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The article examines the doctrine of territorial incorporation and the unintended consequences from judicially extending constitutional citizenship in the U.S. Topics discussed are validity of the Insular Cases while shifting to protect local culture, status of territorial citizenship, the jus solis argument, right to citizenship as a means that binds the Union as demonstrated in Fitisemanu v. U.S. and as an extension of the 14th Amendment, and association as an alternative to the status quo.

The article examines the concept of racial-settler capitalism as an intervention into dominant approaches to racial capitalism and settler capitalism. Topics covered include the factors that contributed to the development of capitalist relations in the U.S., the negative aspects of prevailing conceptions of racial capitalism, and character building and the accumulation of land and labor in the late 19th century.

Following the Spanish-American War of 1898, the United States invented a new tradition of territorial expansionism with a corresponding constitutional doctrine to rule Puerto Rico and other unincorporated territories. For more than a century, the United States has relied on this racist constitutional interpretation to legitimate the separate and unequal rule of Puerto Rico. Drawing on an analysis of the Congressional Research Index for all legislative sessions between 1898 and 2018, this note describes all the territorial government and incorporation bills introduced in Congress throughout this period. Although upward of 134 status bills for Puerto Rico were introduced, and in some cases debated, in Congress, only eleven provide for the creation of a territorial government or the incorporation of Puerto Rico. All but one of these bills were introduced prior to the enactment of the Puerto Rican Constitution of 1952. For more than a century, Congress has refused to enact territorial legislation that expressly incorporates Puerto Rico and repudiates the racist doctrine of territorial incorporation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In addition to Christianizing the Hawaiian people, another signifcant project of the ABCFmʻs Sandwich Islands Mission was to teach the palapala, reading and writing. This essay examines the production of the first two histories of Hawaiʻi, Ka Mooolelo Hawaiʻi (1838) composed by Hawaiians in the Hawaiian langauge, and The History of the Sandwich Islands 91843) published by their missionary teacher the Rev. Sheldon Dibble, in order to locate the introduction of the idea in Hawaiʻi of the superiority of writing and printing over an aural / oral practice of maintaining history. Dibble also held the culturally charged conviction that written history is the only kind of legitimate and authentic kind of history that could be produced. Highlighting this moment in Hawaiian print culture also illuminates the branching off of two distinct scholarly trajectories: one that continues to rely strictly on an English language only textual source base from which to work out its findings, and another which draws upon the largest indigenous language textual source base in Native North America and the Polynesian Pacific in the Hawaiian language and English language sources in order to understand the past. The essay suggests an ethical imperative that scholars should consider, namely decolonizing our intellectual practice with respect to the writing of native and indigenous histories intertwined with American colonialism and empire. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article describes a series of visits by Muslim Moros from the Southern Philippines to the United States between 1904 and 1927. It argues that, situated in relation to one another, these visits demonstrate the tensions of representation in an imperial community and the coproduced character of colonial identities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article details how US colonial policymakers and Filipino political elites, intent on fostering a non-revolutionary Philippine nationalism in the late 1920s and 1930s, produced an anti-communist politics aimed at eliminating or delegitimizing radical anti-imperialism. Communist-inspired, anti-imperial activists placed US imperialism in the Philippines within the framework of western imperialism in Asia, thereby challenging the anti-imperial ideology of the US empire. Americans and elite Filipinos met this challenge by repressing radical, anti-imperialist visions of Philippine independence through inter-colonial surveillance and cooperation, increased policing, mass imprisonment, and the outlawing of communist politics in the Philippines. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the history of economic crisis in Puerto Rico. It discusses increased emigration of people from Puerto Rico in 2014 and tax erosion and rise in the government's cumulative bond debt. Topics include Puerto Rican debt crisis under U.S. colonialism, colonial formations, U.S. interest in its insular colonial subjects and U.S. Supreme Court's ruling for inhabitants of insular territories.

The article focuses on Puerto Rican agricultural laborers working in the Midwestern states, protest on Operation Airlift by laborers in Michigan and representations of Puerto Ricans by U.S. press post World War II. Topics include Puerto Rican migration to the U.S., colonizers view of Puerto Ricans as docile and eager for development, Puerto Ricans' discontent with U.S. colonial rule.

This article discusses the enactment of the Jones Act of 1917, which granted United States citizenship to Puerto Ricans. The author comments on the role of U.S. policymakers and legislators in the Jones Act and also examines the impact of the U.S. entrance into World War I. The history of colonialism in Puerto Rico is also explored.

This article discusses the history of United States imperialism in Puerto Rico from 1898 to the present day. The author comments on the enactment of the Jones Act of 1917, which extended U.S. citizenship to Puerto Ricans. The annexation of Puerto Rico in 1898 and the history of the question of Puerto Rican citizenship is also examined.

This article reflects on the 100th anniversary of the enactment of the Jones Act of 1917, which extended United States citizenship to Puerto Ricans. The authors comment on the laws related to naturalization in Puerto Rico and examine the history of U.S. imperialism and relations on the island dating from 1898.

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In 1903 the American colonial government of the Philippines passed two major land acts designed to turn landless peasants into freeholders. Yet a mere two years later, US administrators declared the law a failure. This article asks why support for land redistribution changed so quickly. By setting the law in the context o f state building and wartime pacification, it shows how administrators like William Howard Taft believed landownership would turn unruly agrarians into loyal subjects. The end o f the war, coupled with changing political circumstances and the challenges of implementation, ultimately weakened the US commitment to redistribution. That prevailing inequalities of rural landholding and wealth multiplied during American rule did not deter the US faith in commercial agriculture. Rather, administrators blamed peasant resistance to landownership for the law’s failure and argued that large plantations and sharecropping was the Philippines ’ best path to development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We argue that understanding contemporary geographies of race and militarism is predicated on understandings of settler colonialism and white supremacy. Settler colonialism is a continuously unfolding project of empire that is enabled by and through specific racial configurations that are tied to geographies of white supremacy. In a U.S. context, settler colonialism begins with the removal of first peoples from the land and the creation of racialized and gendered labor systems that make the land productive for the colonizers. In this context, settler colonialism is an enduring structure--an interrelated political, social, and economic process that continuously unfolds--requiring continued reconfigurations and interventions by the state. Such a framing connects landscapes of militarism and geopolitics with everyday forms of violence, social difference, and normalized power hierarchies and relationships of oppression. Building from these insights we argue that theorizations of U.S. militarism must be connected to the spatialities of white supremacy and grounded in the U.S. imperial settler state. Finally, we end by engaging with a broader discussion on the ways in which the discipline and academic institutions are complicit in practices that contribute to white supremacy, poverty, inequality, and the continuation of settler colonial practices. For these reasons it is necessary to cultivate a broadly conceived and militantly uncompromising peace agenda premised on antiviolence and the rejection of the racism (and its intersections with gender, class, and sexuality) implicit in the settler colonial state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the absence of statistics, court records, or biographical narratives, the shadowy practice of kidnapping children in eighteenth-century Ireland for transportation to the British Crown's American colonies can be reconstructed from reports and commentary in the contemporary press and a select number of other sources. Inextricably bound up with the phenomenon of indentured servitude, an indeterminate number of children were kidnapped in Ireland's main port cities and towns, Dublin especially, and carried across the Atlantic in the half century prior to American independence. The trade was intermittent and almost certainly small, but it aroused deeply held fears for the safety of children. The failure of parliament to provide for a specific penalty ensured that those caught in the act (women primarily) were subject to popular sanction. Yet it was not domestic opposition, but the decline of indentured servitude in the wake of the American War of Independence that brought it to a close. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An essay is presented which discusses the economic aspects of U.S. imperialism during the Philippine-American War, including the role that capitalism played in the war and U.S.'s efforts to establish the U.S. dollar currency, based on the gold standard, in the early 20th century U.S. Philippine colony. An overview race relations between Americans and people of the Philippines is provided.

Citizenship is one of the defining social and political categories of modernity. Its conceptualization is strongly tied to the emergence of nation-states and the structuring of international relations in terms of the sovereignty of nation-states. However, it is also predicated upon a deeper, racialized structuring of the social world, which rarely informs debates about its constitution. In this article, I look at the ways in which citizenship has been understood, examine its dominant intellectual genealogy, and address its deeper racialized structures. I use the perspective of “connected sociologies” with which to undertake this task. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Socio-Economic History / Shakai-Keizai Shigaku is the property of Socio-Economic History Society and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Between 1820 and 1848, one hundred and forty-eight American Protestant missionaries arrived in the Hawaiian Islands. How did these Americans, eschewing private property and their U.S. homeland, move from devotion to the Hawaiian monarchy to support for U.S. annexation? It is a dramatic story best told from within the confines of household economics: The problems of parenthood and costs associated with raising children. This essay examines the U.S. role in the world through the influence of American families living abroad. In the case of the Hawaiian Islands, the transition of idealistic evangelists to harried parents had intense political ramifications for both the United States and Hawaiian Kingdom, and missionary children would reap the economic fruits of their parents’ labors. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

How did the war for “democracy” and “self-determination intersect with the structures supporting America's own imperial sphere? I argue that Wilson's tightening grip on America s colonies, protectorates, and dependencies, clashing as it did with the President's own rhetoric, sparked a “Wilsonian moment” directed at Wilson's own administration. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Latin American & Caribbean Studies (Canadian Association of Latin American & Caribbean Studies (CALACS)) is the property of Canadian Association of Latin American & Caribbean Studies (CALACS) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Studies of colonial medicine emphasise how medicine developed in the interests of colonisation. Insights from these studies have been more recently applied to US empire. Although this scholarship elucidates how medicine was central to colonisation, it focuses on the relationship between the colony and metropole and tends to overlook how the development of capitalism was part and parcel of the colonial process. This paper analyses the initial development of the Puerto Rican hookworm campaign, which had significant implications on how anaemia was understood and treated on the island. The hookworm-anaemia campaign not only upended traditional discourse on the island with regard to rural peasants' health, but also obscured the socioeconomic context of hookworm infection and anaemia. The paper argues that medical colonisation altered social stratification on the island and participated in making Puerto Rico ‘safe’ for colonial capital. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Christian Filipino legislators in the bicameral US civil administration played a hitherto unacknowledged role in pushing for the colonisation of Mindanao, as part of the Philippines, by proposing a series of Assembly bills (between 1907 to 1913) aimed at establishing migrant farming colonies on Mindanao. This legislative process was fuelled by anger over the unequal power relations between the Filipino-dominated Assembly and the American-dominated Commission, as well as rivalry between resident Christian Filipino leaders versus the American military government, business interests and some Muslim datus in Mindanao itself for control over its land and resources. Focusing on the motives and intentions of the bills' drafters, this study concludes that despite it being a Spanish legacy, the Christian Filipino elite's territorial map — emphasising the integrity of a nation comprising Luzon, the Visayas and Mindanao — provided the basis for their claim of Philippine sovereignty over Mindanao. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article offers an examination of the gendering of the Philippines' Muslim South under American military rule (1899–1913) through discourses of violence against women. It explores the exposition and discussion of cases involving abuse, murder, enslavement, and violence in both official and unofficial reports, which revealed a critical discourse of gender construction for both coloniser and colonised in Moro Province. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article examines the legal history of the extension of United States citizenship to Puerto Rico between 1898 and 1940. During this period, Congress enacted a series of laws that extended three different types of citizenship to Puerto Rico, namely a Puerto Rican citizenship, a derivative form of parental or jus sanguinis citizenship, and a statutory form of jus soli or birthright citizenship. This article argues that law and policymakers developed the latter citizenship laws and policies in order to affirm the inclusive exclusion of Puerto Ricans within the nascent U.S. global empire. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the importance of “alien exclusion" in the construction of United States citizenship for Puerto Ricans. After briefly discussing the Treaty of Paris and the Foraker Act, it examines three crucial Insular Cases—Downes, Gonzales, and Balzac—to explore the evolution of this idea. Citizenship is very important in Downes, where the notion of excluding the “alien" colonial subjects from the American polity was central to the policy of excluding the territories from becoming “part" of the U.S. This idea was also central to the debates in Gonzales, where the U.S. government argued in favor of extending the C hinese Exclusion laws to Puerto Ricans. “Alien exclusion" was also present in Balzac, where the Supreme Court legitimized a colonial citizenship with limited membership and participation in the American polity. But Balzac also contends that migration to the metropolis is the most important citizenship right granted to Puerto Ricans: citizenship became a fundamental requirement for migration from the colonial periphery to the metropolitan territory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The ascendancy of the United States as a global empire produced a crisis in the meaning of American nationhood, prompting imperial statesmen to recalibrate the boundaries of inclusion and exclusion. The annexation of Puerto Rico and the Philippines in 1898 gave rise to a complex and often volatile system of border-making. Overseas expansion changed the territorial nature of the state, as both the Philippines and Puerto Rico were declared “unincorporated territories" defined as neither fully domestic nor completely foreign. Territorial statecraft treated the Philippines and Puerto Rico similarly. However, statecraft towards individuals (as opposed to territories) differentiated the two populations as Puerto Ricans were declared U.S. citizens in. 1917 but Filipinos were not. This essay explores how U.S. policies toward these territories and populations became increasingly complex and contradictory as the state tried to manage the national polity in the age of imperial expansion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The year 1917 marked a critical moment in the relationship between the United States and its Puerto Rican colony. It was the year the U.S. Congress approved the Jones Act, which further consolidated the island's colonial relationship to the empire. Through the Jones Act, U.S. Congressmen granted Puerto Ricans U.S. citizenship. In turn, Puerto Rican men were asked to fulfill the obligations of their new colonial citizenship and join the U.S. military. The Porto Rican Regiment provided 18,000 colonial military recruits to guard the Panama Canal during the war. How did historical actors make sense of this new colonial citizenship? How did they interpret, debate, and adapt to the newly consolidated colonial status? This essay examines how local teachers and educators defined colonial citizenship. Puerto Rican teachers struggled to promote a citizenship-building project that cultivated student commitment to the patria (the island), while acknowledging the colonial relationship to the United States. In the late 1910s and throughout the 1920s, teachers debated military participation in World War I and the rights and obligations of U.S. citizenship. At the core, these debates were informed by anxieties over broader changes in constructions of gender. In the 1920s, Puerto Rico women aggressively and persistently challenged traditional gender norms. Working-class women joined the labor force in ever larger numbers and led labor strikes. Bourgeois women became teachers, nurses, and social workers. Both groups were committed suffragists. The historiography on citizenship and gender in the 1920s has focused on women's emerging role in public spaces and their demands for just labor rights and the franchise. In this article, I propose we look at teachers, as intermediate actors in the colonial hierarchy, and examine their anxieties over changing gender norms. They debated men's capacity to serve in the U.S. military and promoted modern physical education for the regeneration of boys and girls in the service of their patria. Debates among teachers in the 1920s sought to define the new category of colonial citizenship. As they did so, they helped liberalize some gender norms, while ultimately reinforcing patriarchy [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the ways in which Barack Obama's Americanness and legitimacy for presidential election have been questioned through 'birther' narratives. Rather than focusing on the spurious claims that he was born in Kenya, it looks at the ways that his birth and childhood in Hawai'i inflect this discourse of origins and entitlements, and provide an unstable foundation for making claims on Americanness. It explores the ways in which the legacies of a colonial relationship between the US and Hawai'i inform Hawai'i's stake in the American economy and the popular imaginary. It considers the overlapping ways in which Hawai'i might be understood as 'supplementary' to the United States in the Derridean sense of the term, or as illegitimate; 'counterfeit', a state where self-conscious parody and multiple pastiche-performances of ethnicity are demanded of Hawai'i in its relationship to the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores American efforts in the colonial Philippines to instill a consciousness of history and modernity among Filipinos through a carefully crafted philosophy of time. It focuses primarily on David Barrow's work, History of the Philippine Islands (1905), as the ideal embodiment of a broad discourse permeating notions of superiority and inferiority, historicity and a historicity, and civilizational development - notions which shaped colonialism in the Philippines. This article argues that Americans were able to develop a sense of fundamental temporal difference with their colonial subjects - a fundamental difference that could be effectively employed and articulated to overcome shortcomings or inconsistencies in other discourses of colonial power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the Africanization process at the basis of creolization in insular America. It states that the relation principle is involved in creolization, in which the materialization of the process is aesthetics. It says that the Africanization process involves two angles such as how Africans transformed their culturally representative traits and how the transpositions of the European are achieved through the Africans.

A review essay is presented that explores how historians have approached the imperial history of the United States. It explores issues related to power, global connections and space and discusses the relationship between the imperial history of the U.S. and the urban history of the U.S. Topics discussed include exceptionalism, nationalism, nation-states and forms of state control.

In 1902, the US Naval Government of Guam began recluding the island's leprosy patients in a colony located on the island's Ypao Beach, but in 1912 deported them to the Culion Leper Colony in the Philippines, where they lived for the remainder of their lives. This paper examines two kinds of photographic artefact that speak to the history of Hansen's Disease on Guam — a single postcard of the Ypao leper colony and clinical photographs of 21 patients, taken just prior to their relocation from Guam to Culion. In the process, this paper introduces medical photography as a topic worthy of closer scrutiny in Pacific History, demonstrating some of the intersections and tensions between photography, colonialism, tropical medicine and islander agency that can be read in photographs, even as their meanings change with time and context. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

British-American press competition occurred in semi-colonial China in the early twentieth century, when the United States, as a rising world power, challenged the British monopoly by advocating an 'Open Door Policy.' While the British and American presses in China strengthened the cohesion of their respective expatriate communities, we maintain that these newspapers also contributed in a fundamental way to the colonial reconfiguration and power redistribution between Britain and the United States as they vied for influence with different ideas and practices of colonialism. The historical legacies of semi-colonialism are relevant to contemporary globalization where countries are growing more interconnected while constantly competing for power and privilege. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By constantly blaming Manila's low-lying topography and tropical climate, the "health-conscious" American colonial state revealed the significance that geography played in its perception of health. At the same time, this peculiar perception also revealed a flipside. As this article argues, the colonial state and the elite envisioned "a geography of health" typified by the breezy, elevated, sparsely-populated suburbs east of Manila that seemed "familiar" to the colonizers. As the districts of Santa Mesa and San Juan del Monte became representations of these ideals, the two areas underwent a process of suburbanization in the early twentieth century with the aid of transport "modernization." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To grasp the rise of the PPD, this essay focuses on the exchanges between agents that informed the articulation of a populist discourse that many groups came to share, including público drivers, the unemployed, dockworkers, rural laborers, Communists, and former Socialists. Instead of presenting muñocism as a facile hierarchy between leaders and followers, the author focuses on the haphazard process of interaction that brought together the advocates of reform as they partook in discursive practices in favor of social justice. By examining muñocism as a collective affair and as a "decentered" site of political engagement, this essay stresses the ambiguous zone of action and the elasticity of meaning that allowed individuals to reach an agreement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At the end of the Spanish-American War of 1898, America gained control of three new territories-Puerto Rico, Guam, and the Philippines. The political fate of these islands generated a bitter debate in the United States as many wondered how a country whose identity had been forged in the crucible of colonialism could, only a century after gaining its independence, administer an empire of its own. Despite the enormous political and public attention paid to the issue of American expansion, it was the Supreme Court--in a series of decisions collectively known as the Insular Cases--that interceded to settle the protracted political feud. What is most striking about this episode in constitutional history is that the Court's intervention brought closure to a volatile national debate implicating international affairs and foreign treaties--matters in which courts were expected not to meddle-without provoking significant public backlash or damaging the Court's institutional credibility. And the Insular Cases themselves have remained good law ever since. This Article seeks to understand why. Specifically, this piece aims to understand the process by which divisive, politically charged issues were transformed into questions fit for judicial review, how that process ratified the decisions themselves, and what role the political branches can play in validating otherwise questionable judicial action. It concludes first that there is considerable evidence, as a descriptive matter, that before the Supreme Court decided the Insular Cases, political actors took a series of steps that authorized and facilitated judicial consideration of questions that were political in nature. Second, the Article contends, as a normative matter, that the Insular Cases illustrate how the political branches can properly validate the Court's decisions by consenting in advance to the judiciary's involvement and certifying certain questions to the courts. Although the precise features of this process defy easy classification, it is possible to discern evidence of five elements that laid the groundwork for legitimate judicial review. By (1) disavowing their own authority to settle the dispute, (2) publicly inviting the Court to mediate the controversy, (3) endorsing the validity of judicial resolution, (4) casting the political issue in legal and constitutional terms, and (5) proposing nonlegal factors that could compensate for the absence of traditional standards, the popular branches helped transform arguably political questions into justiciable ones. It is this "consent and certify" process that at once explains and justifies the Supreme Court's intervention in the Insular Cases. More broadly, the Article suggests that the largely forgotten historical context of the Insular Cases reveals an important, unexplored potential source of judicial legitimacy: the political branches of government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

They say first impressions always matter. Americans acquired an empire of tropical islands in the Pacific about which they knew little and cared even less. Yet they set to almost immediately to understand and harness these new environments for their own purposes. This paper looks at the processes through which these strange new worlds in the Philippines and Guam were incorporated and subordinated into a comprehensible imperial framework through the diaries of two environmental managers, Gifford Pinchot and William Safford. Both men wrote about their first encounters with the tropics, recording its strange flora and fauna, noting its seismic convulsions and climatic extremes, and trying to manage it by making sense of what they saw, heard, smelt and touched. As diarists, scientists and, above all, imperialists, they give us rare insight into the initial attitudes of the men who managed these new imperial landscapes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

PURSUANT to the doctrine of territorial incorporation established in the Insular Cases, Puerto Rico is an "unincorporated" territory, and as such, it does not form part of the United States within the meaning of the Constitution. As a result, persons born in Puerto Rico are not "born in the United States" under the Fourteenth Amendment and are not constitutionally entitled to citizenship. Because they enjoy only statutory citizenship, Congress arguably is able to expatriate most Puerto Ricans if the island is declared independent. Moreover, the inferior citizenship status of Puerto Ricans reveals a grave inconsistency in the law of the Fourteenth Amendment that has never been addressed. In response to Dred Scott, the Fourteenth Amendment constitutionalized the common law doctrine of jus soli, which provides that all persons born on U.S. territory and not subject to the jurisdiction of another sovereign are native-born citizens, regardless of race. Pursuant to this interpretation of the Citizenship Clause, persons born in Puerto Rico have been "born in the United States" since the ratification of the Treaty of Paris. By retroactively narrowing the scope of the term "United States," the Supreme Court took advantage of the unique geographical circumstances of the insular territories and prevented their inhabitants from obtaining equal citizenship. Thus, the doctrine of territorial incorporation reasserts Dred Scott's race-based approach to citizenship and should be overruled. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia Contemporanea is the property of Historia Contemporania and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)