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Humanitarianism is a contested concept. Should humanitarian action seek to address only the symptoms of crises, or also their causes? Can humanitarian agencies best achieve their goals through a commitment to neutrality, or should they take a self-consciously political approach? This paper argues that debates about the desirability of more ambitious approaches to humanitarianism have been clouded by a lack of conceptual clarity. Showing that the perspective of the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) is not as apolitical as is often presented, and that so-called 'political humanitarianism' conflates four conceptually distinct ways of being political, the paper suggests that a black and white characterisation of approaches to humanitarianism as either political or apolitical is more accurately rendered as (at least) five shades of grey. Distinguishing the variants of 'political' humanitarianism matters, and the paper highlights how their conflation has marred normative debates on the desirability of different approaches.العمل الإنساني بوصفه مفهوماً متنازع عليه. هل يجب أن يسعى العمل الإنساني إلى معالجة أعراض الأزمات فقط أم أسبابها أيضًا؟ هل تستطيع الوكالات الإنسانية تحقيق أهدافها على أفضل وجه من خلال التزام الحياد، أم ينبغي لها اتباع نهج سياسي واعي بذاته؟ يجادل هذا المقال بأن النقاشات حول الرغبة في اتباع نهج أكثر طموحًا للعمل الإنساني قد خيم عليها الافتقار إلى وضوح المفهوم. يوضح المقال أن منظور اللجنة الدولية للصليب الأحمر ليس غير سياسياً، كما تقدم في كثير من الأحيان، وأن ما يسمى بـ "العمل الإنساني السياسي" يدمج أربع طرق مختلفة من حيث المفهوم لكونه سياسياً، يقترح المقال أن التوصيف بالأبيض والأسود لمقاربات الإنسانية على أنها إما سياسية أو غير سياسية يُقدّم بشكل أكثر دقة (على الأقل) كخمس درجات من الرمادي. التمييز بين المتغيرات المختلفة للمسائل الإنسانية "السياسية" - وهذا المقال يسلطان الضوء على كيف أن الخلط بينهما قد أفسد المناقشات المعيارية حول الرغبة في اتباع نهج مختلفة. عبارات محورية: العمل الإنساني الكلاسيكي، العمل الإنساني الجديد، اللجنة الدولية للصليب الأحمر، الحياد، المبادئ الإنسانية، العمل الإنساني السياسي، العواقبية، الأخلاق، الجهر، سيادة الدولة.人道主义是一个会引起异议的概念。人道主义行动是否只应处理危机的症状，还是也要处理危机的原因？人道主义机构能否通过承诺保持中立来最佳地实现目标，还是应采取自觉的政治方针?本文认为，关于希望有更进取的人道主义方法的讨论，由于缺乏概念的明确性而蒙上阴影。本文表明，红十字国际委员会的观点并不象常展示的那样，是非政治化的，同时，所谓的“政治人道主义”包含了四种概念上截然不同的政治化的方式，本文建议，这种非黑即白的定性，把人道主义方法定性为政治化或非政治的特性，可以更准确地转变成（至少）五度灰。区分“政治”人道主义的不同变体很重要--而本文强调了它们的结合如何破坏了关于不同方法的想望的常规辩论。 关键词：旧式人道主义、新式人道主义、红十字国际委员会、中立、人道主义原则、政治人道主义、结果主义、义务、发声、国家主权.

Responding to disasters triggered by natural hazards is a deeply political process, but it is usually presented by practitioners as an apolitical endeavour. This is striking when disasters occur in authoritarian and politically highly polarised conflict-affected settings. Although the literature provides leads as to why and how humanitarians depoliticise aid, there has been little empirical research on the implications of depoliticisation, especially at the community level. Based on qualitative fieldwork that focused on the drought responses that overlapped with the 2016-19 sociopolitical crises in Zimbabwe, this paper details the practices, motivations, and implications of humanitarian depoliticisation. It differentiates between strategic, coerced, and routine managerial depoliticisation, and argues that, in an authoritarian conflict-affected setting, depoliticisation strategically allows state and non-state actors to defuse sensitive issues and actor relations and to remain safe. However, depoliticisation can also have implications for information management, monitoring, accountability, and protection, and thus ultimately for upholding humanitarian principles.يُعدّ التصدي للكوارث التي تسببها الأخطار الطبيعية عملية سياسية عميقة، ولكن عادة ما يقدمها الممارسون على أنها مسعى غير سياسي. يكون هذا مدهشاً عندما تحدث الكوارث في البيئات الاستبدادية والمستقطبة سياسياً للغاية والمتأثرة بالصراع. على الرغم من أن الأدبيات تقدم أدلة حول لماذا وكيف ينزع العاملون في المجال الإنساني المساعدات من السياسة، إلا أنه لم يكن هناك سوى القليل من الأبحاث التجريبية حول الآثار المترتبة على عدم التسييس، خاصة على مستوى المجتمع. استنادًا إلى عمل ميداني نوعي يركز على التصدي لحالات الجفاف المتداخلة مع الأزمات الاجتماعية والسياسية في زيمبابوي في الفترة من 2016-2019، تبيّن هذه المقالة بالتفصيل الممارسات، والدوافع، والآثار المترتبة على عدم تسييس العمل الإنساني. إنه يفرّق بين نزع التسييس الاستراتيجي، والقسري، والاعتيادي، ويناقش بأنه، في بيئة سلطوية متأثرة بالصراع، فإن عدم التسييس على نحو استراتيجي يسمح للجهات الفاعلة الحكومية، والجهات غير الحكومية نزع فتيل القضايا الحساسة، والعلاقات بين الجهات الفاعلة لتبقى آمنة. ومع ذلك، فإن عدم التسييس يمكن أن يكون له أيضاً آثار على إدارة المعلومات، والرصد، والمساءلة، والحماية، وبالتالي دعم المبادئ الإنسانية في نهاية المطاف. كلمات محورية: الاستبداد، الصراع، نزع التسييس، الكارثة، الجفاف، الحوكمة، العمل الإنساني، السياسة، زيمبابوي.对自然灾害引发的灾害作出响应，这是一个非常政治化的过程，但实践者通常将该过程展示为一种非政治的努力。当灾害发生在专制政权和在政治上高度两极化的受冲突影响的背景下时，这一点很明显。尽管文献提供了关于人道主义者为何及如何将援助去政治化的线索，然而，关于去政治化的影响，基于实践经验的研究却很少，尤其是在社区层面。干旱响应与2016年至2019年津巴布韦的社会政治危机重合在一起，根据侧重于该响应的定性实地调查，本文详细阐述了人道主义去政治化的实践、动机和影响。该文章区分了战略性、强迫性和常规管理的去政治化，并主张，在专制政权的受冲突影响的环境下，去政治化在战略上允许国家和非政府行动者化解敏感问题和行动者关系，同时保持安全。然而，去政治化也可以对信息管理、监测、问责和保护产生影响，从而最终对维护人道主义原则产生影响。 关键词：专制主义、冲突、去政治化、灾害、干旱、治理、人道主义、政治、津巴布韦.

Ethics are the driving force of the humanitarian field, a domain that has been governed by general and universal ethical principles. Researchers have largely focused on studying the organizational commitment to these principles, paying less attention to the role-specific ethics of this field. Moreover, researchers who consider the humanitarian field from a media studies lens have often focused on media representation, while questions about communication as practice are sidelined. In this paper, I approach humanitarian ethics with a particular focus on role morality and communication practices. With a particular focus on the role of a humanitarian communications specialist, I argue, in this paper, that the feminist ethics of care is a useful ethical framework that can guide communication specialists to better practices when they are in the field of operation. I also answer the following research questions: What are the main ethical principles that humanitarian communication specialists are expected to observe as humanitarians? Why are these principles insufficient? How might feminist ethics of care fill the gap left by current humanitarian principles and what would be the added value of this framework for practicing humanitarian communication? To answer, I ground my approach in an experiential understanding built from my personal experience as a humanitarian communications specialist. Second, I offer a literature review to highlight the common ground between humanitarian ethics and the feminist ethics of care and the added value of the feminist ethics of care why applied by humanitarian communication specialists. Third, I provide some examples of communications practices that may follow the feminist ethics of care model.

The establishment of the International Criminal Tribunal's post-World War II is the clear sign of augmented figure of International Crimes especially. The culmination of flagship tribunals like Yugoslavia and Rwanda opened the new phase for several significant questions such as the maintenance of humanitarian principles throughout the investigation, relevancy of evidence, authenticity, and overall mechanism and its legality too. The chances of an independent investigation mechanism for international crimes may also not be denied. Under such a state of affairs, the issues of collection, preservation, and scrutiny of the evidence of the most serious International Crimes and violations of normative principles set out by International Criminal Law becomes crucial to know to ensure fair and transparent justice. Indeed, the investigation procedure required for such fairness and transparency demands unequivocal maintenance of humanitarian principles throughout the process and legality for the sake of legal authority behind. Consequently, the present paper counts the impact of the investigation mechanism on criminal for international crimes and the existence of the symptoms of humanitarian principles with its legality by analyzing several International Instruments, Judicial Decisions, and other fact findings on the record.

The following paper explores the position of India on refugees and its resistance to signing the 1951 Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees. It first revisits the colonial frame in which a refugee policy was thrust upon the country. Secondly, it analyzes the geopolitical and internal constraints that determined India’s approach to the refugee question in the 1950s. Finally, it focuses on the current moment to discuss the implications of the recent amendment of the Citizenship Act for refugees in India. Such a long-term approach can open the door to a process of accommodation both by international organizations and by national governments around some universal humanitarian principles that must govern refugee policies. States remain sovereign in their international commitments. They choose to ratify a treaty or not, and to denounce it or not. In addition, human rights institutions are regularly criticized and attacked by States while their legitimacy is often questioned. It is this sovereign freedom of each State, which makes this matter difficult to grasp. We believe that understanding the factors influencing States in their choices is particularly crucial in this period of instability in international relations., L'article qui suit explore la position de l'Inde sur la question des réfugiés et sa résistance à signer la Convention de 1951 relative au statut des réfugiés. Il revisite tout d''abord le cadre colonial dans lequel une politique des réfugiés a été imposée. Ensuite, il analyse les contraintes géopolitiques et internes qui ont déterminé l'approche indienne à la question des réfugiés dans les années 1950. Enfin, l'article met en lumière l'impact, sur les réfugiés, de l'amendement de 2019 à la Loi sur la citoyenneté en Inde. Les États restent souverains dans leurs engagements internationaux. Ils choisissent de ratifier ou non un traité, de le dénoncer ou non. De plus, les critiques et attaques régulières à l'encontre des institutions des droits humains par les États entraînent une remise en question de ces mêmes institutions et de leur légitimité. C'est cette liberté souveraine de chaque État qui rend cette question difficile à appréhender. La compréhension des facteurs qui influencent les États dans leurs choix est particulièrement cruciale en cette période d’instabilité des relations internationales., El siguiente artículo explora la posición de la India sobre los refugiados y su resistencia a firmar la Convención sobre el Estatuto de los Refugiados de 1951. En primer lugar, revisa el marco colonial en el que se impuso al país una política de refugiados. En segundo lugar, analiza los condicionantes geopolíticos e internos que determinaron el enfoque de la India sobre la cuestión de los refugiados en la década de 1950. Por último, se centra en el momento actual para evidenciar las implicaciones de la reciente modificación de la Ley de Ciudadanía para los refugiados en la India. Los Estados siguen siendo soberanos en sus compromisos internacionales. Deciden ratificar un tratado o no, y denunciarlo o no. Además, las instituciones de derechos humanos son criticadas y atacadas regularmente por los Estados, mientras que su legitimidad es a menudo cuestionada. Es ésta libertad soberana de cada Estado la que hace que éste asunto sea difícil de entender. Creemos que comprender los factores que influyen en las decisiones de los Estados es especialmente crucial en este periodo de inestabilidad en las relaciones internacionales., Boutier Indira. The Non-Ratification of the 1951 Convention on Refugees: An Indian Paradoxical Approach to Human Rights. In: Revue Québécoise de droit international, Hors-série juin 2021 – State Compliance with International Human Rights Law: State-of-the-art, Improvement and Challenges. pp. 115-135.

إن فظاعة ووحشية جرائم الحرب في النزاعات المسلحة الغير دولية وعدم حماية الأفراد في حالات الاضطرابات والتوترات الداخلية التي لم تستثن حتى الفئات الضعيفة والأعيان اللازمة لحياتهم کما حدث في ليبيا واليمن والسودان وسوريا، فضلا عن مون المبادئ الإنسانية أصبحت مهددة بالزوال في ظل هذه النزاعات نتيجة لإزدياد تعلق أطراف النزاع بمفهوم النصر ولو على حساب هذه المبادئ، لطالما اعتبرت الاضطرابات والتوترات أوضاعا داخلية تنطبق عليها القوانين الداخلية، مما يعني أنه لا يمکن تطبيق أحکام القانون الدولي الإنساني على المتضررين من الانتهاکات التي تقع عليهم لذلک سعت الکثير من المنظمات المهتمة بحقوق الإنسان إلى تغيير هذا التوجه في مختلف المؤتمرات الدولية التي نظمتها، وذلک من منطلق أن حماية شخص الإنسان وسلامته وکرامته وحياته ضرورة آمرة في کل الأوقات والظروف، ولذلک فإن قضاء هذه الأوضاع من مجال حماية القانون الدولي الإنساني لا يعني غياب القانون عنها، وإنما توجه الحماية نحو قواعد أکثر شمولا: موضوعيا، زمنيا، مکانيا، وشخصيا، والمقصود هنا هي قواعد القانون الدولي لحقوق الإنسان. The atrocity and brutality of war crimes in non-international armed conflicts and the failure to protect individuals in situations of internal disturbances and tensions that did not exclude even the vulnerable groups and objects necessary for their lives, as happened in Libya, Yemen, Sudan and Syria, as well as the moon, humanitarian principles have become threatened with extinction in light of these conflicts as a result of the increasing attachment of The parties to the conflict in the concept of victory, even at the expense of these principles, have always considered disturbances and tensions as internal conditions to which internal laws apply, which means that the provisions of international humanitarian law cannot be applied to those affected by the violations that occur to them. Therefore, many human rights organizations have sought to change this approach. In the various international conferences that I organized, on the premise that the protection of the human person, his integrity, dignity and life is a peremptory necessity at all times and circumstances. Therefore, excluding these situations from the field of protection of international humanitarian law does not mean the absence of law from it, but rather directs protection towards more comprehensive rules: Objectively, temporally, spatially and personally, what is meant here are the rules of international human rights law. The study aims to lay down a system or rules to regulate these internal tensions and disturbances, whether international or non-international armed conflicts, in order to reduce the occurrence of violations and alleviate suffering in international humanitarian law. The problem of the study revolves around two main issues: First: Since internal disturbances and tensions are not covered by international humanitarian law, then what is the best way to find legal rules in order to protect the individual from the arbitrariness and excesses of authority, and how can the humanitarian activities aimed at helping victims of violence be protected? Second: Did international law provide the necessary protection that guarantees at least the minimum rights for civilians and civilian objects during internal tensions and disturbances, and if this is the case, were these rules actually applied during them? The study reached many results, including in terms of application, as the current non-international armed conflicts demonstrated the ineffectiveness of applying international humanitarian law to them and the difference in legal systems applied to the two types of international armed conflicts and non-international armed conflicts, so that the former has growing legal rules in order to protect its victims. While we find that the second type has only some insufficient rules

The principles which deal humanity are the core values of International Humanitarian Law (IHL) and Human Rights Law (HRL). Both of these codified laws expressly provide utmost protection for rights of women and children suffering war hostilities, armed conflicts and other natural disasters. These vulnerable groups are protected in the behest of International Law as well as Municipal laws. Indeed, it is admitted fact that during such crisis they become most vulnerable subject of the society. In this context, the statutory laws in Pakistan have also been promulgated in consonance with the IHL, HRL and Refugee Law. The main corpus of these rules has been embodied either directly or indirectly in the Constitution of Pakistan, 1973, and as such, International Law have been ratified and thus is provisions are binding on Pakistan. However, it is observed that their applicability is not proper at state level, and as such they could not have provide effective remedies to the children and women in Pakistan. The aim of this research is to analyse critically, the applicability of Municipal Laws concerning with the protection of the rights of women and children in Pakistan, and for this objective, doctrinal research method has been adopted.

The humanitarian setting poses a number of challenges to organizations, so it is important to respond in an adequate way. Organizational culture is a significant factor in organizational performance and can be a deciding factor between success and failure. Every organization has its own unique culture, whether management is aware of it or not. In order to perform in the most efficient way and to be able to carry the strategy into effect properly, humanitarian organizations need an adequate and strong organizational culture. Then, to strengthen the team's sense of purpose and help it move in a unified direction humanitarian principles and standards are developed. For the development of the organization timely establishment of value systems and patterns of behavior is very important. Organizational culture is important for internal structure as well as for external bonds among participants.

The Emergency Social Safety Net (ESSN) programme, which was launched in 2016, has become the central element of the humanitarian response to the plight of Syrian refugees in Turkey and an instrument of European migration control policies. This paper offers a contextual analysis of this European Union-funded cash assistance scheme by examining the modes of interaction between its major assumptions and the broader humanitarian response in the context of Turkey. It finds that the ESSN comes with compromises on humanitarian principles and standards, amplifies the protection and assistance divide, and fails to address the realities of Turkey with respect to the country's housing and labour markets and weak protection framework. The paper concludes that a more inclusive approach to eligibility and higher transfer payments can contribute to the addressing of assistance needs provided that cash support is combined with robust protection programming and the implementation of sector-specific projects and policies.

Over half of Syrian refugee households in Lebanon are food insecure with some reliant on an electronic voucher (e-voucher) system for food aid. The interplay between the digitisation of food aid, within the socio-technical context of refugees, and community collaborative practices is yet to be investigated. Through design engagements and interviews with refugees and shop owners we explore the experiences of a Syrian refugee community in Lebanon using the e-voucher system. We provide insights into the socio-technical environment in which the e-voucher system is dispensing aid, the information and power asymmetries experienced, refugee collaborative coping practices and how they interplay with the e-voucher system. We highlight the need for: (1) expanding refugee digital capabilities to encompass understandings of aid technologies and identifying trusted intermediaries and (2) for technologies to support in upholding humanitarian principles and mitigating power and information asymmetries. Lastly, we call for CSCW researchers and humanitarian innovators to consider how humanitarian technologies can enable refugee collaborative practices and adopt everyday security as a lens for designing aid technologies. The paper contributes to CSCW knowledge regarding the interplay between aid technologies and refugees? socio-technical contexts and practices that provides a basis for future technological designs for collaborative technologies for refugee food security.

This article aims to explore the principles of humanity in Islamic International Law, which include humanitarian principles in peace situation and in time of war and assess their suitability with current international law. To achieve this purpose, this article uses historical assessment methods and textual interpretations to study a string of historical events as well as analyze sources of text from the Quran, hadiths and other legal documents. The principles of humanity outlined in this paper are an important aspect of organizing relationships between humans either in peace or during the war. In fact, the Islamic Law of the Quran, the hadiths and actions of the Prophet ﷺ throughout history has always elevated human dignity and human values. The results show that Islamic International Law through its humanitarian principles contributes significantly to the regulation of human life in line with the development of international law. In light of the sentiment expressed by some of the international community that Islam is a terrorist religion, the humanitarian principles outlined in this article are expected to repel the allegations and thus formulate a set of ideas that will support and improve the implementation of existing international law

This article examines the role of international humanitarian law (ihl) and humanitarian principles in the discourse of humanitarian negotiation. The article is based on extensive, semi-structured interviews conducted with 53 humanitarian practitioners about their experiences engaging in negotiations in the field. The article proceeds in four parts. Part 1 discusses two key factors at play during humanitarian negotiation processes. The first factor is the counterpart’s familiarity with relevant legal and normative frameworks. The second factor is the interests that can drive counterparts’ behavior. Part 2 presents a framework for understanding how the interaction of these two factors – familiarity and interest-alignment – can shape the discourse of humanitarian negotiation. Part 3 addresses the impact of these same issues on the humanitarian side of the negotiation. In particular, there is the possibility that humanitarian actors themselves might also lack familiarity with ihl and/or humanitarian principles and might find that their interests exist in tension with humanitarian laws and principles. The final section offers concluding remarks.

The importance of this research is that it goes beyond the many descriptive studies that dealt with pre-Islamic poetry and poetry in particular. This research deals with the dualism of white and black in the poetry of Antar and the relationship of this duality with the same poet. It may come to mind that the poet To ignore the mention of this duality in his poetry, but contrary to what the reader expected more than mentioned and talk about, and so he does not escape from the basic problem facing him in his life, a color node, but tries to address it and face to overcome Through its introduction and conform to religious, mythological and social standards and the same And moral values, by deconstructing this dualism and making black as well as white acceptable on both the personal and social levels. Through his poetic style and his good use of white and black, he attempts to modify the balance between his understanding and his society understands of human relations in accordance with humanitarian principles and not just formal forms in which society believes and gives them something of holiness.

BackgroundMany of the 35 million women and girls aged 15–49 requiring humanitarian assistance have inadequate access to the sexual and reproductive health (SRH) services to which they are entitled. Ensuring accountability is critical to realizing their SRH and reproductive rights (RR).ObjectivesThis scoping review examines the extent and nature of existing evidence on accountability strategies for SRH in humanitarian settings in different geographical scopes/contexts, and contextualizes these findings in the larger thematic literature. This review seeks to answer the following questions: What accountability strategies are employed to address the availability, accessibility, acceptability, and quality of SRH in humanitarian settings? What do we know about the successes and challenges of the given strategies? What are the implications for practice?MethodsWe consulted public health, social science, and legal databases including SCOPUS, PubMed, ProQuest, and LexisNexis for peer-reviewed articles, as well as Google Advanced search for grey literature; the search was conducted in March 2019. We searched for relevant articles and documents relating to accountability, humanitarian, and SRH and/or RR. To identify key challenges not reflected in the literature and additional grey literature, 18 key informants from international NGOs, local government bodies, academia, and donor agencies were interviewed from March–June 2019.ResultsA total of 209 papers and documents were identified via our literature searches and interviews for review. We identified three categories of approaches to accountability in our background reading, and we then applied these to the papers reviewed a priori.We created a fourth category based on our findings. The categories include: (1) humanitarian principles, codes of conduct, and legal instruments; (2) technical, performance, and impact standards; (3) efforts to solicit and address the rights and needs of the affected populations, or “listening and responding,” and, (4) accountability demands made by affected populations themselves. Almost all papers identified referred to challenges to realizing accountability in humanitarian contexts. There are promising accountability approaches – some specific to SRH and some not - such as open-ended feedback from affected populations, quality improvement, and practical application of standards. Reflecting a largely top down orientation, papers concentrate on accountability mechanisms within humanitarian work, with much less focus on supporting affected populations to deepen their understanding of structural causes of their position, understand their entitlements, or access justice.ConclusionIn the last 20 years, there has been increasing standard and guideline development and program experiences related to accountability in humanitarian settings. Yet, the emphasis is on tools or mechanisms for accountability with less attention to changing norms regarding SRH and RR within affected communities, and to a lesser extent, among implementers of humanitarian programs or to institutionalizing community participation.