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This study underscores that while the Namibian Constitution designates the Namibian Police Force (NamPol) as the authority responsible for preserving internal security, it acknowledges that addressing the multifaceted factors that impede the realisation of internal security requires other stakeholders' involvement. The analysis of participants' views and a thorough review of the current security landscape have shed light on the complexities and challenges faced by NamPol in its sole responsibility for maintaining internal security. Employing an exploratory qualitative approach, I conducted non-probability purposeful sampling, engaging in face-to-face and semi-structured interviews with a diverse pool of 20 participants, including police, military, correctional officers, municipal police, and personnel from legal assistance and NamRights. Thematic analysis was the chosen methodology, guided by a fundamental query: should the responsibility of preserving internal security be entrusted to the police alone or should countries consider moving beyond solitary reliance on the police?. The prevailing conditions emphasise the need for a collaborative approach to address these multifaceted challenges effectively. This is based on the limitations of the police force in addressing the root causes of insecurity, including poverty, social issues, and porous borders. While the police play a crucial role, it is evident that their capabilities are insufficient to comprehensively address these complex issues. The findings suggest that NamPol's constitutional mandate, as stipulated in Article 118 of Namibian Constitution Third Amendment Act, 2014 (Act No. 8 of 2014), should be amended to incorporate the involvement of other stakeholders in the preservation of internal security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To what end is China's Vietnam policy? As a rising power, China has sought to drive a wedge into the U.S.-Vietnam Comprehensive Partnership to prevent Washington from using Vietnam as a platform to challenge China's influence. How then did China drive a wedge? China coerced Vietnam's external security via the use of force and accommodated Vietnam's internal security via political and economic cooperation. China wanted to show Vietnam it cannot trust the U.S. protection and Vietnam benefits more from a friendly China-Vietnam relationship. China aimed to reinforce Vietnam's neutrality amid increasing Chinese assertive behaviors against Vietnam at sea. This paper traces China's actions and reactions to major diplomatic events in U.S.-Vietnam and China-Vietnam relations from 2013 to 2022 to study China's wedge strategies targeting Vietnam. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of URVIO - Revista Latinoamericana de Seguridad Ciudadana is the property of FLACSO - Ecuador (Facultad Latinoamericana de Ciencias Sociales) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Purpose: Prior studies suggest that, in an industry in which several public firms operate (i.e. greater public firm presence), uncertainty about business operations within the industry is reduced due to greater analyst coverage and quality of information disclosure. In this study, the authors examine how UK private firms respond to investment opportunities in fixed intangible assets (FIAs) in an environment characterised by greater public firm presence (PFP). Design/methodology/approach: Using data from 61,278 (1,358) private (public) UK firms operating in ten sectors spanning from 2006 to 2016, the authors conduct this analysis by using panel econometric techniques. Findings: The authors observe that private firms are more responsive to their FIA investment opportunities when they operate in industries with more PFP. Also, the authors find that firms in industries with better information quality use more debt and have longer debt maturity security but less internal cash flow. Overall, the findings indicate that PFP generates positive externalities for private firms by lessening industry uncertainty and enhancing more efficient FIA investment. The results are robust to endogeneity concerns. Research limitations/implications: A key limitation of the study is that it focuses on a single country (the UK) and therefore there is a likelihood that the results found are specific to this setting but not others, particularly developing and emerging economies. Thus, future studies could explore these ideas from the viewpoint of multiple countries. Practical implications: Overall, the study demonstrates the importance of information disclosure in driving investment decisions of firms. Originality/value: While this paper builds on the information disclosure and corporate investment literature, it is one of the first attempts, to the best of the authors' knowledge, to explore how private UK firms respond to investment in FIAs in an environment characterised by greater PFP. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study investigates the extent to which trust is reflected in managers' behaviour in treating employees and how this is perceived by subordinates. Our analysis was conducted using the Pearson's chi-square test and tests determining the likelihood ratio and linear relationship. Analysing the responses of a total of 556 employees from four financial organisations, we examined how managers can build trust with their employees and how, beyond the treatment by managers, the degree of change perceived within the organisation and the attitude of trust in employees affected employee engagement. The findings confirm that the experience of trust has a knock-on effect on the manager: it increases the manager's internal security and self-confidence, which serves as an additional resource to reinforce the atmosphere of trust within the organisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ekonomik Yaklaşim is the property of Ekonomik Yaklasim Dernegi (Ekonomik Yaklasim Association) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

With the large scale and high proportion of distributed generation connected to the power grid, the distributed economic dispatch system has attracted more attention because of its significant advantages. However, the distributed economic dispatch system faces more serious information security issues due to the variation of communication topology. Therefore, the purpose of this paper is to review the information security issues that may occur in the distributed economic dispatch system and the defense measures. By summarizing the existing literature on information security issues and defense measures, it can be found that the current research focuses on the cyber-side defense for information security, and lacks consideration of the cyber-physical coupling characteristics. Additionally, the separate cyber-side defense measures still have a defense blind spot and cannot respond in a timely manner to the physical-side actions caused by information security issues. Finally, the establishment of the information security issues model and the construction of the integrated security defense system are discussed from the perspective of the power cyber-physical system. This research will be helpful in the construction of the security defense system for information issues in distributed economic dispatch systems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractThe significant physiological effect of capsaicinoids on the human body is utilized in the fields of food industry, medicine, and internal state security (riot control agents, RCAs). Detection and determination of capsaicinoids in solutions and extracts are fairly well developed, but only marginal attention is given to their detection in the form of aerosols and vapors, which are the primary form of their use as RCAs. In the article, three variants of a simple tube detector for direct detection of capsaicinoids in air (using pelargonic acid vanillylamide – PAVA, as the standard) are presented, utilizing classical color reactions with Turnbull’s blue, Gibbs reagent, and Marquis reagent. The use of these reactions for these purposes is innovative. Each reaction has been optimized and the proposed detectors have been compared, emphasizing their sensitivity, selectivity, and stability. PAVA in the air at a concentration of 0.1 mg/m3 can be detected with the naked eye. The stability of the proposed detectors allows for their commercial use. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What 'border security' or 'secure borders' denote in the EU is not defined. The article explores the concept of border security and how the concept of border security found its way into the supranational EU legislation on border control. The core of the concept of border security can be seen as consisting of 'border control', referring to the maintaining of controls of individuals crossing the EU external borders. The developments towards the use of the term border security seemingly encompass, at least, the evolution of the EU internal security domain, a qualitative change in the nature of a number of border control related measures, the perception of insecurities related to the 2004 EU enlargement and the 11 September 2001 attacks. At least at the time when Frontex became operational in 2004, a border security rhetoric began to be used in the EU. Today, the term border security is well established in EU actors' rhetoric. The supranational EU rules containing the term border security are fundamental elements of the EU border policies and play a crucial role in contributing to the EU discourse on border issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article comments on Case T-600/21 to highlight the serious shortcomings in direct actions before EU courts against allegations of fundamental rights violations by Frontex. It contributes to existing scholarship on legal accountability failings with regard to operational activities by Frontex for two reasons. First, the contribution argues that Frontex's operational competences in the area of return are clearly circumscribed, not only by the Regulation on the European Border and Coast Guard and the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the EU, but also by crucial substantive and procedural safeguards contained in the Return Directive. Secondly, the article proposes a number of changes to current remedies against executive action of Frontex, in particular with regard to evidentiary requirements and the qualification of the EU conduct amenable to review. It argues that Article 47 of Charter, as interpreted by the Court of Justice itself, puts that same court under a clear and unequivocal obligation to adapt its own procedures accordingly in order to protect the very core of the right to effective judicial protection, namely access to courts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The maintenance of political order in contemporary States finds support in criminal law in the crimes of rebellion and sedition. Our legal system contains these figures in the Penal Code but as crimes against the internal security of the State, as well as in a special law (State Security Law). Its formulation is old, as is its application whose closest antecedents date back to the military dictatorship. The article examines these figures, taking into account their substantive criminal and dogmatic difficulties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Which autocratic elites are more likely to be punished after being removed from office? Purges are an important tool of autocratic survival, helping dictators to eliminate potential rivals. However, expulsion is not always the end for victims, as some also suffer detention or execution. Although we have compelling theories on why certain elites are purged, we still lack strong understanding of why punishments may differ. Using individual-level data on autocratic elites from communist Eastern Europe between 1917-1991, I find evidence that military and internal security elites are more likely to be detained than civilians, owing to the higher coup risk they pose. Internal security elites are also more likely to be executed than other elites, due to long-term threats of their professional knowledge. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study of tourism ecological security is the internal demand of the construction of ecological civilization and the sustainable development of tourism. From the perspective of efficiency, this study builds an evaluation index system based on DPSIRM and combines it with SBM to measure the status of provincial tourism ecological security, and divides the system operation into two stages: natural operation and management feedback to comprehensively evaluate the status of tourism ecological security in each province (municipality). At the same time, the global Moran index, the local G index and the standard deviation ellipse are used to analyze the spatial–temporal distribution. The results show that the tourism ecological security is relatively stable, and the overall situation is fluctuating and rising, and the advantages of the two stages are different; in the natural operation stage, during the research period, the space is irrelevant, and the cold and hot spots are expanding. In the management feedback stage, the space is related to become irrelevant, and the cold and hot spots are shrinking. The spatial distribution pattern of tourism ecological security shows a northeast southwest trend, the moving path in the natural feedback stage continues to shift to the southeast, and the management feedback stage shows an offset track of "first to the northeast and then to the southwest". The results are helpful to understand the status of tourism ecological security in different operating stages of each province (municipality), and provide some reference for formulating regional sustainable tourism development strategies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Neue Kriminalpolitik is the property of Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This review article addresses the little-known armed opposition to the Stroessner regime in Paraguay (1954–89) that remained virtually unreported during the dictatorship. It is based largely on first-hand accounts and official documents that have only recently become available. The Movimiento 14 de Mayo, led by radicals of the Liberal Party and the Frente Unido de Liberación Nacional, led by the Paraguayan communist party, together mobilized around 300 insurgents from Argentina during 1959–1962. Throughout the 1960s, the Columna Mariscal López, backed by the communist party, maintained a tenuous presence inside the country. The review shows that although substantial in scale, these insurgencies all failed. There were several reasons for this. The regime employed a harsh counter insurgency strategy of preventive repression that was adept at infiltration of movements with poor internal security. It was also skillful in manipulating nationalist sentiment against what was perceived as foreign aggression. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The protection of lives and property remains the cardinal responsibility of the government and the hallmark for the existence of critical sectors like education, health, social infrastructure and the entire economy. However, the Nigerian state has experienced an increasing rate of internal insecurity in the Northeastern part of Nigeria, which has significantly negatively impacted the basic education sub-sector between 2014 and 2020 in the Northeast despite the government's efforts to fight insecurity. These internal security challenges have led to the destruction of schools and the abduction of secondary school students and teachers by bandits and Boko Haram in Northeast Nigeria. Systems theory was adopted as the theoretical framework for this study. The expository qualitative method of inquiry was used for data collection, which entails the in-depth acquisition of documentary material, and the data was analysed using the content analysis technique. The study found, among others, that accessibility and affordability of basic education have retrogressed due to the insecurity in the Northeast, which undermines the realisation of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) in education by 2030. To curb these challenges, the study recommends that the Federal Ministry of Education, in collaboration with the government of Northeastern states, should recruit and train armed education marshals to offer security surveillance in schools. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While the need for securitisation and counterterrorism cooperation among states is consistently re-echoed in the previous studies on security, the role (or complicity) of the neo-liberal state in distorting and undermining these arrangements has been neglected. The objective of this article is to examine how state actors are implicated in the weakening of counterterrorism engagements in the Lake Chad region. Based on qualitative methods of data collection and analysis, the study identified three thresholds of state complicity undermining the fight against Boko Haram: (i) information compromise (ii) amnesty programme complicity (rehabilitation of Boko Haram members) and (iii) intelligence complicity. These are primarily underpinned by the rehabilitation of 'unrepentant' Boko Haram terrorists, fragmentation of military institutions, and complicity in cross-border arms movements. These acts do not only undermine internal peace and security but also perpetuate transnational terrorism in the Lake Chad region. The article, therefore, recommends a new peace agenda hinged on a hybrid of regional partnership on peace education and security cooperation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the exitence of humans, security has been one of the most basic needs. Since the continuity of life cannot be ensured without security, people have met this need with different methods. With the formation of societies, the state mechanism emerged because of the need for public order and order.The Turks, who are one of the oldest state founders in history and whose state tradition dates back thousands of years, have carried out public order and security together with national defense. The Ottoman Empire has given special importance to security since its establishment. However, since the establishment of the state, a separate internal security in stitution has not been established since the army has been carrying out external and internal security together. III. Selim and II. Mahmud during thereign of, with the emphasis on security and the making of new regulations, the first steps were taken towards making internal security a separate security organization from the army, as a result of the central ideas in the state. During thereign of Abdulmecid, a new strategy in internal security was followed in order to solve the public order problems experienced within the state after the declaration of Tanzimat, and the foundations of the Zaptiye Organization, which was an internal security element in Anatolia and Rumelia, were laid in 1840. With the start of the organization's activities in the provinces, zaptiye units were formed in the Bozok (Yozgat) Sanjak in 1842. In this study, the period of the Zaptiye Organization, which is an important assistant of the state in internal security and one of the maintainers of order, from its establishment in 1840 to the transformation of the organization into the gendarmerie in 1879, is examined. In particular, the structure and organizational activities of the Bozok (Yozgat) Zaptiye units were examined using archival documents and literature sources. Thus, it is aimed to contribute to the subject by adding a new one to the few studies on the zaptiye units established in the provinces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyses the development of EU security policies. It reveals the development of EU political cooperation and cooperation in the field of Justice and Home Affairs. Important milestones are discussed: the development of European Political Cooperation (EPC), TREVI group, the system of EU pillars introduced by the Maastricht Treaty and the changes made by Lisbon Treaty. Lastly, the latest EU policies on security are addressed and the interdependence of internal and external security aspects is illustrated. The article concludes that the development of the EU's competence in security matters began with European Political Cooperation and efforts to address terrorism, serving as a transition from an economic to a political union concerned with internal and external security. The Maastricht Treaty established the Justice and Home Affairs (JHA) pillar, enhancing EUwide security through cooperation on border controls, terrorism, illegal immigration, and judicial cooperation. The Treaty of Amsterdam and the Lisbon Treaty refined this framework, increasing the roles of EU institutions and prioritizing security coordination. The Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP), established in 1993, aims to preserve peace and enhance international security. The EU policies recognize the interconnected nature of threats arising to the security in the EU. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study deals with analysis and evaluation of external and internal influences for security on schools. On the backround of general social security and safety situation are solved the measures and conditions of narrower and wider anvironment on line of protection od schools. On relation of these influences are evaluated and fixed the tasks of schools for its internal and external security. By tasks of management, pedagogical, expertal, technical and administrative employees and pupils of school. In relation of external and internal conditions and measures is created an assumption for need security of schools, pupils and its employees too. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Belügyi Szemle / Academic Journal of Internal Affairs is the property of Ministry of Interior of Hungary and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Introduction: Special situations that jeopardize the internal and external security for communities are increasing in their frequency and complexity. This creates complicated challenges for individuals, governments and humanity. National and international strategies are being developed that focus on the resilience and coping of all first responders during these extreme stress states. Aim: The aim of the article is to present the framework of strategic resilience, its multidimensional measurement and the possibilities for training robust resilience to increase operational effectiveness in special operational situations. Methodological approach: Research in the area of special operation situations often focuses on the human performance cluster. The Unit of Applied Research 18_RECESS (18_ Research and Education Center for Extraordinary Tactical Situations and Strategically Resilience) at the Department of Disaster Prevention and Crisis Management at Fresenius University of Applied Sciences in Idstein fits into this field. It pursues the adaptation of existing resilience models to special operation situations in line with the definition of strategic resilience. In addition, the focus is on the possibility of training strategic resilience to increase operational effectiveness. There are currently several research projects being conducted in the civilian and civilian-military sectors, as well as with ground and special operations forces. Major findings: Strategic Resilience with its 3 axes Psychological, Physiological and Cognitive Resilience covers the core domains of various existing models of resilience. This provides an adequate concept to describe different factors leading to personnel perseverance in special operation situations. There exists the possibility to train several domains of strategic resilience via problemoriented intervention (POH). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While much of the peacekeeping literature fixates on mission deployments, associated challenges and the escalating violent contexts they navigate, this article underscores the transformative reverberations of peacekeeping on troop-contributing countries. Drawing from the Ghana Armed Forces (GAF) case, our main focus is to elucidate how international peacekeeping shapes domestic security procedures, but we also point out that they are reciprocally influenced by them. Central to our analysis is the concept of 'peacekeeping assemblage' that we introduce to highlight the symbiotic relationship between the GAF's domestic security roles and its international peacekeeping engagements. Through this lens, we trace the cyclical flow of practices, discourses and experiences as they disassemble and reassemble in varied configurations, emphasizing the fluidity of peacekeeping influences across global landscapes. As discussions on peacekeeping evolve, it becomes paramount to grasp its broader implications—particularly its transformative impact on the personnel from troop-contributing nations and their home societies. This enriched perspective not only deepens our comprehension of the multifaceted nature and global reach of peacekeeping, it also provides policy-makers with insights into the broader ramifications of deployments, especially for those nations from the global South that bear the weight of these missions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the origins of Japan's security policy after the Asia-Pacific War. During the occupation, the Japanese government decided on the maintenance of US forces in the country after the Japanese Peace Treaty. To explain the rationale behind this, existing studies emphasize the Japanese government's external security calculations. Highlighting the interaction between Japanese foreign and domestic policies, this article challenges this conventional claim by arguing that internal security calculations strongly influenced the Japanese government's decision. With the creation of the Ashida memorandum in September 1947 and the expectation that the General Headquarters (GHQ) would allow for stronger police forces, Japanese Foreign Minister Ashida Hitoshi and his staff sought to restrict the stationing of US forces in Japan only to national emergencies. As opposed to such expectation, however, GHQ's police reform significantly weakened Japan's internal security capabilities, forcing Tokyo to depend on US forces for dealing with internal communist threats. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Magazine of Historical Studies & Archaeology is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Why is it that some governments ending a civil war in a negotiated settlement succeed in reducing military spending while others fail? Civil wars ending in peace agreements result in relatively low military expenditures; however, not all governments succeed in the reduction. I argue that implementing a third-party verification mechanism of peace accords helps reduce military spending in post-conflict societies because the verification mechanism facilitates the peace accord implementation by enabling reciprocal implementation and by increasing the cost of noncompliance through active information flow. Implementation of peace agreements reduces threats posed by both former and outside rebel groups. This makes the government decrease the military expenditure allocated to appease internal security threats. I tested this argument using 32 civil wars with a comprehensive peace agreement between 1992 and 2011. The results indicate that initiating a verification mechanism leads to lower military spending. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Domestic politics has shaped the foreign policy of Laos (formally the Lao Peoples’ Democratic Republic, or LPDR) since the 1970s, specifically its relations with China and the United States. During the 1980s, the communist government of the Lao People’s Revolutionary Party (LPRP) feared that China and the United States were supporting counter-revolutionary resistance groups, prompting Vientiane to adopt closer relations with Beijing and Washington to ensure its own internal security by motivating them to cut off their support for anti-LPRP groups. As the Soviet Union reduced economic aid to Laos in the latter stages of the Cold War, the LPRP adopted market-based reforms in 1986 to generate closer security and economic cooperation with China and the United States and to grow its economy. Domestic concerns of regime survival and performance legitimacy remain key drivers of Laos’ foreign policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Food security is a paramount global concern, where the delicate balance of availability, affordability, and stability of food resources faces continuous threats from external and internal factors. The present paper provides an indepth research work of these threats, examining their multifaceted impacts on agricultural systems and the global food supply. Through an extensive analysis of contemporary literature and empirical evidence, the present study navigates the complex web of challenges that threatens food security. Insights gathered from this research pave the way for potential strategies to mitigate the threats, promoting a more sustainable global food landscape. It emphasizes the urgency of a collective and interdisciplinary approach to preserve the future of food security in an evolving and challenging global environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives: The purpose of the article is to provide an overview of the importance and scale of the use of mechanisms belonging to the doctrine of transitional justice during the armed conflict in Ukraine in 2022-2023. Material and methods: In the research process, the authors apply the analysis of selected rulings, the analysis of the positions and views of selected representatives of the doctrine – security studies and legal studies in particular – as well as formal-dogmatic and historical approaches. Results: It is demonstrated that the broadest spectrum of institutions and mechanisms falling under transitional justice to date has been used during this armed conflict. This enabled, on a scale never seen before, obtaining a comprehensive and complex picture of the crimes committed during the war effort. At the same time, it is emphasized that the Ukrainian side, using the support of states, international organizations and institutions of international criminal justice, has been able to implement numerous institutions to achieve the goals of transitional justice. Conclusions: According to the authors, the burden of their tasks will not only, or perhaps not primarily, concern the implementation of retribution for the deed, but in the post-war period will have to enable the reconciliation of the population within the country, which seems very difficult from today's perspective, given the current political situation in eastern Ukraine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the Philippines’ evolving and changing grand strategies in confronting China’s maritime expansion in the South China Sea. From 2010 to 2016, under the Aquino administration, the Philippines challenged China’s extensive claim over the disputed waters by adopting a hard-balancing approach. In 2016, the succeeding Duterte administration pursued an appeasement policy; in 2018, it shifted to a limited hard balancing policy because of (a) continuing Chinese coercive actions against Armed Forces of the Philippines units in Philippines-occupied land features in the South China Sea and (b) China’s failure to deliver on its promised public investments in the country’s infrastructure building programme. President Ferdinand Marcos Jr initially adhered to his predecessor’s strategy of limited hard-balancing. Seeing no change in China’s stance on the maritime issue, he resorted to a hard-balancing policy. He has vigorously supported the steady modernisation of the Philippine military and strengthened the country’s defence ties with the United States and other like-minded security partners while maintaining cordial diplomatic and economic relations with China. This article argues that the Philippines’ evolving grand strategy has the following elements: (a) Admitting that China’s maritime expansion is the quintessential threat to Philippine national security; (b) pursuing a policy of maintaining the status quo in the West Philippine Sea/South China Sea; (c) acknowledging the urgency to shift the focus of the Philippine military from internal security to territorial defence; and (d) fostering its alliance with the United States and its security partnerships with other American allies and partners. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Iranian Studies / Pizhūhish/hā-yi Īrānshināsī is the property of University of Tehran and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Critique of Law: Independent Legal Studies / Krytyka Prawa: Niezalezne Studia nad Prawem is the property of Akademia Leona Kozminskiego and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Designing systems based on high-computational technologies of the Internet of Things, smart and mobile technologies require integrating security across all stages of the lifecycle. Those systems often evolve cyber-physical, socio-cyber-physical systems, which require consideration of their structure as multi-platform, and requires the formation of multi-circuit security systems. At the same time, in each platform (social, cloud and physical) it is necessary to form both internal and external security contours. This approach ensures not only objectivity, but also timely preventive measures to protect information. The article discusses the main approaches to modelling multi-circuit security systems taking into account the physical infrastructure. The proposed approaches provide not only a taxonomy of cybersecurity system models, but also allow to assess the advantages and disadvantages of each class and to ensure the necessary level of objectivity in modelling the security of social-cyberphysical systems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main aim of this paper is to identify the anticipated political and social consequences for the security of Poland and its citizens due to the presence of hate speech in public discourse. A morphological method was used in the research. The paper consists of an introduction, three chapters and a conclusion. Introduction outlines the research problem and presents elements of research methodology. The second part provides examples of hate speech against refugees, migrants, national minorities, people with different culture, skin color, religion, while the third part characterizes attitudes and behaviors expressed in hate speech against LGBT people. The fourth part characterizes examples of hate language used in the political debate taking place in Poland. The conclusion summarizes the research results obtained. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article seeks to explain why some nations make greater efforts than others do to innovate. We examine for our case study the People's Republic of China (PRC or China), which has emerged over the past several decades as a global technology leader and remains committed to bolstering its science and technology (S&T) capabilities. Applying a modified theory of 'creative insecurity,' we examine whether the balance between external and internal threats explains the variation in China's innovation efforts. The hypothesis: when faced with greater threats from abroad than at home, China will have increased its innovation endeavors, measured by its innovation-related policies and research and development (R&D) intensity. Our mixed methods approach finds some support for this hypothesis. Our initial theory, however, seems unable to account for the observation that China also increased its R&D intensity even when external threats decreased and its internal security remained stable. Thus, we introduce a complementary theory of 'creative ambition,' which proposes that China's efforts to innovate may not be merely defensive in nature but also offensive in intent to expand the PRC's power and influence abroad. We conclude with potential theoretical and policy implications of this study. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that the People's Republic of China uses its police and internal security forces as a nontraditional means of projecting strategic Landpower in the Indo-Pacific and Central Asia. Instead of limiting analysis of China's power projection to military forces, this article employs new data on Chinese police engagements abroad to fill a gap in our understanding of the operating environment in Asia. Policymakers will gain an understanding of how these activities enhance China's presence, partnerships, and inf luence across the region to inform the development of recommendations for a more effective response. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Social Sciences Research / Sosyal Bilimler Arastirmalari Dergisi is the property of ODU Journal of Social Sciences Research and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This review article focuses on the issue of internal security and cultural identity, using Ireland as an example. National and cultural identity contribute to social cohesion and can also influence social stability. The analysis of the struggle to protect Irish identity during turbulent times illustrates the important role of collective identity in maintaining cohesion within society and thus ensuring internal security. The idea of cultural security is central to the preservation of culture. The theme is analyzed in terms of various initiatives in nineteenth-century Ireland aimed at preserving tradition, culture and Irishness

This article raises the issue of the threat that may be posed to Polish internal security after the end of hostilities in Ukraine by former soldiers and volunteers fighting on the Ukrainian side. When discussing cross-border crime, the author points to areas that may be of interest to informal veterans’ organizations, as well as to the possibility of penetrating the criminal world of former military personnel. Presenting threats, the author also points to tasks for the Polish border protection system in the field of combating organized crime.

Throughout history, insurgency has been a persistent phenomenon, its origins stemming from various factors such as political, economic, social, and ethnic grievances that drive certain factions or individuals to take up arms in resistance. This study determined the status of COIN operations in terms of Legal basis, Manpower, Financial resources, Logistical resources, and Accomplishments from 2021 to 2023. Likewise, this evaluates the COIN operations of the unit along with the conduct of Internal Security operations, Intelligence operations, and Police Community Affairs and development to determine challenges that were encountered by the personnel. The respondents of the study are the PNP personnel, barangay officials, and former rebels. The counterinsurgency framework presents a comprehensive and strategic approach to addressing insurgency threats, with the potential to significantly enhance the conduct of counterinsurgency operations. The findings underscore both the acknowledged strengths and identified areas for enhancement within police operations, as reported by respondents from the PNP. This shows a widespread acknowledgment of the pivotal role of the ISO in upholding internal security and addressing insurgent challenges. It signifies a mutual understanding among diverse stakeholders, encompassing barangay officials, former rebels, and law enforcement personnel, regarding the necessity of proactive strategies to prevent, interrupt, and counter-insurgency operations within impacted localities. Overall, the proposed framework offers a promising strategy for countering insurgency threats and advancing the goals of peace, stability, and security in affected regions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Since 1994 the South African government’s commitment to peace and security in Africa inexorably drew the South African National Defence Force (SANDF) into extensive involvement in multinational peacekeeping operations. These external operations clearly aligned the South African government with its articulated objectives concerning the pursuit of peace on the African continent and its (moral) intention and responsibility to act in a leading role on the continent. However, a dwindling defence budget and the burden of a high-tech force design increasingly impacted negatively on the SANDF to maintain and develop a sustainable capability geared for regional external operations. Yet, in the domestic context the government also increasingly expected the SANDF to render support to the SAPS as murder and death rates are comparable and, in some instances, even higher than death rates in high-intensity war zones in the international community. This simply means that the SANDF has the almost impossible task of balancing its demanding regional deployments with ongoing appeals by politicians and elements of the public for the SANDF to be of assistance in hotspots of high levels of criminality where the SAPS is unable to protect South Africans in accordance with the requirements of the Constitution. In the final analysis, the article concludes that there is a mismatch between what has been expected of the SANDF in the past three decades from its political masters on the one side, and its budget and related capabilities on the other. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research is envisioned to make an empirical evaluation of current National Security Policy issued by Interior Ministry of Pakistan in 2022 based on traditional and non-traditional antecedents with all their concomitants. The substantial research assumption is that the national security of Pakistan is preconditioned with the sustainability of political democratic process. Evidently, policy-making in a federal democratic state is a holistic procedure comprising the inclusion of all stakeholders with bottom-up approach for the formulation of worthwhile policies to ensure the viability of the system. This research would have a 'triangular qualitative methodology' including document analysis of National Security Policy, relevant secondary literature, observations and interviews to magnify its adequately integrated nature along with the challenges to political stability in Pakistan. This would address the research questions that why did the current political turmoil take place and affect the national security of Pakistan? How did political forces contribute to the feasibility of the democratic process? Although National Security Policy epitomizes the harmonious approach to territorial integrity, human security with vertical and horizontal socio-economic development among all federal entities, ethnic cohesion, strong defence with full-spectrum deterrence, internal security to mitigate factionalized norms and astute diplomatic engagements in the global arena. But these objectives are achievable with political stability in Pakistan. This research determines that the international forces as a push factor and vulnerable political forces inside Pakistan as a pull factor derailed the system and have created the security risk. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the years, Africa has continued to experience conflicts caused by civil wars and the tussle for power through military coups. Despite having the Mediation & Security Council within ECOWAS, it has been unable to create sustainable peace within the region. The many porous borders between the countries further exacerbate the complexities of its regional security. The consequences of these problems usually affect neighbouring countries, thereby resulting in regional security complexes and the consequent challenges of peacekeeping operations. This paper uses historical, descriptive and comparative analysis by focusing on coups as precursors to security challenges in the region of West Africa and the resulting peacekeeping operations by countries such as Nigeria. Based on the premise of ECOWAS, it introduces some conflicts caused by coups; the challenges of Regional Security Complex in West Africa and the examination of Nigerian Peacekeeping efforts. Furthermore, it offers some recommendations towards sustainable regional peace. Results show that there is a need for the African Union (AU) to do more to secure the continent. Reliance on non-African countries to support its internal security problems has become counterproductive. It recommends that Nigeria should temporarily suspend its peacekeeping operations and channel its resources towards addressing its internal security challenges; that the AU must establish a standing army as a quick response force to address the various continental crises before they become exponential threats and that ECOWAS should implement its common currency plan. Finally, the African Union must develop best practices that can alleviate poverty and guarantee security in line with the 17 UN Sustainable Development Goals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The US withdrawal from Afghanistan in 2021 changed Afghanistan's strategic dynamics. The Afghan Taliban now control the whole Afghanistan and have taken some adverse measures that affect not only Pakistan but also regional and global security. After 2021, Transnational terrorist groups like Al-Qaeda, Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan (IMU), Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), Islamic State Khorasan Province (ISKP), Baloch Liberation Army (BLA) and East Turkestan Islamic Movement operate in Afghanistan with greater impunity and freedom. The Afghan Taliban also welcomed India to Afghanistan after 2021 to get financial assistance and support in reconstruction and development. But India’s renewed hybrid warfare from Afghanistan has seriously jeopardised the internal security of Pakistan. Pakistan-focused groups like TTP, BLA, and ISKP suddenly got reorganised under the umbrella of India in Afghanistan. They started a vicious cycle of violence against the civil and military installations of Pakistan in Balochistan and the ex-FATA region, besides attacks on the Chinese citizens to disrupt CPEC and slow down FDI to Pakistan. This article analyses the whole debate under the regional security complex theory, which evaluates that simple physical adjacency generates more security interaction among neighbours than among states located in different areas. Adjacency is potent for security because many threats travel more easily over short distances than long ones. The RSCT aptly applies to Afghanistan’s changing strategic dynamics and regional implications, focusing on Pakistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on internal security threat to Pakistan and impacts of Terrorism on Economy. The multifarious threats to the security of Pakistan whether external or internal, have intensified in the 21st century. Previously, security was conceived in military terms alone. No longer true, in the matrix of national security, military threat is merely one constant. Other factors like law and order, economy, terrorism etc are all now reckonable constituents which, either alone or in combination, can trigger internal security catalysts or cause destabilization of a country. Whereas external and ideological dimensions of threat are being handled aptly by the government with appropriate responses, it is the internal dimension of national security that presents a daunting challenge to our policy makers. In this context, this paper addresses various forms of sectarianism and its impact on Pakistan's economy in line with the US relations with Pakistan and reflections on its economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Central Asian militants continue to pose more terrorist threats abroad than at home. Though no large-scale terrorist attacks were witnessed in 2023 within the five countries (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan), armed clashes and a steady patter of detentions at home and abroad stood out as two major trends. Neighbouring Xinjiang also remained quiet, with no reported attacks or major plots disrupted. Regional concerns continue to focus on Afghanistan, though so far, the problems Afghanistan has exported have for the most part gone south to Pakistan (or east to Iran) rather than north into Central Asia. However, the repeated appearance of Tajik nationals in terrorist attacks and plots around the world is concerning. In Afghanistan and Syria, Central Asian (including Uyghur) militants continue to play a prominent role, though whether this poses more than just a local threat remains to be seen. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]