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We construct a novel panel data set to provide new evidence on how the largest nonfinancial firms manage their financial assets. Our granular data show that, over the past decade, bond portfolios have grown to be at least as large as cash-like instruments, driven by the meteoric rise of corporate bond holdings. To shed light on the drivers of this growth, we conduct a pair of event studies around the 2017 tax reform and the 2020 liquidity crisis. We find that large holdings of marketable securities are primarily driven by cross-border tax incentives, while cash-like instruments are driven by liquidity motives. (JEL G32, G35, G11, E440) [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Capitalizing on massive sentiment diffusion and mobilization aided by mass media and social media nowadays, we introduce a general theory of host country sentiments to illuminate the granular, context-situated, and time dynamic power of social sentiments. We posit that host country is a value-laden context wherein a foreign entity's strategic action stimulates host country stakeholders' social sentiments and engagement in systems of discourses ("sentiment arousal"), mobilizes social sentiments toward the foreign entity ("sentiment competence"), and legitimizes social sentiments and the strategic action of the foreign entity ("sentiment resonance"). To test our theory, we employ a context of inward acquisitions by emerging market firms in an advanced economy, and postulate that host country sentiments toward objects of the inward acquisition (deal, acquirer, and inward investments from home country) will influence the likelihood of deal completion, an indication of host country legitimacy. We further highlight the patterns of host country sentiment dynamics, and showcase how sentiment volatility, wavelength, and augmentation exert heterogeneous effects on deal completion. Overall, we advocate a theory of host country sentiments in international management research that elucidates the interplay among host country sentiments, systems of social discourses, and multinational enterprise strategic outcomes in a host country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

INTRODUCTION Food is a basic requirement for survival and a national strategic and security resource [1]. Relatedly, the human right to adequate food is one of the most fundamental human [...], The human right to adequate food is one of the most fundamental human rights crucial for the sustenance of the planet, and the prosperity of all people. It is firmly established in international human rights instruments and is clarified in the United Nations' General Comment 12 (GC 12). However, deep vulnerabilities and deprivation of the right to adequate food in the form of hunger, food insecurity and malnutrition have persisted in many parts of the world. The climate-induced disasters also continues to devastate many communities, thereby depriving them of their rights including adequate food. This commentary provides a broader perspective on the 25 years of the GC 12 to stimulate further debate and actions to entrench human rights, especially the right to adequate food, at the centre of the food systems transformation and overall sustainable development agenda. This year 2024, marks 25 years of the Global Compact 12 on the human right to adequate food. While it is an important opportunity to celebrate this great achievement of engraining this right into the wider sphere of global reference at the United Nations level, the domestication in countries into actions that concretely address the problem of hunger and malnutrition has been slow in many countries. The world is now faced with the grim realities of starving populations arising from unnecessary and unjust wars, and food continues to be used as a weapon of war against international law and human imagination. Worse still, in the current environment of climate change and its adverse effects on food systems, SDG2 (Zero hunger by 2030), seems unrealistic. Finally, it is no longer a question of providing carbohydrates, as the need to address quality, safety, nutrition and cultural acceptability is ever so pressing. Going forward, there is a need to accelerate advocacy efforts, research and policy formulation that fully operationalise GC 12 in country-level food systems and nutrition interventions. Realization of the right to adequate food benchmarks in GC 12 should certainly be the penultimate of such interventions as strategic food reserves, poverty and hunger reduction programmes, humanitarian disaster preparedness, contingency funding, social protection and child care among others.

This article investigates spillovers from foreign economies to the U.S. through changes in long-term Treasury yields. We document a decline in the contribution of U.S. domestic news to the variance of long-term Treasury yields and an increased importance of overnight yield changes, a proxy for foreign shocks' contribution to U.S. yields. A model that identifies U.S., Euro area, and U.K. shocks that move global yields suggests that foreign shocks account for at least 20% of the daily variation in long-term U.S. yields in recent years. We also document the predictability of long-term U.S. yields by the U.S.–foreign yield spread. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In an era when intricately woven global networks dictate the pulse of commerce, supply chain issues have ascended as a critical focal point--particularly within the medical device industry. The turn [...]

We study how the growth of exchange-traded funds (ETFs) affects the sensitivity of international capital flows to the global financial cycle. Using comprehensive fund-level data on investor flows, we show that their sensitivity to global financial conditions for equity (bond) ETFs is 2.5 (2.25) times higher than for equity (bond) mutual funds. This higher sensitivity can be directly linked to ETFs underlying shorter-trading-horizon clientele that trades more often in response to shocks. Using country-level data, we find that where ETFs hold a larger share of financial assets, equity inflows and prices become more sensitive to global risk. Authors have furnished an Internet Appendix , which is available on the Oxford University Press Web site next to the link to the final published paper online. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is indicated that international private-law relations nowadays are expanding significantly primarily in connection with the internationalization of economic life. The modern world is characterized by the economic interdependence of states, the expansion of not only traditional forms of foreign economic relations, but also relatively new forms such as leasing operations, concessions, franchising, and others. The article examines the current trends in the development of state immunity in international private law relations, in particular, in investment relations. The author defines the scope of these relations and gives their general characteristics, as well as identifies the peculiarities of the State’s participation in these relations as a subject of private international law. The author examines the content, types of international investment relations, development trends and peculiarities of legal regulation. The author pays special attention to the jurisdictional issues of investment dispute resolution involving states. The author analyzes legal acts and shows the role of judicial practice in this area. The author substantiates the need to apply functional (limited) immunity in international private law relations. Expansion of the range of international private legal relations over time due to the development of foreign economic activity, integration processes, and interdependence of States in the second half of the twentieth century contributed to the expansion of State participation in civil (private) relations, which objectively led to the establishment of the concept of functional (limited) immunity in the legislative, judicial and contractual practice of different countries. The concept of limited immunity is becoming increasingly popular in the world, which is explained by the development of economic relations between different countries and the increasing involvement of states in commercial activities, which on their own behalf enter into various foreign trade agreements, obtain loans from foreign banks, use maritime transport for commercial purposes, i.e. by their actions they seem to put themselves in the position of a merchant, trader, private person, which then allows the courts to consider them as ordinary participants in the process. The current policy vector of most continental law states on immunity issues is shifting towards the use of limited immunity of states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the past two decades, Brazil and China have deepened their political cooperation and intensified their economic relations. They have done so by founding multilateral institutions, such as BRICS and the New Development Bank. However, Brazil's policymakers have not accepted China's proposal to sign a memorandum of understanding (MoU) on the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). This article examines why and how Brazil—China relations have evolved to high-level political and economic cooperation. We aim to understand the reasoning behind Brazil's latest foreign policy decision to not sign a MoU, whilst maintaining the desire to stay heavily involved in cooperation with China. This study draws on qualitative surveys and interviews with scholars, policymakers, government officials, and businesspeople. The main findings are: 1) Signing the BRI agreement is seen by Brazilian policymakers as a symbolic act that does not add a new substantial element to the already well-established political relationship between both countries; 2) the Brazilian market and its strong regulatory environment remain attractive to Chinese investors, despite the lack of official participation in the BRI. Thus, our research sheds light on the multifaceted nature of the Brazil-China relationship, and how it extends beyond the boundaries of the Belt and Road Initiative. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: After decades of hypergrowth, since the 2008 global financial crisis there has been a deceleration of globalization and a partial jamming of its main engines (trade and foreign direct investment [FDI]). This study aims to critically reflect on the current phase, labeling it as "win-lose globalization" characterized by firm-firm competition increasingly intertwined with that between the respective nation-states, which aim to be the relative winners, even at the expense of joint absolute gains. Acting as "strategists," states implement policies to weaponize economic interdependences, which the paper analyzes. Design/methodology/approach: The approach is "problem setting" rather than "problem solving." The latter offers well-defined solutions but often assumes unambiguous definitions of problems, which obscure their complexity. This phase is so intricate that the problem itself is problematic. Thus, to advance knowledge, the focus is given on nation-state policies: FDI screening and the politicization of international trade relations; protectionism; misuses of antitrust and regulation. Findings: The intensification of firm-firm/state-state competition, seeking disproportionate gains over rivals, is the ultimate result of the contradictions and dissatisfactions accumulated over decades of globalization, the benefits of which have been far from equally distributed. Conflicts in international economic relations are bound to intensify, and a return to win-win globalization is unlikely. International cooperation to strengthen existing/new supranational governance institutions in the interest of absolute global inclusive benefits is urgently needed. Originality/value: The paper integrates the international business debate on the fate of globalization with interpretations from industrial policy studies and international relations theory. This allows for suggestions for policymakers, corporate executives and scholars. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the speed increase of reviews or other forms of text, natural language has the ability to convey large and complex amounts of information in relatively small communications. This capability is being leveraged by the machine-learning algorithm known as latent dirichlet allocation (LDA), which can be utilized to discover latent topics within documents. LDA can be also used to generate summaries or abstracts from a given set of documents. However, LDA can struggle to identify topics in short documents or in data with high levels of noise. This article will introduce a new method for topic modeling with LDA based on diagonal reading for sentences (DIAG-LDA). Primarily, the features are selected using the TF-IDF algorithm, and the highest relevant features are extracted using the confidence value. Besides, the classification step is executed utilizing the LDA classifier. Ultimately, we evaluate our model using the convolutional neural network algorithm. The experiment results show that DIAG-LDA performs well in identifying features from text data, achieving a 94.4%, and 89.5% in accuracy for the datasets on international economics and the political economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Investigating the determinants of trade flows has been the focus of extensive literature in international economics. Early studies focus on the effect of the distance between countries. However, answers to many important economic questions depend largely on the extent to which market size and stability affect supply and consumption. This paper augments the gravity model with the interaction between population density and governance. It uses a panel dataset of 51 African countries from 2000 to 2019 to investigate the impact of the interaction between Africa's population density and governance on Sino–Africa trade flows. The main results reveal that China's exports to Africa and Africa's openness with China are directly proportional to the interaction between Africa's population density and governance. However, China's imports from Africa are inversely proportional to the interaction between Africa's population density and governance. Also, results reveal the polarization of Sino–Africa trade flows, causing the revaluation of the Chinese Yuan. All other things being equal, concurrent improvement in Africa's population density and governance is a significant factor leading Africa to depend more on imports from China and reduce Africa's exports to China. This paper suggests that the effectiveness of international trade policy reforms is conditional on implementing efficient mechanisms to balance global population density with improvement in good governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What drives the varied performance of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) projects? Can the central state’s role and the participating nations’ development needs fully account for the success or failure of individual BRI projects? This article challenges the dominant state-centric perspective, suggesting it falls short in elucidating the heterogeneous results of BRI projects. Through a comparative analysis of the Pan-Beibu Gulf Economic Cooperation Zone (PBGECZ) and the New International Land-Sea Trade Corridor (ILSTC), the study reveals the impact of local government collaboration on the efficacy of China’s foreign policy. By proposing collective local liberalism, we argue that cooperative dynamics, rather than competitive, are crucial for the success of the BRI. This nuanced approach underscores the necessity of a collaborative framework among subnational actors to enhance the execution and outcomes of BRI projects, offering a more comprehensive understanding of Chinese foreign policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the early history of the Group of Thirty (G30, 1978), which is an economic policy body committed to the analysis and spread of policy prescriptions as regards the evolution of the international economic and monetary system after the end of Bretton Woods. In so doing, this work represents the first critical recounting of the G30ʹs early experience from a historiographic perspective. The article frames the organizational roots and the early history of the G30 within the wider economic and political context that marked the transformations of the international system between the late 1970s and the early 1980s. Moreover, this article deals with one of the most challenging policy issues that characterized the international economic policymaking at that time: the spread of high inflation rates. The emergence of sustained inflation trends in Western Europe will receive specific attention. Finally, the article discusses the relevance that social and political concerns acquired in the very conceptualization of anti-inflationary and market-oriented measures, as these were promoted by the G30ʹs affiliates between the late 1970s and the early 1980s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Arms transfers result from economic and political motives, with the latter often dominating the former. While this is accepted knowledge for the post‐World War II period, it seems not to apply earlier. Much existing research argues that in the interwar years, weapons were traded as purely commercial goods because governments had neither the ability nor willingness to control and direct arms transfers. We reassess this idea and argue that, while formal control was largely absent, governments could steer weapons shipments nonetheless because arms producers depended on them as main customers, sales agents, and financiers of their export business. Anecdotal evidence suggests that governments actively used this influence. To test whether interwar arms transfers were the result of political or commercial interests, we use newly collected, historical data on the small arms trade and inferential network analysis methods. Our results suggest that although economic drivers existed throughout the interwar period, political considerations were especially influential when international relations were hostile at the start and end of the period. This research contributes to our understanding of international economic relations between the world wars and of the drivers of arms transfers across time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although multiactor projects are common in international development, existing research centers on perceptions of individual participants. How do citizens in developing countries perceive international development projects involving multiple actors? Do these actors accumulate credit or blame equally? In this study, we argue that multiactor projects can generate more approval than single-actor projects because of perceived actor complementarity. We assess this claim using evidence from Eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). We implement a large-scale household survey experiment about an infrastructure project involving an international nongovernmental organization (INGO) and a Chinese state-owned enterprise, along with follow-up focus group discussions and a data quality audit. We find that respondents report higher satisfaction toward multiactor projects, in part due to perceived complementarity between actors. However, the actor with a reputation for more stringent standards—the INGO—is more likely to be credited or blamed for positive or negative externalities created by the project. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article provides a summary of the latest report on the progress towards the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) set by the UN's 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. The report reveals that the world is severely off track to achieve the SDGs, with progress stalling or regressing in many areas. The Covid pandemic has been a major setback, and global efforts have faced challenges due to conflicts, trade tensions, climate change, and economic shortcomings. Specific areas of concern include poverty, food security, health, education, and gender equality. The report emphasizes the urgent need for acceleration and investment to address these challenges and protect vulnerable populations. [Extracted from the article]

Like some 130 countries, New Zealand's largest economic partner is China -- by some distance. The New Zealand-China economic relationship inevitably dominates interactions between the two countries, and China will remain a major economic and commercial partner. But if New Zealand's relationship with China is to work, it must rest on solid political foundations as well. That is far from meaning always agreeing with China, but it does mean not allowing our differences of view to define our relationship. Mutual respect, consistency and transparency are vital assets for a country such as ours, afloat on the ocean of international affairs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To what end is China's Vietnam policy? As a rising power, China has sought to drive a wedge into the U.S.-Vietnam Comprehensive Partnership to prevent Washington from using Vietnam as a platform to challenge China's influence. How then did China drive a wedge? China coerced Vietnam's external security via the use of force and accommodated Vietnam's internal security via political and economic cooperation. China wanted to show Vietnam it cannot trust the U.S. protection and Vietnam benefits more from a friendly China-Vietnam relationship. China aimed to reinforce Vietnam's neutrality amid increasing Chinese assertive behaviors against Vietnam at sea. This paper traces China's actions and reactions to major diplomatic events in U.S.-Vietnam and China-Vietnam relations from 2013 to 2022 to study China's wedge strategies targeting Vietnam. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

High-growth firms (HGFs) are important for job creation and productivity growth. We investigate the relationship between product and labour market regulations, as well as the quality of regional governments that implement these regulations, and the development of HGFs across European regions. Using data from Eurostat, the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), World Economic Forum (WEF), and Gothenburg University, we show that both regulatory stringency and the quality of the regional government relate to the regional shares of HGFs. In particular, we find that the effect of labour and product market regulations is moderated by the quality of regional government. Depending on the quality of regional governments, regulations may have a 'good, bad or ugly' influence on the development of HGFs. Our findings contribute to the debate on the effects of regulations and offer important building blocks to develop tailored policy measures that may influence the development of HGFs in a region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The rules-based trade order confronts a crisis as both rule-making and enforcement have stalled in the World Trade Organization (WTO). Locked in great power rivalry, the United States and China are undermining the rules, making it necessary for middle powers like Canada and Japan to lead a coalition to reform the WTO. Working together they should advocate for greater transparency over subsidy policies and guidelines for how to balance security goals with economic cooperation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on enhancing mutual agri-food trade between Kazakhstan and China amid rising international tensions that could impact export opportunities. Topics include the resource potential of Kazakhstan's agriculture, the comparative advantages and trade complementarity with China, and the current state of agro-food exports, highlighting the need for increased value-added exports to improve competitiveness in the market.

Copyright of Boletín Económico de ICE is the property of S.G.E.E.I.P.C., Secretaria de Estado de Comercio, Ministerio de Industria, Comercio y Turismo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

China has used broadcast for international communication in Africa since 1949, an important bridge connecting China and Africa. As digital audio media, podcasts also serve communication on Africa-related topics. News media work as the intermediaries between the public and the nation, and news framing is significant for the public to understand China-Africa relations. Regarding the limitations of traditional framing analysis, this study used a data-driven computational method, the Analysis of Topic Model Networks (ANTMN), to examine the news framing in China Radio Internationals (CRI's) China Africa Talk. The findings revealed four frames in the podcast: cultural exchange, economic cooperation, sustainable development, and strategic cooperation, which indicates the efforts of China and Africa in building a community of shared future. Cultural exchange and sustainable development are two frames found in this study that highlight the differences in national propaganda content between podcasts and newspapers. Furthermore, podcasts in international communication, with digital media characteristics and young audiences, can promote the dialogue and communication between China and Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes the causes and consequences of the post-Soviet breakdown of economic ties between Russia and Africa. The post-Soviet period (since 1991) has led to a breakdown of economic ties between them. It means that trade, investment, and other forms of economic cooperation between the two sides have been significantly reduced or stopped completely. After the collapse of the Soviet Union at the initiative of Mikhail Gorbachev, Africa really became a “non-subject” for diplomats and military personnel stationed in the region, and some economic actors witnessed Moscow’s first initiatives. It was only in early 2018, on the occasion of the arrival of the first shipments of Russian weapons and dozens of “advisers” from Moscow in Bangui, that the French media learned of Russia’s “great comeback” in Africa. This Central African prism powerfully shaped perceptions in Paris: Russian involvement would be a new phenomenon echoing the confrontation between East and West, and Central Africa would be a crucial link in a grand strategy on a continental scale, where Russia would be on its way to establishing itself as a major player. The severing of economic ties between Russia and Africa has negative consequences for both regions, including reduced trade, investment, and political influence, and Russia’s lack of resources and changing political priorities since the collapse of the Soviet Union are the main reasons for it.

This study examines the development of transregional relations between the regions of Italy and those of China, including the Special Administrative Regions of Hong Kong and Macau. It highlights the interplay between centrifugal and centripetal tendencies within the framework of Italy’s ‘center — regions’ relationship system. The analysis provides insights into the normative foundations of international and foreign policy activities of Italy’s territorial communities, grounded in the national Constitution and relevant legislation. The findings demonstrate that Italian regions possess very limited capabilities for independent foreign and economic policy initiatives, a restriction stemming from the Italian Constitution, which permits regional cooperation only in the realms of economy and culture. In contrast, among the regions of China, only Hong Kong and Macau exhibit the capacity for autonomous external activities. Furthermore, it is revealed that Chinese migrants in Italy play a significant role in fostering Italian-Chinese interregional ties, maintaining connections with their homeland. The study concludes that Italian regions are notably less active internationally compared to regions in other EU countries.

We set a research hypothesis on the influence of the formation of international economic relations of countries on the effectiveness of knowledge and information systems management in the digital economy. We substantiate the features of the connection between these two components, which confirm the hypothesis. We consider the results of the manifestation of two forms of cooperation, which emerged due to the effect of the digital economy and due to the improvement of international economic relations between partner countries. Growth of investments in the implementation of these forms of interaction allows achieving significant results in case of favourable conditions for financial activities and R&D in countries in which businesses of partner countries are located (taxation, terms of rent, infrastructure, etc.). It is shown that activities of partner countries at the political level towards the creation of advantages for the integration of international business ensure mutual implementation of bilateral obligations in support and interaction. The goal of this paper is to identify the connection between international economic relations and the level of implementing digital technologies in the sphere of knowledge and information systems management. To reach this goal, we use the following research methods: the complex method, the comparative method, the statistical method, and the trends method. The scientific novelty of this research consists in determining the features of new forms of cooperation in the business environment in the conditions of transformation of international economic relations.

BACKGROUND: Uranium exposure remains an important environmental legacy and physiological health concern, with hundreds of abandoned uranium mines located in the Southwestern United States largely impacting underserved indigenous communities. The negative effects of heavy metals on barrier permeability and inhibition of intestinal epithelial healing have been described; however, transcriptomic changes within the intestinal epithelial cells and impacts on lineage differentiation are largely unknown. OBJECTIVES: Herein, we sought to determine the molecular and cellular changes that occur in the colon in response to uranium bearing dust (UBD) exposure. METHODS: Human colonoids from three biologically distinct donors were acutely exposed to UBD then digested for single cell RNA sequencing to define the molecular changes that occur to specific identities of colonic epithelial cells. Validation in colonoids was assessed using morphological and imaging techniques. RESULTS: Human colonoids acutely exposed to UBD exhibited disrupted proliferation and hyperplastic differentiation of the secretory lineage cell, enteroendocrine cells (EEC). Single-cell RNA sequencing also showed more EEC subtypes present in UBD-exposed colonoids. DISCUSSION: These findings highlight the significance of crypt-based proliferative cells and secretory cell differentiation using human colonoids to model major colonic responses to uranium-bearing particulate dust exposure. https://doi.org/10.1289/EHP13855, Introduction Uranium mining in the United States arose in the 1940s, peaked in the 1970s, and subsided in the late 1980s, with extensive activity concentrated in Navajo, Puebloan, and other [...]

The article analyzes current state of international economic relations among Russia and African countries and reveals their prospects. To date, these relations can be characterized as actively developing, but still relatively insufficiently intensive. Progress has been made in recent years, when Russia has increased its presence on the continent through various forms of economic cooperation. One important area of cooperation is trade. In 2023, trade turnover between Russia and African countries amounted to about 20 billion USD, which is a significant increase compared to previous years. However, compared to other global players such as China, European Union countries or the United States of America, economic interaction level among Russia and African countries is still not high enough. One of the main reasons for this is that Russian economic cooperation with Africa is dominated by the energy sector, especially supplies and infrastructure projects in the oil and gas industry. Meanwhile, other sectors such as agriculture, production of goods and services, and infrastructure investments remain less developed. One of the obstacles to deepening economic relations is also the lack of information and education about the opportunities for cooperation between Russia and Africa. There are also difficulties in securing financing for projects, especially for small and medium-sized enterprises.

Alex DeWaal, a well-known scholar of famines and civil wars, published a book in 2018 called Mass Starvation, in which he describes the history of famines over the past 150 [...]

Copyright of Environmental & Social Management Journal / Revista de Gestão Social e Ambiental is the property of Environmental & Social Management Journal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Departing from previous presidential administrations' internationalist and dysfunctional foreign policies, President J. R. Biden, Jr. has pursued a restrained Hamiltonian foreign policy since assuming office in January 2021. Appreciating that the United States' declining economic dominance threatens its hegemony, President Biden's foreign policy primarily focuses on augmenting America's global economic competitiveness. Moreover, the president's policy response to the People's Republic of China and the Russian Federation's revisionist challenge to American international leadership centres on neo-containment. Finally, re-engaging the United States' economic and security networks demonstrates the president's perception that these networks are essential to American power and security. Perceiving President Biden's foreign policy as restrained Hamiltonian is central to interpreting the sole superpower's behaviour and impact on international security politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Higher Education & Science / Yüksekögretim ve Bilim Dergisi is the property of Zonguldak Bulent Ecevit Universitesi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

We extend the theoretical model of Antoniades (2015, Heterogeneous Firms, quality, and trade. Journal of International Economics, 95(2), 263–273) to analyze the impact of export demand shocks on the quality of multi‐product firms. Using Chinese micro‐data, we find that positive export demand shocks significantly promote the export quality of multi‐product firms, but the impact decreases as firm productivity increases. In addition to the scale effect and the competition effect, the intensified competition caused by the expansion of export demand will induce firms to skew their export sales towards the best performing products. Our findings elucidate the importance of the resource reallocation effect in the study of trade‐induced export performance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the article, the gradual liberalization of trade in the globalized world, along with the increase of competition and organizations, the extension of transportation routes has brought forward the speed factor. In today's globalized world, the economy is changing direction very quickly. First of all these companies are in favor of achieving this success by reducing losses and transportation costs in order to increase customer satisfaction. All this depends on the proper construction of the supply chain. One of the main objectives of the article is the importance of effective supply chain strategies to reduce cost and improve service level, and to deliver to customers at low cost and on time according to the taste and demand of the consumer from their interactions at different levels in the supply chain. In the article, was discussed the importance of increasing the socio-economic development of Nakhchivan MR, attracting it to the trade cycle by effectively using its favorable geographical advantages and existing potential, expanding international economic relations with foreign countries with a systematic approach to the supply chain, and achieving customer satisfaction. In the research work, the study of the modern state of foreign trade and supply chain logistics services and the creation of logistics centers in the Autonomous Republic, the study of problems and the conduct of work in this direction were set and investigated as a goal. One of the main goals of the implemented policy is to ensure timely and quality delivery of raw materials and processed products by means of transit freight. In the scientific article, the complex and systematic measures implemented in the direction of the development of the logistics service sector, private issue of accelerating the development of the division, creating favorable conditions for the development of entrepreneurship in the region, creating a business environment, and increasing the export potential were also investigated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores the historical and contemporary significance of China's Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence, which include mutual respect for sovereignty, non-aggression, non-interference, equality, and peaceful coexistence. These principles are enshrined in China's constitution and foreign relations law, shaping international law and relations. Advocating for equality, mutual benefit, and peaceful coexistence, these principles aim to foster a fair and just international order amidst global challenges. Strengthening international legislation and judicial institutions is crucial for upholding these principles and promoting fair international relations in today's dynamic world. [Extracted from the article]

This study begins with an overview of illustrative scenarios that historically have resulted in imbalances of economic well‐being, growth and stability which demarcate the Global South and the Global North. The authors examine alternative approaches to reparations for those structural imbalances, from monetary transfers that are more likely to have demand‐side implications to capacity‐building approaches that are more likely to affect supply‐side conditions for the Global South. Targeted supply‐side strategies lean more towards rehabilitation rather than purely compensatory measures aimed at redress for historical injustices and exploitations faced by the Global South. Economic analysis underpins a discussion of these different reparations strategies. The authors argue that a dynamic approach to understanding the impact of reparations is essential. This calls for a broader strategy to be adopted, offering unconditional support in practical areas such as industrial policy, investment in manufacturing, capacity building in research and development, and initiatives for general infrastructure development. More importantly, these policies must be guided by the needs identified by the people of the nations in the Global South. Moreover, for any reparations endeavours to have enduring effects, they must be reinforced by the elimination of current external imbalances that exist within the frameworks of international economic relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the impact of Russia's war of aggression in Ukraine on global legal order and international law. It discusses the historical transition of the Old World Order to the New World Order. It outlines the world's response to the war through condemnation, outcasting, military aid and financial assistance and prosecution of crimes against humanity and war crimes. Challenges include the use of sanctions as an international law enforcement tool and split of global economy.

Central Asia and China enjoy a mutually beneficial, albeit hugely asymmetrical, relationship. Nevertheless, leaders in Central Asia have occasionally and selectively resisted a broadening and deepening of their relations with China. Framed by a 'hedging' foreign policy approach, this article suggests that the practice of hedging arises not just from structural and exogenous conditions but is also facilitated by domestic considerations peculiar to each Central Asian state. The claim here is not that leaders in Central Asia are effective or proficient hedgers; rather, that some are attempting to use hedging as part of their statecraft. The varying ability of leaders in Central Asia to hedge, manage, and negotiate their relations with China is often under-appreciated but deserves to be highlighted as an evolving approach. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that urban-regional income development depends on a larger fabric of economic relations at the national and international levels. Focusing on Core-Based Statistical Areas (CBSAs) in the US, the paper identifies firms' subsidiary networks across space and their changes over time. These networks form a basic architecture through which important growth impulses in production and innovation are transmitted that impact urban income levels. Using a balanced panel of U.S. CBSAs with LexisNexis Corporate Affiliations data from 1993 until 2017, we develop a model that examines the relationship between national and international connectivity and urban income levels, differentiated by origin/destination of ties, industrial sectors, and various interaction effects. Our results strongly support that linkages at both the national and international scale (particularly linkages with European locations) are significantly related to urban-regional income development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the challenges faced by scholars studying international relations in the Global South due to the dominance of American scholarship in the field. It focuses on efforts to develop an international relations body of work that reflects the concerns of the Global South, with a particular emphasis on works from Latin America. The article discusses two alternative frameworks, dependency theory and decoloniality, which offer different perspectives on international relations that highlight the agency of Global South countries. These frameworks challenge mainstream approaches and provide tools for analyzing global inequalities and power imbalances. The text also discusses the importance of deepening the academic conversation on Gender, Sexuality, and International Relations in an environment that is oppressive in terms of knowledge production. It highlights the struggle for inclusion of knowledge about the Global South in the field of International Relations and aims to contribute to the broader discussion on successfully producing knowledge about Gender, Sexuality, and International Relations in the Global South. [Extracted from the article]

Significant anti-dumping duties and mounting restrictions on the importation of Australian goods into China have characterised bilateral trade relations between Australia and China in recent years. Trade tensions have spilled over from a significant deterioration in bilateral relations over political disagreements. This article examines the potential and the limitations of international trade frameworks to resolve the politically charged trade disputes. The World Trade Organization's ability to address a conflation of trade with political relations is limited. The Australia-China trade disputes exemplify these limitations both systemically and in the resolution of individual disputes. While political disagreements are likely to persist, Australia and China's strong bilateral trade, their people-to-people connections and their roles as key players within the Indo-Pacific provide bilateral relations with ample incentives for a cooperative way forward. Preferential trade agreements may build on the gaps of the WTO framework. The countries' bilateral free trade agreement, the China-Australia Free Trade Agreement, provides a strong foundation for bilateral trade relations, but its potential to resolve trade issues has largely been left unused. However, the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement and the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership may be able to foster the return and commitment to rules-based trade relations on a level playing field. Both their substantive additions to existing trade frameworks and the creation of regional forums for communication and cooperation have the potential to address current tensions and increase predictability for traders. Resumptions of diplomatic communication indicate that Canberra and Beijing are aware of this potential. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The current state of trade relations and economic engagement in the Asia-Pacific region is highly problematical. The disruption facing commercial operators today is on a scale, both generally and in complexity, not known since the world wars of last century. The situation has been described as a 'polycrisis', meaning a cluster of inter-connected systemic risks. In these unpropitious circumstances, it is essential for New Zealand and Japan to remain firm supporters of modern, high-quality trade agreements, to help ensure their scope and content evolve over time in response to the way the dynamics of the international marketplace itself are forever changing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the last 20 years, since the beginning of the 21st century, the world has experienced greater globalization, an increase in trade and investment, and a decrease in tariffs between nations. However, during this period, three commercial economic blocs have emerged that can reorient globalization in a different way, with greater regional integration and the creation of tariff and non-tariff barriers between these blocs and, above all, against other nations that are not part of any of these three blocs. The above can affect the development of international trade, globalization and world integration, especially in those nations that, as already mentioned, will have a lower capacity to attract foreign direct investment, improve their productivity and enter into global supply chains. Hence, the objective of this research is to analyze the impact generated by these three blocs, mainly the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (rcep), as well as a comparison of this bloc with the European Union (EU), as well as with the Treaty between Mexico, the United States and Canada (tmec). This research was carried out using a quantitative methodology, particularly through the descriptive method, which is based on collecting data and analysing it, in some cases, using statistics. Likewise, this research is based on the approach of international economic relations, especially on the theory of "International Order and International Society", where the recognition of nation states is proposed, emerging the concept of the International System, where there is a reciprocity of interests between nations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The development of the transport and logistics system in the direction of Russian-Chinese cross-border cooperation is an important direction not only from the point of view of economic prospects, but also from the point of view of political cooperation. The article is devoted to the development and substantiation of proposals for deepening the integration processes of the transport and logistics market of Russia and China. The trends in the development of the world market of transport and logistics services are analyzed with an emphasis on the border regions of Russia and China; identified its key problems and possible directions for their solution to deepen the subsequent integration between the border regions; an assessment of the effectiveness of the development of the transport infrastructure of the border regions of Russia, as well as the prospects for integrating Russia into the system of world economic relations in the Asia-Pacific region (APR) is given. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study explains a Javanese cultural practice called ngenger--when girls volunteer to be domestic servants in exchange for educational benefits--as a form of exploitation of labor. The purpose of this study is to understand this Javanese tradition from the perspective of Gender Anthropology. This research is a descriptive study using a qualitative method. The location of the study was in Surabaya and the city of Malang, East Java, and was conducted by collecting data in the form of observations and in-depth interviews. The informants for this study were girls who are domestic workers, parents of the child domestic workers, and the recipient parents of these child domestic workers. This study shows that ngenger girls employed as domestic workers are exploited since they lose almost all of their rights. The ways in which ngenger girls are exploited include having low wages, lacking bargaining power, being forced to be obedient, lacking the courage to claim their rights, not daring to complain to anyone, and continuing to serve the recipients. The condition where the ngenger girls do not have bargaining position over the recipients of their labor is precisely what makes this practice a form of exploitation. The relationship between girls and the recipient families is a patron-client relationship. The patron-client relation should be a reciprocal relationship that is mutually beneficial. A recipient patron of a ngenger girl has the responsibility to fulfill the needs of the girl as a client, and, in return, the client must give her loyalty to her patron. Patron-client relations are economic relations where profits must be achieved, which makes exploitation possible. In fact, ngenger girls do not get the fulfillment of basic needs, protection, and good education, but they still continue to be loyal to the recipient parents. This circumstance is what makes the relationship in ngenger culture an unfair and exploitative relationship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]