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There is considerable evidence that, in the United States, public distrust in science is amplified by a conservative ideology and by lower levels of scientific literacy. By emphasizing the discussion on reflexive modernity and (de)politicization of science and politics, we use the Eurobarometer 95.2 to explore these relationships in present-day European Union. We document a significant relationship between conservatively oriented opinions and lower scores on the scientific literacy scale and EU respondents' levels of distrust in science. We notice that conservative attitudes – measured by dummy statements such as focus on morality instead of innovation, and national isolation due to fear of international crime instead of international co-operation – cause higher distrust in science and scientists. Unlike several studies carried out in the United States, we observe that in the European Union countries, trust in private companies to tackle with scientific issues such as climate change does not predict much when it comes to trust in science and scientists. The obtained results highlight the conceptual confluence between politicization of EU politics and expertization when it comes to policymaking at the EU level, emphasizing the debate regarding the ideological tension that fuels the distrust in science and scientists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Written by a geographer, but in close connection with other fields such as political philosophy, psichoanalysis, and political science, this essay is part of my project of analysing the bolsonarism and its ideological effects on Brazil. To do so, I realized that a critique of neoliberalism enhanced by the concept of necropolitics will shed some light on three intertwined aspects of the Brazilian reality: the social aftermaths of neoliberalism, the re-emergency of the far-right in Brazil, and the tragedy of modernity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Rivista Geografica Italiana is the property of FrancoAngeli srl and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Moreana is the property of Edinburgh University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The ideological and issue positions of parties are known to shape citizens' political attitudes and voting behaviour. One important way to obtain estimates of parties' positions is to ask experts to place parties on salient ideological dimensions. The Chapel Hill Expert Survey (CHES) has been collecting such estimates for democracies in Europe and elsewhere. CHES Canada adds to this project by providing estimates of party positions and characteristics of Canadian federal parties and provincial parties in Ontario and Quebec. This note introduces this new data source, clarifies how the data were collected and illustrates how the data can be used to (comparatively) study party politics in Canada. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Studii de Ştiintă şi Cultură is the property of Studii de Stiinta si Cultura and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Studia Universitatis Babes-Bolyai, Philologia is the property of Babes-Bolyai University, Cluj-Napoca, Romania and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Pravnik is the property of Czech Academy of Sciences, Institute of State & Law and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Au Maroc, pays où le football est érigé en « idole des masses », le ballon est présent dans l’œuvre de certains artistes, notamment femmes, qui l’explorent dans des représentations chargées d’une densité symbolique ouverte à des interprétations embrassant des problématiques politique et sociale. Deux œuvres de deux artistes marocaines, la première est une photographie d’Ines Bouallou, la deuxième une installation de Batoul S’Himi, bien qu’issues de deux pratiques artistiques distinctes, se rejoignent par une mise en scène particulière de l’image du ballon réinventant cet attribut de jeu pour en faire un véhicule d’une réflexion critique sur la manipulation politique, les disparités de genre et les rapports de domination. Le présent article se propose d’interroger, dans une démarche comparative incluant des œuvres marocaines et internationales, les représentations que subit l’image du ballon dans l’art de ces deux artistes femmes.

L'histoire et la genèse des productions l'auront montré, l'ensemble des textes zouglou, considérés en relation avec leurs conditions de production, s'adressent à un cercle fermé et, en termes de communication, requièrent du destinataire qu'il contribue à élaborer la signification du texte en usant de clés qui en garantissent la cohésion et la cohérence, au-delà de ce qui peut être donné à voir en apparence. Ce sont les enjeux littéraires de ces procédures que cet article entend décrypter ce qu'elles disent des communautés et groupes qui les adoptent (ici les étudiants ivoiriens). L'idée est de procéder à l'examen des mécanismes par lesquelles la « langue » parlée sur les campus parvient à établir une signification de pensée par l'agencement et l'actualisation d'éléments déjà présents à l'esprit du seul récepteur avisé. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Studia Universitatis Babes-Bolyai, Philologia is the property of Babes-Bolyai University, Cluj-Napoca, Romania and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Copyright of Imaginaires is the property of Universitaires de Reims and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Accounting Auditing Control / Comptabilité Contrôle Audit (English Edition) is the property of Association Francophone de Comptabilite c/o Solle and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The field of language instruction is crucial in Canada, given the number of newcomers seeking to improve their English (or French) language skills after arrival. For those who plan to enter post-secondary education but do not meet required language proficiency scores, English for Academic Purposes (EAP) programs provide opportunities to strengthen linguistic and academic skills. These inarguably pragmatic goals are often unquestioned, yet EAP instruction is an ideological undertaking with social, economic, and political consequences. This qualitative study investigates language ideologies – rationalizations and justifications for language use and form – through interviews with EAP writing instructors. As participants discussed the material they taught, the language skills students developed, and the consequences of studying EAP writing, ideologies regarding what forms of language should be taught, the purposes of academic writing (instruction), and the social and political dimensions of language were (re)produced and resisted. Formative influences on these ideologies included education, upbringing, and personal language learning experiences. Developing a critical awareness of the understandings of language that inform teaching and learning can make more transparent the linguistic and social discourses that circulate within and beyond EAP writing classrooms and help instructors, students, and other EAP community members (re)produce or resist them strategically. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Dieser Essay legt den Fokus auf den Kontext von und die Beziehung zwischen Kants ersten beiden Publikationen in der Berlinischen Monatsschrift: „Idee zu einer allgemeinen Geschichte in weltbürgerlicher Absicht“ und „Beantwortung der Frage: Was heißt Aufklärung?“. Seine Absicht ist nicht, einfach nur zu verstehen, was Kant in diesen Essays sagt, sondern zu rekonstruieren, was er macht, indem er die beiden Essays in dieser Zeitschrift, in dieser Reihenfolge, zu dieser Zeit veröffentlicht. Indem der Essay den geistesgeschichtlichen Kontext der Zeitschrift, in der Kant seine Essays publiziert, hinsichtlich seiner Beziehung zur Berliner Mittwochsgesellschaft und hinsichtlich des Aufklärungsverständnisses, das sie darstellt, rekonstruiert, argumentiere ich, dass eine zentrale Absicht von Kants Text darin besteht, dass er eine Kritik der ‚dogmatischen‘ Sichtweise bereitstellt und ein alternatives, „kritisches“ Verständnis anbietet. Es wird argumentiert, dass die frühere Veröffentlichung „Die Idee zu einer allgemeinen Geschichte“ eine zentrale Rolle einnimmt, um Orientierung für Kants Leserschaft auf den radikalen Blick der Aufklärung zu bieten, die er vorschlägt, und ihr ermöglicht, sich selbst als rationale, autonome Akteure zu begreifen, die in der Lage sind, das Projekt der Aufklärung fortzuführen. Der Argumentationsgang zielt darauf zu zeigen, dass Kants Essays eine Intervention darstellen, eine komplexe Arbeit der Anwaltschaft, die sich an Vormünder, die Öffentlichkeit und den Staat richtet.

The study analyzes the relationship between curriculum, power, and ideologies in education, highlighting the importance of a decentralized and flexible curriculum. The research emphasizes the need for an alternative curriculum to combat social disparities, based on authors such as Antonio Gramsci, Chimamanda Adichie, Jessé Souza, and Paulo Freire. Curriculum construction should be sensitive to local particularities and give voice to historically marginalized communities. The struggle of the black movement for the inclusion of Afro-Brazilian history and culture in curricula exemplifies the power struggle in education. The construction of a counter-hegemonic curriculum is essential to promote a more just and inclusive education. [Extracted from the article]

Copyright of Eurasian Studies (17220750) is the property of Brill Academic Publishers and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

After the Second World War, with the establishment of the communist regime in Romania, culture in general and fine arts in particular evolved differently from the West, under the auspices of socialist realism. Thus, in the first decade and a half after the Great World War, during Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej's regime, Soviet cultural landmarks became the only source of inspiration. The communist ideology, indoctrination and manipulation will leave its mark on the Romanian society's way of thinking. This Stalinist-style Soviet influence proved to be harmful for the Romanian cultural space, distancing us from our own national landmarks. The resynchronization with the cultural values of Western Europe, the integration of Romanian culture and fine arts in the universal cultural heritage comes with the process of destalinization promoted by Nicolae Ceausescu's regime between 1965-1971. So the process of gradual emancipation of communist Romania from the Soviet Union continued after Nicolae Ceauşescu came to power in 1965 and had an important moment in 1968, when the Romanian Army troops did not participate in the invasion of Czechoslovakia by the forces of some Warsaw Treaty member states, and Ceauşescu created a strong platform of sympathy both domestically and internationally, following his speech at the rally organized in Bucharest in August 1968. Relations with foreign countries would be based on and develop principles in line with those set out in the 1964 Declaration. In this first phase of the "golden age" (around 1965-1971), the ideological discourse relaxed, but hardened again in 1971. In July 1971, Nicolae Ceauşescu announced new measures for the "Improvement of political-ideological activity", which have remained in the history of Romanian communism as the July Theses, a name reminiscent of the Leninist Theses of April. Ceauşescu's Theses were a new guide for all cultural productions in Romania. Ideologically, the Theses were dogmatic rather than innovative: concepts long abandoned in the rest of the communist camp, such as socialist realism, were brought back to the fore by Ceauşescu, who put an end to all illusions of liberalization of cultural life that had been entertained at the beginning of his leadership. In other words, Romanian intellectuals were to draw their inspiration exclusively from domestic sources, namely the realities of socialist Romania. The consequence: after a brief period in which normal relations with the West were resumed, Romanian culture was condemned by the communist regime for the second time, after the forced Russification of Stalin's era, to years of development in total isolation from any influence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, there has been a growing interest in the international dimensions of populism, by now a major political phenomenon around the world. This interest, however, has been confined largely to the state level, especially the influence of populism on foreign policy. In this Forum, we argue that it is important for analysis to move beyond the state level and view populism as a concept and phenomenon of international relations (IR) rather than simply a factor of foreign policy. The Forum discusses implications of the rise of populism for IR theory, the role of international systemic change in the emergence of populism in national arenas, and the ways that regime type, state structure and institutions, ideational content, and the political strategies of populists condition the impact of populism on world politics. In this way, the Forum identifies specific directions for the study of populism in IR that scholars can follow in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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