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Civil society inclusion has become a widely accepted norm in international peacemaking. Scholars have analysed the impact of inclusion on mediation effectiveness, mediators' rationales for broadening participation, and the different modalities to include civil society actors. Drawing on the concept of the 'agency of the governed' in norms research, this article examines the inclusion norm from the perspective of civil society actors. It conducts a case study of the United Nations (UN) mediation in Syria based on 41 interviews gathered between 2018 and 2020. The article shows how Syrian civil society actors perceived inclusion and compares these views to the dominant international narratives on inclusion. It demonstrates that the link between inclusion and effectiveness is conditional, and that inclusion risks – under certain conditions – to lower legitimacy, disempower civil society, and entrench conflict lines. The article thereby nuances arguments about how inclusion leads to effectiveness by broadening the perspectives on inclusive peacemaking. It has crucial practical implications because mediators may decide on whether and how to design inclusive processes, but civil society actors ultimately determine the effectiveness of such inclusion attempts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to document Qatar's recent contribution of humanitarian, development, and peace-related efforts to the Sudanese in Darfur. It delves deeply into Qatar's involvement in Darfur by tracing the flow of foreign assistance provided between 2011 and 2018, while analysing the relevant mediation efforts to settle the conflict in the region. The paper calls for adopting the Triple Nexus approach – or humanitarian development-peace nexus in dealing with Qatar's role as a third party in Darfur both as a donor and mediator. Contextualising Qatar's role in this context necessitates considering its foreign assistance and peace-related efforts in conflict-affected contexts and its positioning in relation to the Triple Nexus. While Qatar has not publicly committed itself to the Triple Nexus reforms directed to OECD-DAC donor countries, the paper argues that adopting the Triple Nexus approach might develop the prevailing humanitarian and development and peace-related assistance practices in Qatar. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: Conventional wisdom tells us that mediation without ripeness is a fool's errand (Zartman and Touval, 1985). What, then, is Türkiye's motivation for mediating the war in Ukraine in lieu of ripeness – and what can its behavior as a mediator tell us about that motivation? In pursuit of this question, this paper inductively analyzes Turkish mediation in the Ukraine war to unpack the relationship between a contextual (ripeness) and actor-level (motivation) variable. Of particular interest is the decision-making and behavior of third parties (like Türkiye in Ukraine) who elect to mediate highly complex conflicts in which ripeness is indiscernible. The purpose of this research is not to propose or test a causal relationship between obscured ripeness and mediation, but rather to examine mediation behavior in situations where ripeness is obscured. Design/methodology/approach: The impact of weaponized information on ripeness and third-party mediation is evaluated through an original, systematic and inductive case study analysis of Turkish mediation in the Russia–Ukraine war. As an intense theater of operations for information warfare for well over a decade, the war in Ukraine serves as an especially apt choice for an analysis of "obscured ripeness." Likewise, Türkiye's anomalous position as the only substantive source of mediation in the conflict lends significance to an empirical examination of its motivation and behavior as a mediator. Findings: This research reveals that the pervasive use of weaponized information in the Russia–Ukraine war has distorted and disordered the information environment, thereby obscuring the ability of third parties to determine if the conflict is or could be ripe for mediation. However, the condition of obscured ripeness that prevails in the conflict has not proven a deterrent for mediation by Türkiye, which, as the only mediator in the conflict, has used a transactional approach to mediation motivated by self-regarding interests and animated by a manipulative mediation strategy. In sum, this inductive analysis of Turkish mediation in Ukraine reveals that the use of weaponized information in a conflict indirectly selects on transactional mediation (and mediators). The significance of this finding is magnified by the widespread use of weaponized information in contemporary conflicts as well as the declining frequency of third-party mediation. Originality/value: There have been few, if any, systematic assessments in Turkish mediation of the Russia–Ukraine war, and none specifically concerned with the effects of weaponized information. Additionally, the paper proposes a typology of mediator motivation that is used to structure that assessment, while also introducing a new concept ("obscured ripeness") and linking that concept both to the existing literature on ripeness and to the use of weaponized information in contemporary armed conflicts. As such, this manuscript represents an important contribution both to the empirical and theoretical landscape with respect to the study of mediation and international conflict management. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: This paper aims to critique the rationalist theoretical framework of international mediation, which ignores emotions in analyzing the decision by conflict parties to pursue a negotiated settlement or continue fighting, and to present an alternative framework that integrates emotions. Design/methodology/approach: The paper draws on psychology research on emotions and conflict to develop an emotionally informed framework for analyzing conflict parties' decision-making regarding a settlement. It demonstrates the framework's validity and value through a case study of the 2000 Camp David mediation to resolve the Israeli–Palestinian conflict. Findings: A rationalist approach to mediation does not have adequate explanatory and predictive power theoretically. In practice, it can reduce the prospect of success. Research limitations/implications: The paper highlights the necessity for mediation researchers to study the effects of emotion, draw on psychology studies on conflict and explore the emotional implications of different mediation strategies and tactics. Practical implications: The framework highlights the challenge of designing and conducting mediation in a way that cultivates emotions favorable to a settlement and lessens emotions unfavorable to a settlement. Originality/value: This is the first study, to the best of the authors' knowledge, to critique the rationalist framework of international mediation studies and develop an alternative framework that integrates emotions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Divided towns are specific urban units that were once single cities before their subsequent division through the drawing of new state borders based on arbitrary political decisions. The specific nature of such towns thus originates primarily from their common history and their location on a border. This article focuses on two examples from Central and Eastern Europe, one situated on the Polish-Czech border (Cieszyn and Český Těšín) and the other on the Polish-German border (Słubice and Frankfurt an der Oder), in order to provide a comparative analysis of cross-border cooperation. Based on an analysis of secondary data and literature, we explore the factors deemed most essential in the literature for the integration of and cooperation between divided towns today – namely historical legacies, cultural and political factors, (a)symmetries and border/periphery locations – to investigate what similarities and differences can be observed in the analysed towns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper addresses the underlying meaning of Chinese political ideas as represented in the Belt and Road discourse. It aims to contribute to overcoming the bias towards democratic systems in security studies. It challenges the argument that China's peaceful words can be taken at face value and compared with the ideas of democratic regimes. It delivers insights on new perspectives in the 'political threat versus desecuritization' discussion. This paper applies a qualitative discourse analysis with primary data collection of Chinese governmental and state institutional documents, Chinese think tank papers, and joint statements of EU-Chinese governmental officials. The data was analysed with NVivo Software. The empirical analysis shows that Chinese actors have built up a threat narrative idea which is hidden behind words such as 'trust, harmony, pluralism, community of a shared destiny'. Theoretically, this paper shows that the organizing principle, to apply Buzan's words, needs to be acknowledged when interpreting the way Chinese actors frame ideas in the BRI discourse. It challenges the argument of China as a desecuritization actor. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The last decade has seen the concept of resilience gradually positioned at the centre of the way the European Union (EU) seeks to deal with endogenous and exogenous challenges, threats or risks. Originating primarily from natural sciences, resilience has provided an elegant and attractive option for the EU to revise its agenda. The so-called 'resilience turn' has come to permeate almost every aspect of the EU's discourse. In this context, the article aims to analyse the nature of the policy change underlined by the way the concept of resilience has permeated the approach developed by the EU towards the eastern neighbourhood and foreign policy more broadly. Change evaluated by focusing on two key aspects that underpin the EU's foreign policy: the scope of the EU's foreign policy, EU's understanding of the world order, with a particular focus on the role of geopolitics. The main finding of the article is the emphasis on resilience has induced only limited transformations in the EU's practice and ideas, leading to the transition to a new business as usual. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Transitional justice scholarship has importantly analyzed how European groups use Holocaust-related legislation to create a unified political culture. While this research has made many valuable contributions, it does not include various other external actors, who also influence European political culture through transitional justice measures related to the Holocaust. This analysis expands the existing research about transitional justice and Holocaust restitution by analyzing the influential role U.S. intermediation played in Latvia's 2022 Holocaust restitution law. The findings of this research do not contradict the existing scholarship; rather, they broaden it by unpacking how the U.S. influences European political culture through Holocaust restitution legislation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study investigates the coverage of conflict and peace issues in Nigerian newspapers, specifically focusing on Punch and Daily Trust. The research aims to achieve three primary objectives: assess the frequency of conflict and peace reportage in both newspapers, determine the level of prominence given to these issues by Punch and Daily Trust, and identify the categories under which such issues are reported. The study draws on the Agenda-Setting Theory and Framing Theory to provide a comprehensive analysis. Using a quantitative content analysis approach, the study examines stories related to conflict and peace issues published in the selected newspapers from January 2019 to July 2019. The key findings reveal distinct patterns in the reportage of conflict and peace matters. Punch exhibits a higher emphasis on certain categories like "Calamity/Killing," "Prevention," and "Warning," while Daily Trust places greater prominence on the "Call for Peace" theme. Moreover, the study unveils variations in the prominence given to different categories across the newspapers. The study concludes that the nuanced ways in which Punch and Daily Trust cover conflict and peace issues is based on their editorial decisions in shaping public awareness and discussions. Based on the study's outcomes, it is recommended that newspapers strategically consider their coverage of conflict and peace topics, fostering greater balance and comprehensive reporting. By adhering to these recommendations, newspapers can contribute to more informed public discourse on crucial societal matters. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article offers a survey of the spread and function of what is currently known as the hijrī calendar among different socio-linguistic milieus of the early Islamic empire. In particular, it analyses insider and outsider descriptions of the new imperial calendar as a window into the cultural profile of mediators between the Arabic and Graeco-Egyptian milieus in early Islamic Egypt. I argue that the ways the hijrī calendar was referred to in Greek and Coptic documentary texts diverged depending on the level of the issuing authority in the provincial administration: while documents issued by district officials label the era as the 'year of the Saracens' or use it without specifications, documents produced by the gubernatorial office use the designation 'the year according to the Arabs' (kata Arabas) instead. The main argument is that the kata Arabas label – as well as other formulaic peculiarities of documents produced in the provincial capital – can be linked to the employment of Hellenized Syro-Aramaean experts among the entourage of Arab governors appointed by Damascus. To flesh out the links between the gubernatorial chancery and a Syro-Aramean milieu, Egyptian evidence will be contrasted with Greek and Syriac texts from Syria-Palestine and Northern Mesopotamia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The relevance of this topic lies in the fact that land disputes are a widespread phenomenon that can arise in any country or region. The article examines the legal foundations of resolving land disputes using mediation as a non-judicial mechanism for preventing and resolving conflicts through negotiations. It discusses the essence of mediation and its use in land disputes, particularly as an effective tool for achieving mutually beneficial agreements between parties. The article considers the procedure and stages of mediation in land disputes, including preparation for the mediation process, the actual mediation process, and the formation of a mediation agreement. The aim is to investigate the nature of mediation as a conflict resolution mechanism and promote the use of mediation in resolving land disputes while emphasizing the necessity for further development of legal mechanisms that support and popularize mediation as an extrajudicial means of conflict resolution within the realm of land relations. Furthermore, the article explores international experiences of mediation in land disputes, highlighting successful examples from countries like the Netherlands, the United Kingdom, Sweden, and France. Conclusions can contribute to improving international relations and the development of sustainable land management. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the past, conciliation mechanisms have scarcely been applied in an inter-state context. It is not surprising that there have been no publicly known environmental conciliations yet. However, in international environmental law, where different dispute settlement mechanisms are still evolving, conciliation might gain currency in the future. This article aims to promote international conciliation to resolve environmental disputes between (i) states, (ii) individuals and the state and (iii) individuals and corporations. At the outset, this article addresses the problem of international environmental accountability. It then discusses conciliation and why parties should resort to it when resolving environmental disputes. Before concluding, the article addresses the practical implementation of environmental conciliation and gives general tips for future conciliation proceedings. This article concludes that while conciliation has not been widespread, it has the potential to bridge the environmental accountability gap if the parties are willing to consent to it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

International mediation has become a standard response to armed conflicts, reflected in an expanding research agenda on the topic. This article examines the alleged disconnect between practice and research on mediation. It analyses articles published in highly ranked academic journals and provides insights on who produces knowledge on mediation, how such knowledge is produced and what knowledge is produced. It shows that western male scholars produce the majority of scholarly research on mediation; that positivist approaches dominate these analyses and that most publications theorize about reasons for mediation success. Through this analysis, the article demonstrates that while high-impact mediation research is practice- oriented in that most contributions examine how to make it more effective, its practice- relevance could be strengthened in three ways: by increasing the diversity of perspectives, by adding more interpretive and qualitative approaches and by producing more critical research. The article demonstrates that broader mediation research published in more specialized journals, books and the policy literature contributes to filling these gaps. It therefore nuances the presumed disconnect between mediation research and practice. Overall, the article provides a thorough review of knowledge production on mediation and adds to discussions on diversity and the critical potential of the broader field of peace studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the influence of research on international mediation. It refutes claims that mediation research has not influenced policy and practice. On the contrary, it shows that the United Nations, the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) and other policy-makers are not only receptive to mediation research but proactively commission and disseminate research. The article argues that the mediation policy research arena resembles an oligopsony, which is an imperfect competitive market with a small number of important buyers and a large number of sellers. Consequently, transaction power lies with the policymakers, and the policy research arena is geared to meeting their preferences. They have a utilitarian preference for problem-solving research that enhances the effectiveness of mediation. They have a methodological preference for comparative case-studies that include interviews with mediators, and do not regard quantitative analysis as useful. In terms of transmission processes, they favour commissioned research tailored to meet their needs. They expect commissioned research to conform to their norms, serve a specified purpose, reflect a deep understanding of mediation, and make proposals that are functionally sound, politically appropriate and financially viable. The bottom line for mediation researchers is that they are most likely to influence policy and practice if they meet the knowledge requirements of the intended recipients of their research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The extant critical literature on international interventions has not only discussed liberal peace interventions from Western subject positions but has also explained its drivers principally from the intention of Western actors to perpetuate neo-imperialism. This analysis, while not illogical, ignores the non-Western involvement in the liberal peace project and, therefore, cannot offer insights into how and why some non-Western actors equally commit to this enterprise. This article moves beyond Western subject positions of this discourse to focus on how and why African interveners engage in liberal interventions despite its Western neo-imperialist instrumentality. Drawing on official documents, interview data and the framework of hegemony, it uncovers African regional actors as practitioners of liberal peace interventions. It argues that they became involved in this practice mainly because they consented to the hegemony of the liberal world order as the only social vision suitable for maintaining domestic stability. Overall, the study offers a broad lens for understanding why the undertaking of liberal projects in many non-Western societies, especially in Africa, cannot be solely explained from the standpoint of Western neo-imperial intentions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The partition of Palestine was first proposed more than eight decades ago. It remains a consensus international approach to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Why was Palestine the only settler-colonial context outside Europe in which partition became a dominant "solution"? This article argues that the explanation is found in European racial attitudes towards Jews and Arabs in the first half of the twentieth century. British and international policy makers regarded (European) Jews as a non-European, Semitic race. This led them to view Jewish Zionist migrants and native Palestinian Arabs as somewhat comparable groups. Rather than a clash between European settlers and Arab natives, they saw in Palestine a conflict between two nations living side by side. Reading through key documents – the Balfour Declaration, the Palestine Mandate, and the Partition Reports of 1937 and 1947 – I show how this racial logic informed the framework of partition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research on resistance to the inclusion of civil society in peace mediation focuses on armed parties and elites as sites of resistance. Such focus grounds policies that prescribe various strategies and process designs that mediators could employ. The mediation of the Intergovernmental Authority on Development in South Sudan from 2012 to 2015 featured such strategies and attempts at various formats, including strong leverage from South Sudan's neighbors and top development partners. However, civil society's inclusion did not fully materialize, and armed clashes continued. Examining this mediation process, this article examines two structural challenges to civil society inclusion under-examined in mediation research. First, divisions within civil society can perpetuate divisions among warring parties and hinder the expected benefits of civil society inclusion. Second, the norms of consent and protecting lives considered definitional in peace mediation prioritize armed parties over civil society, limiting mediators' ability to promote the latter's inclusion and potentially encouraging further violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The nature of the relationship between statecraft and third-party interventions is complex and remains an issue that has not been fully explored in the academic literature. Experience shows that the two often interact, at times creating harmonious coordination, at times exacerbating tensions. These actions and reactions were present for Israel after the War of Independence as it worked to form an effective approach to the UN and its peacekeeping forces that were created to supervise implementation of the 1949 Arab-Israeli armistice agreements. This article examines how Israel strove to develop its own foreign policy statecraft strategies and to protect its national and strategic interests in the early 1960s, while contending with the involvement of UNTSO under the activist leadership of Swedish Maj. Gen. Carl Von Horn. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During its 75 years of existence, Israel's strategies vis-à-vis its neighbours have alternated drastically in accordance with the vicissitudes in regional and global affairs: from reliance on force, to a status quo approach, to combining 'land-for-peace' approach while participating in 'new wars', to peace initiation, to unilateral action, to improved relations with the Arab world while trying to avoid the Palestinian issue. This article describes the evolution of these strategies, discusses their origin and underlying assumptions, and assesses their future implications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines American Israeli relations since the establishment of the state in 1948 to the present. It presents a combination of historical and theoretical analysis. It uses the concept of 'special relationship' to analyse major issues in the evolution of bilateral relations including US support for Israel's independence, Arab-Israeli wars, Palestinian terrorism, mediation, peace agreements, foreign aid, public opinion, attitudes of American Jews and a look at the future. The article reveals strong strategic ties between the two allies but also cracks that threaten to damage the special relationship, including the loss of bipartisanship support, new strategic priorities in US foreign policy, political polarisation, distancing among American Jews, demographic changes, and effects of the 2023 judicial reform in Israel. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Australia played an important role in the acceptance of the November 1947 UN Partition Resolution underpinning the establishment of the State of Israel, recognising the nascent Jewish state in January 1949 and presiding over its admission to the UN four months later. In subsequent decades, the two states have developed a close and warm relationship (albeit not without the odd political disagreement) and multifaceted political, economic, technological, and strategic collaboration. This article explores the nature and characteristics of this relationship as it evolved the past seven decades in an attempt to determine its underlying causes and most important driving forces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Relations between Moscow and Jerusalem have seen numerous ups and downs since the birth of Israel in 1948. Two main issues have dominated the relationship. The first is security, with the Soviet Union, then the Russian Federation providing diplomatic support and military aid to Israel's enemies, especially, in recent years, to Iran and Syria. The second issue is the freedom of Jewish emigration to Israel. Finally, since the advent of Vladimir Putin, Israel has been very much the junior partner in the relationship giving Russia much more than it has received in return. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Israel's relations with the Arab world underwent dramatic changes during its seventy-five years of existence – from hostility and enmity to peacemaking and reconciliation. This development is the result of the strengthening of Israel's regional and international position on the one hand, and the weakening of the Arab world and the Arab states' withdrawal into themselves in the face of the socioeconomic problems confronting them, on the other. And while the regional fear of Iran's hegemonic drive has played an important role in the evolution of Israeli-Arab cooperation, the potential for consolidation of the nascent relationship goes well beyond the Iranian threat as both sides share weighty political, security and economic interests such as fighting radical Islam, promoting regional stability and security, and ensuring economic prosperity. Yet while the Palestinian issue didn't prevent the consolidation of Arab-Israeli relations, it remains the lowest common denominator for Arab public opinion in its search for identity and meaning. As such, it will continue to threaten regional stability and the building of Israel's relations with its Arab partners. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The power of narrative and norm entrepreneurship in shaping policy and practice is increasingly appreciated in the study of international relations but rarely investigated in the context of international peacemaking and mediation. Applying constructivist analyses and drawing on empirical evidence from US diplomacy in Afghanistan between 2018 and 2021, this article demonstrates how emergent western policy discourses, knowledge production, and the mediator's ideas and practices interacted in a dynamic context to induce a significant shift in US policy, legitimate it, and fundamentally reshape the conflict and peacemaking landscape. Approaching the reality of conflict and peacemaking as socially constructed and drawing on documentary analysis, in-depth interviews and insights from first-hand participation in the Afghan 'peace' process, I argue that these new narratives influenced and sanctioned a coercive US peacemaking approach that reshaped the interests and behaviors of Afghan stakeholders, with violent material consequences on the ground. In doing so, the article highlights the potential of constructivist analyses of peacemaking to provide a more holistic, multi-dimensional understanding of these processes and their outcomes in ways that purely rationalist or structurally-based accounts can not. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With two of the world's largest mining projects, Mongolia has become one of Asia's key mineral producers in the past 20 years. Mongolian pastoralist communities living in the South Gobi region in the vicinity of large-scale mining operations have recently turned to transnational dispute resolution arenas to lodge their grievances and seek redress. Notably, these pastoralists have sought to trigger international grievance mechanisms on the basis of being indigenous people, even though they are not recognised as such by their government. This article situates this contemporary mobilisation of pastoralist communities in relation to large-scale mining projects within a longer history of state (de)regulation of the pastoralist economy. It reflects on the role of non-state legal norms and mechanisms in introducing new forms of legal and political subjectivity into the milieu of discourses surrounding Mongolian pastoralist identity and livelihoods. The article reflects on the potential implications of extractive economy upon transnational identity formation, local/national political spaces, and strategic negotiations with state and corporate power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This roundtable explores the art and purpose of teaching histories of peace and justice. Invited by Peace & Change, the participants share their experiences and ideas as teachers of college courses in history, interdisciplinary studies, and sociology. They offer fresh perspectives on how we can engage with the intertwined nature of peace and justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is a case study on the restitution of the Balangiga Bells by the United States to the Philippines, which has been a decades-long contested issue in the two countries' relations. This research applies the concepts of restitution, emotional diplomacy and discourse. This paper presents an exceptional instance in which the return of war trophies was achieved through bilateral arrangements rather than multilateral action. The approach examined how Philippine anger and American conciliation were presented as the two countries worked towards the Bells' restitution. This paper examined public statements made by officials expressing their governments' official positions. The researchers viewed their remarks as forms of discursive articulation, and analyzed them following Wodak's Discourse Historical Approach. The paper's focus moved beyond the surface level meanings of government officials' statements, but also considered how the articulations were shaped by the context in which they were produced. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The discussion surrounding the Singapore Convention on Mediation 2018 has gathered steam. In particular, the refusal of enforcement based on mediator misconduct as prescribed in Article 5(1)(e) and (f) has been the focus of debate and is widely perceived to be the Convention's Achilles heel. These two provisions, already highly controversial in the drafting process, have been criticised as ill-suited to a voluntary process and likely to provoke ancillary dispute. This article defends these grounds for refusal, arguing that they play an indispensable role in guaranteeing the legitimacy of mediated settlements enforced under the Convention. It addresses some of the interpretative challenges within Article 5(1)(e) and (f) before discussing the tension between the provisions on mediator misconduct and the confidentiality of the mediation. The article then offers some guidance on how parties may limit the effects of the provisions, concluding with a brief outlook for the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In modern times, the papacy has consistently advocated peace, disarmament, and peaceful resolution of conflicts, limiting the scope of traditional just war theory, particularly in the era of weapons of mass destruction. However, no pope has gone as far as Pope Francis, who has stated that there is no such thing as just war and that "Only Peace is Just." This contribution examines how Francis expressed and developed his thought in the context of his humanitarian diplomacy and theological thinking during the first ten years of his pontificate. In the last part, I argue that the Ukraine war is a test for Pope Francis, who has repeatedly called for peace negotiations and condemned arms supply, while recognizing the moral right for Ukrainian self-defense. While this may seem contradictory, his policy shows Francis's deeper conviction that "war is always a defeat for humanity." More interested in peace-making and assisting victims than in doctrinal issues, Francis has not jettisoned the just war concept in theory, but has done so in his witness and actions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Atonement is a state practice that comprises an official political apology and the offer of reparation payments to former victims of mass atrocities, war crimes, and human rights abuses. Despite being considered the moral and right thing to do, atonement has been enforced only once at the state level: between West Germany and Israel in 1952. Whereas existing explanations view the West German pathway after the Holocaust as either an ethical choice or a domestic policy induced by U.S. pressure, atonement can also be a political decision. Politicians may give official apologies and pay reparations because such practices promise tangible political benefits. An investigation of the West German–Israeli case and a comparison with two non-atoning perpetrators of World War II, Austria and Japan, illustrate the plausibility of these claims. Atonement emerged as a bilateral strategy between West Germany and Israel because it represented a politically expedient option for both countries. This finding offers insights into when politicians may pursue atonement in other cases and points to a potential avenue toward long-term international stability and durable peace. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Authoritarian states are increasingly using international social media platforms as a tool to influence public discourse iii foreign states. But what narratives do these authoritarian states prioritize? What motivates this choice of narrative? And, are these narratives amplified by their target audience? This article addresses these qiiestions by quantitatively measuring the evolution of the People's Republic of China's state-backed media narratives on Facebook about the Russia-Ukraine conflict. This analysis covers the period in the lead zip to, and the nionths that follow, Russia's invasion of Ukraine. I use the case of PRC rhetoric on Ukraine for two reasons. First, the PRO's policy approach to Ukraine is unclear, as there is a coiitradiction between its support for Russia and the assertion that Ukraine has territorial sovereignty. The PRC, therefore, presents no clear narrative on what it seeks to convey to international audiences. Second, in light of this contradiction and the lack of an obvious policy stance on Ukraine, this case is an opportunity for us to observe how the PRC's choice of narrative evolves over time, and which foreign policy goals the PRC prioritizes in its international rhetoric. This article finds that the PRC's state-backed media rhetoric on Facebook alternates between: (1) presenting the PRC as a diplomatic and responsible actor with no clear stance on the conflict; and (2) fuelling domestic nationalism by framing the war as the result of Western aggression. Yet, while the PRC stateba, cked media appear eventually to settle on the latter narrative as its solution to the aforementioned policy contradiction, over the whole time period, state-backed media outlets on Facebook produce a higlier volume of content promoting the PRC as a responsible actor than they do blaming the West. The PRC's shift between two narrative approaches on Facebook reflects the larger contradiction at the heart of the PRO's foreign policy, that is: does it project itself as seeking to enhance the lise of diplomacy, or as stridently anti-West? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2022, the United States dusted off the 1950 Uniting for Peace Resolution in order to obtain General Assembly condemnation of the Russian invasion of Ukraine. This was the first time in three decades that the Security Council and General Assembly had utilized the Uniting for Peace mechanism - a process designed to end-run a Security Council veto. Together with the General Assembly's creation of the international investigative mechanism for Syria in 2016 over Russia's objection, the use of the Uniting for Peace process to condemn Russia's aggression represented a shift in power away from the Security Council and to the General Assembly, with potentially broad and long-term implications. This article examines the causes and consequences of that power shift. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the 19908, the UN Security Council has been at the center of the institutionalization of international criniinal justice in the UN system. This article discusses the lesser well-known role a.iici creative possibilities of the UN General Asseiiibly It shows that the Assembly has played a crucial role in shaping key normative foundat:ions of the field, by affirming the Nuremberg Principles in 1946, approving the 1950 Genocide Conveiltion, adopting the definition of the aggression mider Resolution 3314 (1974) or shaping the creation of tile Extraordinary Chambers in the Coiirts of Cambodia. With the creation of the International, Impartia;l and Independent Alechanism for Syria, the General Assenibly has established a quasi-prosecritorial body iii a case, where the accountability was blocked clue to the veto power of the Security Council. In March 2022. the Assenibly invoked its powers under the "Uniting for Peace" resolution iii 1950 to support its resolution on aggression against Ukraine (Res. ES-11/1). This contribution disciisses two important elements of the GA's abilitiy to ilse its authority under '6 Uniting for Peace" to unite for justice, naimely its power to create a criminal tribunal and its aut, hority to niake a referral to the International Crinlinal Court. It examines differeiit layers of debate: issues of legality, including the relevance of 9'Uniting for Peace" as institutional piecelent, questions of effectiveness, as well as consideration of political feasibility. It argiies tlial. there is space to make greater creative use of the powers of the Assembly iii relation to accountability. It identifies three models, iii which the General Assembly may become involved iii tlie creation of a el'imilial tribiinal (treaty approval, establishment of a criminal tribimal with consent of the territorial state, and creation of a tribunal witihout sucli consent). It claims that the General Assembly may use its powers under UN law to make a referral to the ICC, but shows that such an option requires amendment of the ICC Statute and may cause problems in relation to jurisdiction over non state parties and. in particular. criininal jurisdiction over the crime of aggression. It cautions at the same time against romanticizing the role of the Assembly in relation to accountability. It shows that "Uniting for Peace" may also promote adverse effects. nainely "Uniting for Inipiinity.". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This forum takes up the question of how to do work in Historical International Relations (IR). Especially in the past decade, scholars have debated what modes of analysis are best suited to this sort of work and how Historical IR relates to the disciplines of History and International Relations. The contributors to this forum intervene in these debates and converge on three issues facing Historical IR—questions of methods, ontology, and disciplinary boundaries. We outline the convergences and differences among the contributors on those points in this introduction, and we conclude by offering a definition of Historical IR in an effort to clarify its position within the discipline of IR. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

International law aims to resolve international conflicts by peaceful means. This issue, which is clearly stated in the UN Charter, is essential for the maintenance of international peace and security. The international conflict between Russia and Ukraine, one of the biggest crises the world has faced after the Cold War era, has once again reminded the international community how important peaceful solutions are. Turkey, acting as a mediator between Russia and Ukraine, has taken important steps in order ro re-establish the peace. In our study, Turkey's mediation role in the international conflict between Russia and Ukraine has been examined in terms of international law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Central Asia the European Union (EU) positions itself as a benign and gentle actor with no geopolitical intentions. But is this self-prescribed image of a 'force for good' shared by Central Asians? To answer this question, the article scrutinizes whether the EU is perceived as posing a threat to or offering an opportunity in Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan. Theoretically it is argued that the EU cannot unilaterally claim a certain role in the region; rather, perceptions held by Central Asians partly determine what kind of actor the EU can be and what kind of policies it can successfully implement. The article finds that opportunity/threat perceptions are highly issue specific. Depending on a particular issue area, the EU's image may change from that of an opportunity to a threat, or vice versa. Yet, the opportunity aspect visibly prevails in both countries, which can be regarded as the EU's comparative advantage vis-à-vis other actors in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholarship drawing from a wide array of perspectives including field theoretical and functional differentiation approaches has shed increasing light on the sectoral dimensions of world politics. In contrast to dominant approaches emphasizing hierarchy and power in relations between global fields, this article offers a novel interpretive framework for understanding how diverse fields, systems, or sectors may interact and facilitate change in world politics beyond the operation of established hierarchies and power dynamics. Taking forward the previously underutilized concept of symbolically generalized media of communication, this article elucidates two processes of international political change by which different fields, systems, or sectors may transform world politics. The first process, lateral retreat, is illustrated with reference to the case study of the Protestant Reformation, in which internal changes in the religious field facilitated the development of an increasingly autonomous political domain. The second process, lateral penetration, is illustrated with reference to the international political response to the climate change and Covid-19 crises, in which the scientific sector contributed toward transformed political priorities and associated hierarchies, at least in the short term. These diverse cases are used to indicate the broad potential scope of application of the concept of symbolically generalized media of communication to enrich relational theorizing in the study of international relations, and to improve understanding of diverse dynamics of international political change missed in traditional power- (and anarchy-) centric accounts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the rise of populist leaders around the world, populism's impact on foreign policy and international affairs has come into focus. Adding to this literature, we propose the concept of 'populist peacemaking', in which key tenets of populism, in style and substance, are projected onto the sphere of international mediation. We offer an analytical framework for understanding populist peacemaking consisting of three features. Firstly, populist peacemaking is characterized by a rejection of the 'peacemaking elites' and their established rules and practices, including international norms, a refutation of context-specific knowledge, and a clean-slate approach that disregards past peacemaking attempts and alienates other international mediators. Secondly, populist peacemaking employs aggrandized rhetoric and symbolism that puts the mediator—rather than the conflict parties—in the spotlight, thus integrating domestic politics into peacemaking. Finally, populist peacemaking frames the process as representing the volonté générale , i.e. serving the interests of the 'pure people' in the conflict-affected context. We illustrate this phenomenon empirically with a case-study of United States' peacemaking efforts during the Trump era, tracing initiatives pursued by US envoys in the Israeli–Palestinian and Kosovo–Serbia conflicts. From this analysis, populist peacemaking emerges as a distinct phenomenon, not to be subsumed under the heading of 'illiberal peacemaking'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The French interest in attacking the British in India during the American Revolution was promoted by a variety of individuals with experience and often personal interests on the subcontinent. These individuals convinced the naval minister, Antoine de Sartine, and his successor, Charles de la Croix, marquis de Castries, that the Indian princes were eager to liberate India from British tyranny and with French assistance would launch an uprising to achieve this goal. Both ministers became avid proponents of launching an attack on the British in India coinciding with French entrance into the American War. Initially opposed to this venture, the foreign minister, Charles Gravier, comte de Vergennes, ultimately came to see its value. The exaggerated predictions of a massive Indian revolt against the British never materialized. The difficulties of mounting a long-distance invasion and the tardy arrival of General Charles Joseph Patissier, marquis de Bussy-Castelnau, who did not reach India until after peace negotiations had begun, resulted in the failure of the French intervention. L'intérêt des Français à attaquer les Britanniques en Inde pendant la Révolution américaine a été promu par une variété de personnes ayant de l'expérience et souvent des intérêts personnels sur le sous-continent. Ces individus ont convaincu le ministre de la Marine Sartine et son successeur Castries que les princes indiens désiraient libérer l'Inde de la tyrannie britannique et, avec l'aide de la France, lanceraient un soulèvement pour atteindre cet objectif. Les deux ministres devinrent de fervents partisans du lancement d'une attaque contre les Britanniques en Inde coïncidant avec l'entrée de la France dans la guerre américaine. Initialement opposé à cette entreprise, le ministre des Affaires étrangères Vergennes finit par en reconnaître la valeur. Les prédictions exagérées d'une révolte indienne massive contre les Britanniques ne se sont jamais matérialisées. Les difficultés d'organiser une invasion à longue distance et l'arrivée tardive de Bussy, qui n'arriva en Inde qu'après le début des négociations de paix, entraînèrent l'échec de l'intervention française. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article builds on the framework for a law school-based academic center for Jewish-Muslim engagement laid out in our previous work, Roadmap to Reconciliation. In this follow-up essay, we outline standards, or ground-rules, for the individuals and institutions engaged in academic interfaith discussions of the kind that would occur in our proposed Center. Chief among these considerations is the need to respect the integrity of each respective faith tradition involved in such conversations. We argue for an interfaith dialogic modeled on the insights of Rabbi Joseph B. Soloveitchik, and discuss how his reflections on the potentials and risks of interfaith engagement can be helpful in setting standards for our proposed Center for Jewish-Muslim Engagement. By offering examples of integrity-rooted interfaith approaches to practical issues in the field of Jewish-Muslim engagement, and by providing a fresh look at new frontiers for intellectual collaboration between Jewish and Muslim scholarship, we further extol the virtues and the need for a path-breaking and principled research initiative in this field. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the realist game of international negotiations, each state attempts to promote their interest regardless of international law. Thus, it is negotiations in the shadow of the sword, i.e., a negotiation in which each side knows that if the parties will not achieve an agreement, the alternative may be a war, and thus the bargaining position of each party is a function of their capacities in a case of war. Negotiation in the shadow of international law is an alternative to it: in this alternative the parties negotiate according to their international legal rights. It reduces injustice and incentive to armament and to terror. It thus promotes peace. A state can choose unilaterally to play the game of negotiations in accord with international law by merely respecting the rights of one's neighbours regardless to their waving swords, and by this have much more peace and generate incentives against terror and armament. This efficiently brings much more security and peace. A policy of respecting international law, combined with conditional generosity, is more efficient. The wish for peace should make a country encourage its neighbours to avoid armament. The best way to do so is to adopt a policy of unilateral respect for international law and conditional generosity towards one's neighbours. The international community should enforce, or at least encourage, negotiations in accord with international law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is a transcript of a conversation between Francesc Vendrell, the former UN and EU meditator who dealt with many conflicts, particularly in Afghanistan and East Timor, and David Loyn, visiting Senior Fellow in the War Studies Department at King's College London, and a former BBC Bureau Chief in South Asia and correspondent to Afghanistan. This conversation, which took place in 2019, focuses on Vendrell's role in the Afghanistan situation from 2000 under Taliban rule, where he engaged in mediation efforts with the Taliban, to the period of the 9/11 attacks and the subsequent development of a new constitution and government. It covers some of the reasons for the weaknesses of the government that developed after 9/11. It also covers the development of direct talks between the US and Iran during the period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article, based on conversations with the former UN and EU representative Francesc Vendrell, describes the efforts made by Vendrell to mediate between the international community and the various players in the Afghanistan conflict between 2000 and 2008, including the Taliban and the Northern Alliance. It covers the breakdown of the previous Tashkent Declaration, a meeting with Mullah Omar, the destruction of the Bamiyan Buddhas, '9/11', and the subsequent Bonn Accords and new Afghan constitution, in which Afghan warlords played a significant role. It also describes how the USA and Iran developed back-channel links during the period thanks to Vendrell's mediation work, links which were later broken on account of President George W. Bush's 'Axis of Evil' speech. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article, based on original research and conversations with the former UN mediator Francesc Vendrell, describes the diplomatic efforts behind the process of bringing independence to East Timor. It also offers some broader lessons about international mediation based on the experience of East Timor. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is a transcript of a conversation between Francesc Vendrell, the former UN and EU meditator who dealt with many conflicts, particularly in Afghanistan and East Timor, and David Loyn, visiting Senior Fellow in the War Studies Department at King's College London, and a former BBC Bureau Chief in South Asia and correspondent to Afghanistan. This conversation, which took place in 2019, focuses on Vendrell's role in the East Timor situation from the time of its annexation by Indonesia, to his role in mediating its independence following the 1999 referendum. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is a transcript of a conversation between Francesc Vendrell, the former UN and EU meditator who dealt with many conflicts, particularly in Afghanistan and East Timor, and David Loyn, visiting Senior Fellow in the War Studies Department at King's College London, and a former BBC Bureau Chief in South Asia and correspondent to Afghanistan. This conversation, which took place in 2019, focuses on Vendrell's broader career in and beyond Asia, and offers various insights into the practice of mediation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]