast, consumer cosmopolitanism was rejected due to opposing path directions, and consumer internationalism was insignificant. Future research should examine multi-dimensional consumer ethnocentrism in other countries and products, and incorporate alternative measurements for consumer cosmopolitanism. The research recommends that managers consider multi-dimensional consumer ethnocentrism when strategizing to market international products, as it provides more depth than simply relying on consumer cosmopolitanism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia Contemporanea is the property of Historia Contemporania and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Paris Commune led to annual celebrations from the labor movement across the globe. This article focuses on those in Britain and the United States from 1871 to the end of the century, exploring how the event's interpretation and function within a community has fluctuated over this period. It discusses the internationalism present in demonstrations as people shed their national identity and joined an internationalist community in celebration each year. It analyzes how the labor movement in each country responded to perceived threats from outside their community in the wake of the Haymarket Affair. It also demonstrates that the Commune was a palimpsest, an event that could be reinterpreted each year to express whatever ideals the movement needed. It was a call to reform and revolution, to hope and despair, and to past and future. The article's analysis of British and American Commune celebrations reveals a rich and evolving community that emphasized internationalism and oppression during a turbulent period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers information on the overlooked contributions of Iranian students in the United States to US-based social movements against imperialism. Topics include the predominance of US racial formations in shaping ethnic studies, the impact of the geopolitical relationship between Iran and the United States on the perception of Iranian students, and the complex political consciousness and internationalism of Iranian students as explored in Manijeh Moradian's book, This Flame Within.

Copyright of Comparative Literature / Primerjalna Književnost is the property of Slovenian Comparative Literature Association and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)