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This paper examines the nature of categorical perception (CP) effects in Mandarin and Dutch adult listeners through identification and discrimination tasks using lexical tonal contrasts and through the CP index analysis. In identification tasks, Mandarin listeners identify tones in accordance with their native tonal categories whereas Dutch listeners do so based on acoustic properties. In discrimination tasks, Dutch listeners outperform Mandarin listeners especially in tonal steps on the continuum falling within the Mandarin tonal category boundary, whereas Mandarin listeners display high sensitivity in discrimination of stimuli falling across the native boundary. The CP index analysis shows a higher degree of CP in Mandarin (categorical perception) than in Dutch (psycho-acoustic perception) listeners.

The semantics of superordinate collectives (superordinates hereafter) such as English furniture are argued to be count or mass, or to allow both count and mass readings. When tested experimentally, however, it has repeatedly been reported that superordinates denote individuals in a wide range of typologically distinct languages, including Mandarin. A close examination of the experimental method and design commonly used in previous research suggests, however, that the attested individual-denoting reading might only be the preferred reading in neutral contexts rather than the only reading that superordinates allow. In the present study, using a Truth Value Judgment Task we investigate the interpretation of Mandarin superordinates by Mandarin-speaking adults and 4–6-year-old children. We found that bare superordinates can convey both individual-denoting and non-individual-denoting readings depending on specific contexts provided, but such contextual manipulation cannot override morphosyntax (the presence of an individual classifier that selects an individual-denoting reading only). Taken together, our experimental data indicate that both contextual and morphosyntactic information play an important role in the interpretation of Mandarin superordinates, but that they function in different ways. In a word, the present study contributes new data and opens new perspectives for further investigation in the interpretation of superordinates in Mandarin as well as in other languages.

Italian L2 and the rules that you don’t learn at schoolA number of topics in Italian L2 grammar are notoriously difficult to acquire, even for students with an overall good level of proficiency. Some constructions are clearly ungrammatical; others sound odd and betray a non-native use of the form. This paper examines two of such examples − the use of definite determiners with plural nouns in (preverbal) subject position and the alternation of null and overt subject pronouns − and it compares and combines insights from generative grammar and rules of normative grammar taught in school. The aim of this approach is twofold: First, to understand why these constructions may be difficult to acquire for a second language learner. Second, to encourage awareness about variation in language and to provide new insights for second language teaching. Normal 0 21 false false false EN-US X-NONE X-NONE /* Style Definitions */ table.MsoNormalTable {mso-style-name:"Table Normal"; mso-tstyle-rowband-size:0; mso-tstyle-colband-size:0; mso-style-noshow:yes; mso-style-priority:99; mso-style-parent:""; mso-padding-alt:0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt; mso-para-margin-top:0cm; mso-para-margin-right:0cm; mso-para-margin-bottom:0cm; mso-para-margin-left:17.85pt; mso-para-margin-bottom:.0001pt; text-indent:-17.85pt; mso-pagination:widow-orphan; font-size:11.0pt; font-family:"Calibri",sans-serif; mso-ascii-font-family:Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font:minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family:Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font:minor-latin; mso-ansi-language:EN-US; mso-fareast-language:EN-US;}

Bilingual children with reduced exposure to one or both languages may have language profiles that are apparently similar to those of children with developmental language disorder (DLD). Children with DLD receive enough input, but have difficulty using this input for acquisition due to processing deficits. The present investigation aims to determine aspects of adjective production that are differentially affected by reduced input (in bilingualism) and reduced intake (in DLD). Adjectives were elicited from Dutch–Russian simultaneous bilinguals with limited exposure to Russian and Russian-speaking monolinguals with and without DLD. An antonym elicitation task was used to assess the size of adjective vocabularies, and a degree task was employed to compare the preferences of the three groups in the use of morphological, lexical, and syntactic degree markers. The results revealed that adjective–noun agreement is affected to the same extent by both reduced input and reduced intake. The size of adjective lexicons is also negatively affected by both, but more so by reduced exposure. However, production of morphological degree markers and learning of semantic paradigms are areas of relative strength in which bilinguals outperform monolingual children with DLD. We suggest that reduced input might be counterbalanced by linguistic and cognitive advantages of bilingualism.

Research on the relationship between language acquisition and Theory of Mind (ToM) has been largely confined to English-speaking populations and has yielded conflicting results regarding which domains of language are most relevant. The current study assessed 101 Dutch-speaking kindergartners on ToM and various potentially relevant domains of language (general and mental vocabulary, sentence comprehension and sentential complementation understanding). Results show a bidirectional relationship between ToM and both vocabulary measures and a unidirectional relationship from sentence comprehension to ToM. Sentence comprehension was the best ToM predictor out of the language measures. No evidence was found for a relationship between ToM and sentential complementation understanding, likely due to the use of a novel, and potentially purer, sentential complementation measure. Comprehension of language at the sentential level is thus fundamental for explicit ToM development. Finding this result in a Dutch-speaking population suggests that similar outcomes from previous studies can be generalised more broadly.

The difference in West-Germanic V(erb)-clusters, right-branching (Dutch) and left-branching (German), follows from a difference in the acquisition of V-second. The decisive factor is a rightward selection of the verbs in Dutch main clauses. That decisive factor had already been acquired before any V-cluster appeared in the child’s speech. Longitudinal Dutch child data show that modals and aspectuals develop a rightward selection that carries over into the V-cluster. The German child data do not show such a development. Automatic phrasal formation by the acquisition procedure allows a V-cluster without assuming V-to-V-movement from an underlying structure. The general perspective is that (i) the acquisition procedure is a discovery procedure, and that (ii) typological effects are the outcome of early local string-determined licensing/selection.

The current study explores how language experience may shape the correlation between lexical tone and musical pitch perception. A two domains (music and lexical tone) by two languages (tone, Mandarin Chinese and non-tone, Dutch) design is adopted. Participants were tested on their discrimination of Mandarin Chinese lexical tones, Montreal Battery of Evaluation of Amusia (MBEA), and Musical Ear Test (MET). The Chinese listeners outperformed the Dutch listeners on both MBEA and MET, but had comparable accuracies for the lexical tone discrimination. Importantly, a significant cross-domain correlation was only observed for the Dutch listeners but not for the Chinese listeners. For tone language listeners, once lexical tones have been acquired, native listeners perceive them as phonological categories, and split them from other pitch variations that do not play a phonemic role. Non-tone language listeners, on the other hand, perceive both lexical tones and musical pitch on a psycho-acoustical basis, hence exhibit a unified perception of pitch across the two domains. KEYWORDS: Pitch perception, lexical tones, musical pitch, cross-domain correlation, language experience

Previous studies on children’s interpretations of PRO in adjunct clauses have found that 4- to 6-year old children exhibit non-adultlike interpretations of adjunct PRO. For sentences with adjunct control, as in John bumped Mary after PRO tripping on the sidewalk, these studies have argued that children’s knowledge is not adultlike. In this paper, we use a new task to reduce the demands involved in making a response. With this task, we find improved performance for sentences with adjunct control. These results suggest that children’s knowledge of adjunct control is adultlike, but has been obscured by the tasks used in previous studies.

This study investigated how speaker certainty (a rational cue) and speaker benevolence (an emotional cue) influence children's willingness to learn words in a selective learning paradigm. In two experiments four- to six-year-olds learnt novel labels from two speakers and, after a week, their memory for these labels was reassessed. Results demonstrated that children retained the label–object pairings for at least a week. Furthermore, children preferred to learn from certain over uncertain speakers, but they had no significant preference for nice over nasty speakers. When the cues were combined, children followed certain speakers, even if they were nasty. However, children did prefer to learn from nice and certain speakers over nasty and certain speakers. These results suggest that rational cues regarding a speaker's linguistic competence trump emotional cues regarding a speaker's affective status in word learning. However, emotional cues were found to have a subtle influence on this process.

In this paper, we will present data from both Spanish acquisition and aphasia on the Pronoun Interpretation Problem (PIP), according to which children allow pronouns to be identified with local c-commanding antecedents. Although it has recently been claimed that the PIP is, to a great extent, an experimental artifact, there are good reasons to believe that there is something “real” in the effect. As with many phenomena from acquisition, researchers have tried to explain this development in terms of “learning”, or more concretely, in terms of “parameter setting”. Children either must set the right local domain for the application of Principle B or they must set a +/− Principle B parameter. However, considering the PIP as an acquisition problem is problematic since it is difficult to see how children can converge on the target grammar without negative evidence. In this paper, we will defend an alternative approach, according to which the PIP is portrayed as the result of interplay between properties of predicates and different kinds of pronouns on the one hand, and language processing factors on the other.

The effects of bilingualism on vowel perception and cue weighting behaviour have not been established definitively. What influence does heritage bilingualism have on cue weighting of spectral and durational cues? What role does the duration cue play in cue weighting behaviour of heritage bilinguals: is it universally accessible or related to the first language? Purpose: This study examines the perception and cue weighting of child heritage bilinguals to assess whether exposure to multiple acoustic systems has an effect on cue weighting. Design: Bilinguals with a language containing a durational vowel contrast (Moroccan-Arabic) or a non-durational contrast (Turkish) were tested in order to explore cue preference and cue weighting behaviour for the multiple cued Dutch [ɑ]-[a:] contrast: their alternate first language. Data and analysis: An identification task was performed for the Dutch [ɑ] and [a:]. The F1 and F2 were logarithmically manipulated, in equal steps for the spectral and durational cue, creating a seven-step continuum. The analysis revealed cue preference by examining cue usage and relative cue weight. Conclusions: Dutch monolinguals use both cues but assign more weight to the spectral cue. Moroccan-Arabic/Dutch heritage speaker (HS) bilinguals use both cues, but weigh the spectral cue more heavily. Turkish/Dutch HS bilinguals rely almost exclusively on the spectral cue. This suggests a transfer from the alternate first language onto the perception of Dutch, regardless of language dominance. Originality: Not much research on the cue weighting behaviour of school-aged heritage bilinguals has been conducted, as this age group is yet to develop their perceptual behaviour completely. The results of this case study show an influence on perceptual behaviour as a result of bilingualism. Significance: This study provides insight into the cue weighting behaviour and cue preference of school-aged heritage bilinguals.

Previous studies have demonstrated that, for adults, differences between unaccusative verbs (e.g., “fall”) and unergative verbs (e.g., “dance”) lead to a difference in processing. However, so far we don’t know whether this effect shows up in children’s processing of these verbs as well. This study measures children’s processing of intransitive verbs using the Visual World Paradigm. We found that children differentiate in processing between unaccusative and unergative verbs, yet in a different way than adults do. We identify and discuss potential sources for this difference.

Purpose This study evaluated a newly developed quasi-universal nonword repetition task (Q-U NWRT) as a diagnostic tool for bilingual children with language impairment (LI) who have Dutch as a 2nd language. The Q-U NWRT was designed to be minimally influenced by knowledge of 1 specific language in contrast to a language-specific NWRT with which it was compared. Method One hundred twenty monolingual and bilingual children with and without LI participated (30 per group). A mixed-design analysis of variance was used to investigate the effects of LI and bilingualism on the NWRTs. Receiver operating characteristic analyses were conducted to evaluate the instruments' diagnostic value. Results Large negative effects of LI were found on both NWRTs, whereas negative effects of bilingualism only occurred on the language-specific NWRT. Both instruments had high clinical accuracy in the monolingual group, but only the Q-U NWRT had high clinical accuracy in the bilingual group. Conclusions This study indicates that the Q-U NWRT is a promising diagnostic tool to help identify LI in bilingual children learning Dutch as a 2nd language. The instrument was clinically accurate in both a monolingual and bilingual group of children and seems better able to disentangle LI from language disadvantage than more language-specific measures.

Differences between monolinguals and bilinguals are often attributed to crosslinguistic influence. This paper compares production of discourse connectives by Dutch–Russian bilinguals (Dutch-dominant), typically-developing Dutch/Russian monolinguals and Russian-speaking children with SLI. If non-target-like production in bilinguals is due to crosslinguistic influence, bilinguals should perform differently from both impaired and unimpaired monolinguals. However, if differences between bilinguals and monolinguals are due to other factors (e.g., input quantity, processing capacities), bilinguals’ language production might be similar to that of children with SLI. The results demonstrate that language dominance determines the direction of crosslinguistic influence. In terms of frequency distributions of Russian connectives across pragmatic contexts, the bilingual group performed differently from both monolingual groups and the differences were compatible with the structural properties of Dutch. However, based on error rates and types bilinguals could not be distinguished from the SLI group, suggesting that factors other than crosslinguistic influence may also be at play.

Previous research on the acquisition of adjunct control has observed non-adultlike behavior for sentences like “John bumped Mary after tripping on the sidewalk.” While adults only allow a subject control interpretation for these sentences (that John tripped on the sidewalk), preschool-aged children have been reported to allow a much wider range of interpretations. A number of different tasks have been used with the aim of identifying a grammatical source of children’s errors. In this paper, we consider the role of extragrammatical factors. In two comprehension experiments, we demonstrate that error rates go up when the similarity increases between an antecedent and a linearly intervening noun phrase, first with similarity in gender, and next with similarity in number marking. This suggests that difficulties with adjunct control are to be explained (at least in part) by the sentence processing mechanisms that underlie similarity-based interference in adults.

Lexical tones have been considered as phonological contrasts in infant language research. Yet pitch variation pervades in speech, and infants may perceive lexical tones as pitch variations without phonological relevance. We examined whether the development in lexical tone perception may parallel with perception of pitch in other cognitive domains namely music. Using a visual fixation paradigm, one hundred and one 4- and 12-month-old Dutch infants were tested on their discrimination of Chinese rising and dipping lexical tones as well as comparable three-note musical pitch contours. The 4-month-old infants failed to show a discrimination effect in either condition, whereas the 12-month-old infants succeeded in both conditions. These results suggest that lexical tone perception may reflect and relate to general pitch perception abilities, which may serve as a basis for developing more complex language and musical skills.

This article examines the perception of tones by non-tone-language-learning (non-tone-learning) infants between 5 and 18 months in a study that reveals infants' initial sensitivity to tonal contrasts, deterioration yet plasticity of tonal sensitivity at the end of the first year, and a perceptual rebound in the second year. Dutch infants in five age groups were tested on their ability to discriminate a tonal contrast of Mandarin Chinese as well as a contracted tonal contrast. Infants are able to discriminate tonal contrasts at 5-6 months, and their tonal sensitivity deteriorates at around 9 months. However, the sensitivity rebound sat 17-18 months. Non-tone-learning infants' tonal perception is elastic, as is shown by the influence of acoustic salience and distributional learning: (1) a salient contrast may remain discriminable throughout infancy whereas a less salient one does not; (2) a bimodal distribution in tonal exposure increases non-tone-learning infants' discrimination ability during the trough in sensitivity to tonal contrasts at 11-12 months. These novel findings reveal non-tone-learning infants' U-shaped pattern in tone perception, and display their perceptual flexibility.

Language input is a key factor in bi-/multilingual research. It roots in the definition of bi-/multilingualism and influences infant cognitive development since and even before birth. The methods used to assess language exposure among bi-/multilingual infants vary across studies. This paper discusses the parental report patterns of the amount/degree of exposure to their children and provides an algorithm-based Multilingual Infant Language Questionnaire (MILQ) targeting the amount of hours and degree of exposure an infant is exposed to each language. In the MILQ, parental feedback between general language input (languages spoken in the environment an infant resides in) and direct language exposure (languages spoken directly to an infant) are differentiated. Comparing the results drawn from general and direct perspectives, parental estimates of their children’s exposure match the general but not direct language input condition. Implications of these results are discussed.

Many languages restrict their lexicons by OCP-Place, a phonotactic constraint against co-occurrences of consonants with shared [place] (e.g., McCarthy, 1986). While many previous studies have suggested that listeners have knowledge of OCP-Place and use this for speech processing, it is less clear whether they make reference to an abstract representation of this constraint. In Dutch, OCP-Place gradiently restricts non-adjacent consonant co-occurrences in the lexicon. Focusing on labial-vowel-labial co-occurrences, we found that there are, however, exceptions from the general effect of OCP-Labial: (A) co-occurrences of identical labials are systematically less restricted than co-occurrences of homorganic labials, and (B) some specific pairs (e.g., /pVp/, /bVv/) occur more often than expected. Setting out to study whether exceptions such as (A) and (B) had an effect on processing, the current study presents an artificial language learning experiment and a reanalysis of Boll-Avetisyan and Kager's (2014) speech segmentation data. Results indicate that Dutch listeners can use both knowledge of phonotactic detail and an abstract constraint OCP-Labial as a cue for speech segmentation. We suggest that whether detailed or abstract representations are drawn on depends on the complexity of processing demands.

In connected speech, the production of a speech sound is often affected by the articulatory features of its neighboring sounds; this typically results in a different surface (phonetic) realization of the sound from its underlying form. Mismatches between surface sound and underlying sound due to contextual change in production may pose a problem in perception for listeners. This PhD research investigates the language specificity and generality of the knowledge that allows listeners to perform surface-to-underlying sound mapping, with respect to the following aspects: 1) whether the mapping depends exclusively on language-specific knowledge, or is also facilitated by language-general articulatory knowledge; 2) whether the difficulty of mapping varies between assimilatory and dissimilatory processes, especially for naïve non-native listeners; 3) whether the difficulty of mapping is further influenced by the categoricalness/gradience of assimilatory and dissimilatory processes, for naïve non-native listeners. The above mapping issues were examined for a set of tone and tone sandhi phenomena, through a series of experiments. The results provide evidence for language specificity (in the sense of listeners’ use of native phonology in both assimilatory and dissimilatory processes) as well as for language generality (in the sense of listeners’ reliance on general knowledge of articulatory gestures in assimilatory processes) regarding surface-to-underlying sound mapping. In addition, the results suggest that language-general segmentation plays a role in the mapping for categorical dissimilatory processes (in juxtaposition to categorical assimilatory processes).

Infants are faced with a challenge of disaggregating functions of pitch in the ambient language into affective, pragmatic or referential (the latter in tone languages only). This mini review discusses several factors that might facilitate the disaggregation of referential and affective pitch in infancy: acoustic characteristics of infant-directed speech, recognition of vocal affect, facial cues accompanying affective prosody, and lateralization of affective and referential prosody in the brain. It proposes two hypotheses concerning the role of audiovisual cues and brain lateralization.

Recent studies have shown that vowels in infant-directed speech (IDS) are characterized by highly variable formant distributions. The current study investigates whether vowel variability is partially due to consonantal context, and explores whether consonantal context could support the learning of vowel categories from IDS. A computational model is presented which selects contexts based on frequency in the input and generalizes across contextual categories. Improved categorization performance was found on a vowel contrast in American–English IDS. The findings support a view in which the infant's learning mechanism is anchored in context, in order to cope with acoustic variability in the input.

Objective: Studies investigating language skills of children after cochlear implantation usually use global language proficiency scores and rarely tackle the acquisition of specific language phenomena (word classes, grammatical constructions, etc.). Furthermore, research is largely restricted to frequent word classes (nouns, verbs). The present study targets the acquisition of adjectives (e.g. big, intelligent) by children implanted before their second birthday. Adjectives constitute a relatively infrequent, but functionally important word class and were shown to be good indicators of language delays and impairments. Method: Nine cochlear-implanted (CI) children and 60 age-matched normally hearing (NH) controls participated in the study. The CI children were followed longitudinally from ages 2 to 7; control data were collected in a cross-sectional manner (10 children per age group). Samples of children's spontaneous interactions with their caregivers were transcribed and analyzed for adjective use (frequency, lexical diversity, complexity of syntactic constructions, and morphological correctness). Results: The performance of the CI subjects was not significantly different from that of NH peers on adjective frequency and lexical diversity. On these measures, both groups reached adult levels by age 3. However, the CI group had a significant delay in the acquisition of complex syntactic constructions. The NH subjects produced adjectives in adult-like grammatical constructions from age 3 onwards, whereas their CI peers lagged behind until age 5. The speech of the CI participants also featured morphological errors that are not characteristic of typical development (inflection of predicative adjectives). However, the overall error rate was low. Conclusions: The findings suggest that CI children have particular difficulty with grammatical items (bound morphemes, copulas) that are less salient in the flow of speech than content words. Nevertheless, children implanted before their second birthday are able to catch up with their hearing peers by age 5, even in the use of relatively infrequent word classes. (C) 2012 Elsevier Ireland Ltd. All rights reserved.

This paper investigates whether three-year-olds are able to process attributive adjectives (e.g., softpillow) as they hear them and to predict the noun (pillow) on the basis of the adjective meaning (soft). This was investigated in an experiment by means of the Visual World Paradigm. The participants saw two pictures (e.g., a pillow and a book) and heard adjective–noun combinations, where the adjective was either informative (e.g., soft) or uninformative (e.g., new) about the head-noun. The properties described by the target adjectives were not visually apparent. When the adjective was uninformative, the looks at the target increased only upon hearing the noun. When the adjective was informative, however, the looks at the target increased upon hearing the adjective. Three-year-olds were as fast as adult controls in predicting the upcoming noun. We conclude that toddlers process adjective–noun phrases incrementally and can predict the noun based on the prenominal adjective.

Purpose: Facing previous mixed findings between monolingual and bilingual infants’ phonetic development during perceptual reorganization, the current study aims at examining the perceptual development of a native vowel contrast (/I/-/i/) by Dutch monolingual and bilingual infants. Design: We tested 390 Dutch monolingual and bilingual infants from 5 to 15 months of age through a visual habituation paradigm. Data and analysis: Mixed-effect model analyses were conducted within 320 infants, with infants’ log10 transformed looking time as the dependent variable, age (4-level) and language background (2-level) as the fixed factors, and participant and order (2-level) as the random factors. Conclusions: All infants show weak initial sensitivity to the contrast regardless of language background(s), and sensitivity improves with age. By the second half of the first year, infants discriminate the contrast, indicating the emergence of the relevant vowel categories. In addition, a perceptual lead is observed in bilingual infants, probably due to: 1) a perceptual transfer from the close-category counterpart of the other native language; 2) heightened acoustic sensitivity in bilingual infants given their rich linguistic experience; and 3) a general bilingual cognitive advantage. The influences of contrast salience and bilingualism on language development are discussed. Originality: Overall, these findings constitute an extension of existing work on vowel perception and display a novel acceleration effect for the bilingual infants in phonetic perception. In addition, we propose a novel heightened acoustic sensitivity hypothesis, arguing that bilingual infants may pay more attention to acoustic details in the input than their monolingual peers. Significance: The observed progressive phonetic discrimination pattern of the native contrast contributes to our knowledge in infant language development, and specifically perceptual reorganization patterns, in the first year after birth. The observed acceleration effect, along with its explanations, provides new insights into the influence of bilingualism and potential bilingual advantages in infancy.

Linking the discrimination of voice onset time (VOT) in infancy with infant language background, we examine the perceptual changes of two VOT contrasts (/b/-/p/ and /p(h)/-/p/) by Dutch monolingual and bilingual infants from 8 to 15 months of age. Results showed that language exposure and language dominance had a strong impact on monolingual and bilingual infant VOT perceptual patterns. In addition, perceptual turbulence was found at 8-9 months for bilingual infants, and stabilized perception was presented for all infants from 11 months onwards. We thus report a general input-driven developmental VOT perception in both monolingual and bilingual infants, with perceptual turbulence for bilinguals in the second half of the first year of life.

Statistical learning is often taken to lie at the heart of many cognitive tasks, including the acquisition of language. One particular task in which probabilistic models have achieved considerable success is the segmentation of speech into words. However, these models have mostly been tested against English data, and as a result little is known about how a statistical learning mechanism copes with input regularities that arise from the structural properties of different languages. This study focuses on statistical word segmentation in Arabic, a Semitic language in which words are built around consonantal roots. We hypothesize that segmentation in such languages is facilitated by tracking consonant distributions independently from intervening vowels. Previous studies have shown that human learners can track consonant probabilities across intervening vowels in artificial languages, but it is unknown to what extent this ability would be beneficial in the segmentation of natural language. We assessed the performance of a Bayesian segmentation model on English and Arabic, comparing consonant-only representations with full representations. In addition, we examined to what extent structurally different proto-lexicons reflect adult language. The results suggest that for a child learning a Semitic language, separating consonants from vowels is beneficial for segmentation. These findings indicate that probabilistic models require appropriate linguistic representations in order to effectively meet the challenges of language acquisition.

Previous studies have shown that listeners of different language backgrounds attend to different pitch dimensions when perceiving non-native tones by acoustic approaches. The present study investigated which dimensions of pitch, namely, pitch contour, pitch level, together with the position where it occurs in a word, influenced non-native tone perception by tone language (Mandarin) and non-tone language (Dutch) listeners at the phonological level. A sequence-recall task with memory load and high phonetic variability was applied in the study. Language specific perceptual patterns were found for the two groups. Mandarin listeners outperformed Dutch listeners on encoding non-native pitch contour and pitch level contrasts on each position. Overall Mandarin listeners‟ perception of non-native tones was independent on the position. However, they needed contextual tonal references when encoding non-native pitch level contrasts. Dutch listeners showed perceptual difficulties in encoding pitch contrasts phonologically and were found partially “tone deaf” due to the lack of representations of contrastive tonal categories in their native language. They showed an overall preference for the word final position than word initial and word middle position when perceiving non-native tones.

This study investigated Dutch-speaking four- to five-year-olds’ use of word order and prosody in distinguishing focus types (broad focus, narrow focus, and contrastive narrow focus) via an interactive answer-reconstruction game. We have found an overall preference for the unmarked word order SVO and no evidence for the use of OVS to distinguish focus types. But the children used pitch and duration in the subject-nouns to distinguish focus types in SVO sentences. These findings show that Dutch-speaking four- to five-year-olds differ from their German- and Finnish-speaking peers, who show evidence of varying choice of word order to mark specific focus types, and use prosody to distinguish focus types in subject and object nouns in both SVO and OVS sentences. These comparisons suggest that typological differences in the relative importance between word order and prosody can lead to differences in children’s use of word order and prosody in unmarked and marked word orders. A more equal role of word order and prosody in the ambient language can stimulate more extensive use of prosody in the marked word order, whereas a more limited role of word order can restrict the use of prosody in the unmarked word order.

Recent metrical studies have proposed that, under certain circumstances, a weak syllable may be adjoined to a binary foot, giving rise to a minimally recursive foot. Adding to a growing body of research from metrical stress and foot-conditioned phenomena in various languages, the goals of this paper are twofold. First, we aim at providing empirical evidence for internally layered feet based on the distribution of three foot-conditioned processes of Dutch: vowel reduction, glottal stop /ʔ/ insertion and /h/ licensing/deletion. Second, we explore a less studied theoretical and descriptive advantage of internally layered feet: their potential to predict phonological strength distinctions that go beyond the traditional weak vs. strong dichotomy. In support of this view, we will argue that all three above-mentioned foot-based processes of Dutch distinguish between two types of unstressed syllables. We will demonstrate that the metrical representation that best captures this dual patterning of unstressed syllables necessitates internally layered feet.

It has been widely accepted that infant-directed speech (IDS) has a slower speaking rate than adult-directed speech (ADS) (e.g., Cristia, 2013), which is assumed to facilitate language development. This study aims at finding out whether this finding holds for Dutch and Mandarin Chinese and whether mothers slow down speaking rate to highlight unfamiliar words to children. Dutch and Mandarin Chinese mothers of 18-month-old children participated in a semi-spontaneous production task. They read a picture book to their child (IDS condition) and to an adult (ADS condition). The book contained target words that were unfamiliar or familiar to the child. We measured the speaking rate of the whole speech samples and the articulation rate of the utterances containing target words. Our results showed that language-specific properties exist: Dutch mothers generally slowed down in IDS in comparison with ADS, while Chinese mothers did not slow down in IDS. Also, Dutch mothers slowed down utterances containing unfamiliar words in IDS, but did not slow down utterances containing familiar words. This targeted speech rate pattern may function to facilitate word learning. However, unlike Dutch mothers, Chinese mothers did not slow down even when talking about unfamiliar words. Taken together, our results suggest that IDS is not always slower in IDS cross-linguistically, and provide evidence for the potential linguistic function of IDS.

Using a simulated telephone conversation task, we elicited sarcastic production in different utterance types (i.e. declaratives, tag questions andwh-exclamatives from native speakers of the southern variety of British English. Unlike previous studies which focus on static prosodic measurements at the utterance level (e.g. mean pitch, pitch span, intensity), we examined both static prosodic measurements and continuous changes in contour shape in the semantically most important words (or key words) of the sarcastic utterances and their counterparts in the sincere utterances. To this end, we adopted Functional Data Analysis to model pitch variation as contours and represent the contours as continuous function in statistical analysis. We found that sarcasm and sincerity are prosodically distinguishable in the key words alone. The key words in sarcastic utterances are realised with a longer duration and a flatter fall than their counterparts in sincere utterances regardless of utterance type and speaker gender. These results are compatible with previous reports on the use of a smaller pitch span and a slower speech rate in sarcastic utterances than in sincere utterances in North American English. We also observed notable differences in the use of minimum pitch, maximum pitch and contour shape in different utterance types and in the use of mean pitch and duration by male and female speakers. Additionally, we found that the prosody of the key words in sarcastic utterances and their counterparts in sincere utterances has yielded useful predictors for the presence (or absence) of sarcasm in an utterance. Together, our results lend direct support to a key-word–based approach. However, the prosodic predictors included in our analysis alone can achieve only an accuracy of 70.4%, suggesting a need to examine additional prosodic parameters and prosody beyond the key words.

This study investigates the development of prosodic focus-marking in early bilinguals’ L2 by examining Bai (L1)-Mandarin (L2) early bilingual’s Mandarin. By investigating Bai-Mandarin early bilingual children aged from six to thirteen and bilingual adults, we have established the developmental trajectory and ultimate attainment of prosodic focus-marking in Bai-Mandarin early bilinguals’ Mandarin. We have found both similarities and differences in the route and rate of acquisition of prosodic focus-marking between early bilingual children’s L2 and monolingual children’s L1. Regarding the developmental route, early bilinguals can use duration earlier than pitch for focus-marking purposes, similar to the monolinguals, but their use of prosody to distinguish narrow focus from non-focus is not earlier than distinguishing focus types, different form the monolinguals. Regarding the developmental rate, early bilinguals have not developed similar competence after five years of formal Mandarin education to that of the monolingual four- to five-year-olds. Our results thus provide first evidence that early bilingual children’s L2 acquisition does not completely resemble monolingual children’s L1 acquisition in prosody, similar to findings on phonological acquisition but different from findings on lexical and syntactic acquisition. Furthermore, we have found that Bai-Mandarin early bilingual adults are highly proficient in using duration and pitch-related prosodic cues for encoding focus in Mandarin, but they are not fully Standard Mandarin-like. Our results show that L1 influence (i.e., positive and negative transfer) is evident in the bilinguals’ L2 development, which has been widely observed in bilingual language acquisition in different linguistic domains. Importantly, non-Standard L2 input might also influence the route and rate of acquisition in early bilinguals’ L2 development.

It has been observed that the interpretation of pronouns can depend on their accentuation patterns in parallel sentences as “John hit Bill and then George hit him”, in which ‘him’ refers to Bill when unaccented but shifts to John when accented. While accentuation is widely regarded as a means of disambiguation, some studies have noticed that it also extends to unambiguous anaphors [7-10]. From the perspective of production, however, no strong experimental confirmation was found for the ‘shift’ function of accented pronouns, which is due to the fact that production research has mainly focused on corpora [5, 6]. Hence, the nature of the accent on anaphors still remains obscure. By manipulating referential shift and ambiguity, this study explores the role of prosody in anaphora production in strictly Mandarin parallel structures. The results reveal a significantly higher F0 and longer duration for anaphors in referentially shifted conditions, suggesting that anaphoric accentuation signals a referential change in strictly parallel structures in Mandarin. No evidence was found that ambiguity plays a role in anaphoric accentuation. This finding challenges the general view on accented pronouns and will deepen our understanding on semantics-prosody relationship.

This paper examines the ability of bilingual infants who were learning Dutch and another non-tone language to discriminate tonal contrasts. All infants from 5 to 18 months of age succeeded in discriminating a tonal contrast of Mandarin Chinese (Tone 1 versus Tone 4) and showed a U-shaped pattern when facing a less acoustically salient manipulated version (contracted) of the aforementioned contrast. Specifically, infants showed initial sensitivity to the contracted contrast during their early months, followed by a loss of sensitivity at the stage where tonal perceptual reorganization typically occurs, and a sensitivity rebound by the end of the first year after birth. Compared to a previous studying of ours testing monolingual Dutch infants (Liu & Kager, 2014), the discrimination patterns of bilingual infants revealed both similarities and differences. On one hand, as with monolinguals, non-tone-learning bilingual infants’ tonal perception presented plasticity influenced by contrast acoustic salience along the trajectory of perceptual reorganization; as well as a general U-shaped perceptual pattern when discriminating non-native tones. On the other hand, bilingual infants appeared to regain sensitivity to the contracted tonal contrast at an earlier age (11–12 months) in comparison with monolinguals infants (17–18 months). We provide several explanations, stemming from the simultaneous exposure to two languages, to account for the 6-month bilingual perceptual plasticity from linguistic and cognitive perspectives. The overall outcomes of the study offer insights into the infant perceptual reorganization and language development trajectory, expand on the differences between monolingual and bilingual language development, and broaden our understanding of the influence of bilingual exposure to the perception of non-native contrasts in infancy from linguistic and cognitive perspectives.

This study explores the influence of bilingualism on the cognitive processing of language and music. Specifically, we investigate how infants learning a non-tone language perceive linguistic and musical pitch and how bilingualism affects cross-domain pitch perception. Dutch monolingual and bilingual infants of 8–9 months participated in the study. All infants had Dutch as one of the first languages. The other first languages, varying among bilingual families, were not tone or pitch accent languages. In two experiments, infants were tested on the discrimination of a lexical (N = 42) or a violin (N = 48) pitch contrast via a visual habituation paradigm. The two contrasts shared identical pitch contours but differed in timbre. Non-tone language learning infants did not discriminate the lexical contrast regardless of their ambient language environment. When perceiving the violin contrast, bilingual but not monolingual infants demonstrated robust discrimination. We attribute bilingual infants’ heightened sensitivity in the musical domain to the enhanced acoustic sensitivity stemming from a bilingual environment. The distinct perceptual patterns between language and music and the influence of acoustic salience on perception suggest processing diversion and association in the first year of life. Results indicate that the perception of music may entail both shared neural network with language processing, and unique neural network that is distinct from other cognitive functions.