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For several decades, various international organisations have been paying attention to the situation of human rights defenders. The Inter-American Court of Human Rights has highlighted the importance of human rights defenders for democratic systems and has insisted on the duty of States to adopt protection measures in their favour. This article deals with three main aspects of this jurisprudence: 1) the definition of the category of human rights defenders; 2) the extension of the rights of this category; 3) reparations ordered in cases of violations of those rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article is devoted to highlighting the activities of international and national non-governmental organizations for the protection of human rights defenders; defining their place and role in the existing international and national human rights systems. Attention is focused on the activities of such nongovernmental human rights organizations as: International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH), World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT), Observatory For Defenders, Amnesty International, Front Line Defenders (FLD), Women Human Rights Defenders International Coalition (WHRDIC), etc. It is noted that there is a significant trend towards an increase in the number of non-governmental organisations on the African continent in response to numerous violations of the rights of human rights defenders. These organisations include: Institute for Human Rights and Development in Africa (IHRDA), West African Human Rights Defenders Network (WAHRDN), AfricanDefenders (Pan-African Human Rights Defenders Network), Network of Human Rights Defenders in Central Africa (REDHAC), Network of African National Human Rights Institutions (NANHRI), DefendDefenders (East and Horn of Africa Human Rights Defenders Project (EHAHRDP)), SouthernDefenders (Southern Africa Human Rights Defenders Network (SAHRDN)). It is concluded that the importance and activities of international and national non-governmental organizations are that they are, first of all, an integral part of the international universal and regional mechanisms for the protection of human rights, since human rights defenders are guaranteed the rights provided for in international human rights instruments, and therefore, in case of their violation, they have the right to apply to the supervisory bodies of these treaties (the Human Rights Committee, the European Court of Human Rights, the Committee against Torture, etc.; secondly, the above mentioned organizations contribute to the protection of the rights and freedoms of human rights defenders, taking into account the specifics of the region and national legislation; focus on respecting gender equality; make significant efforts to improve the existing legal framework for the protection of human rights defenders, expand the rights of this category of persons, taking into account the changing situation in the world with human rights and modern challenges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Transnational Human Rights Violations (THRV) are infringements of individual rights that originate outside the jurisdiction in which they take effect. Ranging from violent and criminal forms of transnational repression through to coercion against targets' family members abroad, digital surveillance, and legal intimidation, THRVs today generate widespread and systemic constraints on the exercise of human rights in jurisdictions around the world. At present, however, targets of THRVs typically find few avenues through which to raise complaints, receive assistance or pursue redress. This article proposes a new domestic institutional mechanism to directly address this situation. It first examines the mutually reinforcing, additive effects of transnational surveillance, coercion and censorship in the digital era. Next, it identifies relevant human rights standards showing state responsibilities to monitor and counter THRVs within their jurisdiction, and the growing recognition of additive, systemic effects of THRVs on broad populations. The third section examines policy responses in the United States, Australia, United Kingdom, and international organizations, noting that none has adequately addressed the contemporary nature and scope of THRVs as international standards require. The final section argues that to meet their obligations, states should establish Transnational Rights Protection Offices (TRPOs) to provide a clear contact point for targets to raise complaints and receive support; monitor and report on the situation of THRVs taking effect within the state's jurisdiction; advise and inform government departments on THRV issues; and develop evidence-based policy recommendations. We conclude by laying out the rationale for its institutional status within National Human Rights Institutions (NHRIs). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Estudios Politicos (01215167) is the property of Universidad de Antioquia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The enactment and application of the Electronic Transaction Information Law are pivotal for delineating the appropriate boundaries for exercising freedom of opinion and expression within Indonesia's digital sphere. According to reports from international digital rights research and advocacy organizations, online media journalists and human rights activists frequently encounter direct pressure and cyber harassment. This article explores the balance of freedom of expression in Indonesia's digital domain to ensure a secureenvironment for human rights defenders advocating for human rights. This study uses socio- legal methodologies to draw on data from literature reviews and in-depth interviews. It underscores the need for regulatory reforms to define prohibited hate speech explicitly. SAFENet documented 153 cyber-attacks in Indonesia in 2022, predominantly targeting civil society groups, students, activists, and journalists. Additionally, the National Committee on Human Rights reported that 52% of attacks on human rights defenders occurred in the digital realm. While the protection of digital democracy varies by nation, Indonesia must establish aninstitution responsible for properly enforcing the ITE Law alongside an independent monitoring mechanism and related policies. Such institutions, including those dedicated to human rights defenders, uphold human rights and demonstrate a commitment to the principles of freedom, respect, equality, and dignity within society.

Besides state actors, non-state actors and particularly private companies target human rights defenders (HRDs) and violate their rights to intimidate and stop them from challenging their interests. Despite the absence of responsibility of non-state actors in international human rights law, the United Nations Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights (UNGPs) set out global standards and acknowledge the role of HRDs in the promotion of human rights, urging corporations to work closely with defenders. Considering the effectiveness of the UNGPs, the article explores the potential for protecting HRDs within the framework and concludes that the UNGPs could be utilised to enhance the protection of defenders in relation to business activities. It also suggests that current efforts of implementation would be strengthened by mandatory human rights due diligence laws at the national and regional levels, and emphasises that a clear inclusion of corporate responsibility to respect defenders is required, as it would be beneficial for both sides, defenders and business enterprises. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses the plight of the 'Guapinol Eight,' a group of men who were arrested, detained, and convicted by a Honduran court after defending their right to access clean water. Our analysis is situated within a broader doctrinal conversation on the gaps in the conceptual and theoretical underpinnings of human rights defenders. In particular, we highlight the (lack of) effectiveness of protection mechanisms, the complex connections between activism, repression of activism and risk taking, and the usage of legal and administrative mechanisms for repression of human rights defenders. We find that the Honduran criminal justice system largely fails to protect those who speak up against unfair criminal charges, detention, and convictions, while at the same time fails to condemn private companies or individuals who retaliate against the work of human rights defenders with lawsuits, violence, or murder. In the conclusion of this paper, recommendations are made as to steps the Honduran government can take to redress past wrongs and introduce standards that comply with domestic and international law before a chilling effect ameliorates the voice of human rights in Honduras in the years to come. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the work of human rights defenders in 12 states in Mexico, who accompany cases of feminicides and disappearances in a context of a security crisis. Using focus group methodologies, we obtained qualitative information on their experiences. The findings indicate that current state policies, based on institutionalized feminism, fail to adequately address the diversity of women's needs. A transversal approach that considers the variety of experiences and voices of women defenders is suggested to combat gender violence more effectively. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years the rise of populist right-wing governments across Europe has led to concerns about infringements to lesbian and gay rights. Brave individuals bring cases against their states to the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) to test state compliance with the European Convention on Human Rights. It is argued in this article that strict admissibility criteria before the ECtHR poses particular difficulties for lesbian and gay applicants. Specifically, the admissibility requirements of being (1) an individual victim, (2) to disallow anonymous applications and (3) to have suffered a 'significant disadvantage' are more challenging for lesbian and gay applicants to fulfil. It is concluded that enabling Representative Actions would provide greater possibilities for such individuals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The debate over home state responsibility for human rights has focused on how home states might use accountability mechanisms to promote respect for human rights among their businesses abroad. However, a set of activists and researchers have opened a new front on the question of home state responsibility by focusing on the activities of Canadian diplomats providing advice and consular services to extractive firms abroad. This work documents how home states can be directly implicated in business and human rights controversies and how home state diplomats can put human rights defenders at increased risk. This paper outlines the growing body of research on the hidden influence of Canadian economic diplomacy in human rights controversies, suggesting a troubling disregard for corporate social responsibility and human rights concerns in these contexts, and making the case for robust accountability mechanisms to influence the conduct of both corporate actors and diplomatic officials. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ecología Política is the property of Fundacio ENT and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

When are human rights defenders at risk of being killed? Echoing research on journalist killings, we argue that a democratic context makes it easier for human rights defenders to operate and incentivizes them to continue activities and to pursue information that puts them at risk. De jure protections that defenders have may not be enforced or may not protect defenders from bad actors engaging in politically motivated murder. These factors make human rights defenders more likely to be killed by actors trying to avoid the spotlight and exposure in democratic systems than in other types of regimes. Autocratic regimes provide fewer opportunities to freely advocate for human rights and to pursue or disseminate information about human rights violations by state or non-state actors, reducing the likelihood of defender mortality. Using two new sets of cross-national data on the number of killings of human rights defenders between 1997 and 2010 and from 2014 to 2020, we find that these arguments are generally supported when controlling for other factors that affect the killing of human rights defenders, particularly in democracies with lower state capacity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Human rights defenders (HRDs) fight for various human rights and address concerns related to corruption, employment, the environment, and other issues. They also challenge powerful state and private stakeholders and seek justice for human rights abuses. Therefore, HRDs are increasingly becoming targets of violent attacks and abuse with the aim of silencing them. This article begins by providing a brief definition of HRDs and then proceeds to outline the risks associated with their work in defending human rights. It also identifies the perpetrators responsible for these violations. The article categorises the types of abuses against HRDs into two main categories, with a particular focus on the widespread tactic of using the legal system to target and silence defenders in Europe, which is also emerging globally. It introduces a taxonomy of various types of violations through the legal system. By categorising the types of violations against HRDs and establishing a taxonomy to aid in identifying these tactics, the article seeks to deepen understanding and awareness of the varied abuses experienced by HRDs, as well as their deviation from human rights standards, providing a valuable resource for academics, practitioners, and defenders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Pravnik is the property of Czech Academy of Sciences, Institute of State & Law and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Española de Derecho Internacional is the property of Asociacion Espanola de Profesores de Derecho Internacional y Relaciones Internacionales (AEPDIRI) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The last decades have witnessed a conceptual opening of human rights practices, hitherto prerogative of a chosen few legal experts, towards a multiplicity of subjectivities. This afforded human rights scholarship to address subaltern histories and reckon with past exclusions. Conversely, critical deconstruction and empirical diversification have aggravated the seemingly basic, yet thorny quest for defining human rights activism and identifying human rights defenders. This not only poses a challenge to research but, foremost, opens human rights concepts to abuse and undermines protection regimes. In this contribution to the Journal of Human Rights Practice 's Anniversary Issue, I trace the definition dilemma as it emerges from emancipatory developments in human rights practice scholarship. I am not pretending to solve this dilemma; rather, I offer 'metaphorical dislocations' changing the terms of discussion to elicit new avenues of thought. Taking common allusions to the economy of human rights as my point of departure, I pursue Marx's critique of political economy as a metaphor to describe human rights activism as a labour practice that a) produces discursive value qua rendering violence legible and b) transforms activist cultures socio-politically. Hence, I encounter the subjectivity of human rights defenders in the tensions between the co-dependent dimensions of practice and its political representation. The aspiration of this think piece is to emphasize the importance of co-constructing common foundations in the research on human rights activism, and to provoke responses leading us out of the all-too-well known trenches of debate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article describes a voluntary Friends Scheme that sits alongside a temporary relocation scheme for Human Rights Defenders at the University of York, UK. Members of the Scheme, including the scheme's co-ordinators, are all volunteers drawn from the local community with a remit to befriend the Defenders, help orient them to the city and UK lifestyles and offer the opportunity to experience day-to-day life outside of the university. With the erosion globally of the operational space for Human Rights Defenders' work, many are in situations of serious risk to their health, well-being and even life, jeopardizing their long-term ability to conduct their work. This has in turn increased their protection needs with temporary relocation providing one mechanism for meeting these. The Protective Fellowship Scheme for Human Rights Defenders at Risk (PFS) at York offers an institutionalized programme and the Friends Scheme arose from the identified need for additional informal well-being support. In describing key aspects of its operation, their evolution over time, and its challenges and rewards, the article draws on feedback from both Defenders and Friends. It is brought up to date, outlining the impact of Covid-19. Experience to date suggests the use of a Friends Scheme can be a valuable part of temporary relocation programmes for Defenders, staff running such schemes, the volunteer Friends and the local community. The use of a systemic approach to its organization through having clear processes, regular communication from and between the co-ordinators and PFS, and providing individual and group support appears valuable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This first pan-regional analysis of civil society organizations' perspectives on the contemporary situation of human rights defenders (HRDs) in the Commonwealth of Independent States uses United Nations' Universal Periodic Review (UPR) data and reveals a shrinking civil space as HRDs face a raft of rights pathologies, including threats, violence and murder. Their work is curtailed by increasing state restrictions on freedom of association and expression. The analysis reveals how women HRDs are particularly subject to discrimination and gender-based oppression. The malaise is compounded by impunity for offenders, corruption and government inaction following earlier UPR recommendations. The findings are theorized with reference to Weissbrodt's causal typology and Hollyer and Rosendorf's model of authoritarian government treaty accession. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the face of a rapid decline of rule of law standards in a number of EU Member States, this article examines whether the Helsinki process of the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE), which was instrumental in strengthening the political commitments to human rights and their defenders during the Cold War and thereafter, can still deliver for defenders in the EU today. It discusses issues related to the concern of the OSCE's fading relevance in its human dimension and the role EU Member States (EUMS) play in its decline. In reviewing the EU's diplomatic practice within the OSCE, this article suggests that in its quest for unity, the EU has grown into a cartel of silence, effectively weakening the OSCE's foundational logic of peer review as it is unwilling to deal with problems in a forum that was created for this very purpose. The article then recommends a number of ways in which OSCE's institutions and political bodies could develop their working methods to take advantage of particularly EU civil society expertise while also being open to their calls for OSCE action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The starting point of this article is the dissonance between the idea that human rights adhere to the basis of being human ("universality") and the lack of access to those rights as a practical reality for many, which can lead to activism and campaigns to gain those rights. This analysis critically explores the political contingency of universality by revisiting Hannah Arendt's concept of the right to have rights. As a fundamental political act in modernity, the right to have rights is posited as the recognition of politico-legal personhood, which is key to unlocking universal, indivisible, and interdependent rights. Under international human rights law, nation-states are the key institutions for the recognition and fulfillment of rights. By infusing the political act of the right to have rights with a recognition paradigm, and adding other elements from psychoanalysis, identity theory, and sociology, it is possible to address questions such as - who is recognized as belonging to the rights-fulfilling community? The model advanced here applies to those whose key social identity is given meaning by human rights. By considering human rights identities in various recognition spheres (family, society, state), this article interrogates the consequences of misrecognition, partial recognition, and non-recognition in terms of rights and activism. In addition, it sets out a normative account of a properly functioning society. However, considering theories and empiricism from social sciences, the consequences for human rights where recognition processes fail is also demonstrated. In this account, recognition of the individual as a politico-legal person is considered the "pinnacle of recognition relations." Moreover, being re-garded as belonging to the world of rights opens the horizon of universality. However, the politico-legal sphere of modernity in its current form is presented as highly exclusionary because the intersubjective dimensions of recognition in human rights are not properly acknowledged. If the political contingency of recognition was better understood, it could act as a touchstone for expanded recognition to marginalized groups. Thus, human rights activism and campaigns for universal rights are framed as socially mediated through these recognition relations. Success, measured as "universality" or unlocking the right to have rights, is actually contingent on whether the rights-fulfilling body recognizes the claimants in their human rights identities. A new frame for human rights activism could be a simple appeal: the right to be seen as human. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study sought to empirically test the contribution of information and communication technology (ICT) to the advancement of human rights, drawing on the fact that safeguarding human rights through the use of ICT is a field of increasing interest to academics and those working towards the advancement of human rights and development practitioners. The literature on ICT and human rights holds the view that ICT can play a significant role in the advancement of human rights. ICT has become an essential instrument for realising human rights, and ensuring its accessibility must be a primary concern for all governments. However, despite the increase in ICT usage, the southern African region has been marred by atrocities and human rights violations. Many southern African governments regularly impose restrictions on human rights defenders, journalists, and rights activists, often to suit political goals. The use of ICT has extensive effects on the human rights agenda and forms an important tool in its endeavours to gather, analyse, and spread information and advocate for fitting remedies in response to human rights infringements. It is against this background that this study sought to examine the contribution of ICT to the advancement of human rights. The study was quantitative in nature, using panel data to estimate its model. The findings reveal a weak positive relationship between ICT and the advancement of human rights. The study recommends that governments and civil society encourage the use of ICT functionality in ways that advance human rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Commissioner for Children and Young People in Scotland was established in 2003 by the Scottish Parliament. The core value of the institution is to ensure the participation of children and young people in their work. The office is committed to working to raise awareness and understanding of children`s human rights amongst children and adults across Scotland. The Commissioner uses its legal powers to investigate key children`s human rights issues and promote a rights-based approach to policy, guidance and practice. The last years were marked by the efforts of to incorporate the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child into domestic Scottish law, and the push for better legislation in order to protect children and young people across Scotland.

If the UN is to effectively monitor compliance with human rights obligations and protect victims from abuse, it is crucial that human rights defenders and victims of human rights violations can access and communicate with the UN freely and safely. A number of States systematically undermine the right to unhindered access to and cooperation with UN human rights mechanisms through intimidation or reprisals. In recent years, the UN has taken some welcome steps to address the issue. However, documenting overt, reported incidents of intimidation and reprisals using standard legalistic case-based methods has been privileged over addressing the kind of intimidation that inhibits defenders from engaging with the UN at all. Perversely, this means very repressive States can escape scrutiny. To begin to tackle this issue, ISHR commissioned a study that considers the methodological challenges and opportunities inherent in measuring the impact of intimidation in particular on engagement with the UN human rights system.

2019 was a year of collective action, and although the repression of civic space activism continues to rise, human rights defenders, activists, and civil society continue to operate, adapt, and resist. There are many success stories of human rights defenders who continue their work despite mounting restrictions, and it is important to recognise, celebrate, and learn from those stories and to work to bring these narratives to the surface of public attention to inspire us all. This article will look at a few cases of valuable achievements resulting from defenders’ work. In addition, the article will provide an overview of key restrictions and trends and what they can tell us about how civic space affects human rights defenders around the world and particularly in the Americas through the lens of the data collected over the course of 2019 by the CIVICUS Monitor.

Many of those who dare to raise their voices in defence of human rights in response to abuses committed in connection to mega-projects are being repressed in the Americas. In this context, Indigenous women leaders face multiple forms of violence, including gender-based violence. The prevailing narrative of 'progress' and 'development' that accompanies mega-projects in the region often stands in stark contrast to their lived experiences, as Indigenous women human rights defenders frequently face silencing practices from companies, authorities and other groups including paramilitary forces. In this article, I contend that Indigenous women leaders have managed to overcome the silence that is being imposed on them. But what are silencing practices? What does gender-based violence mean in this context? How do Indigenous women leaders overcome silencing practices? The article responds to these questions by focusing on the Wayúu Women's Force mobilization in Colombia and drawing on the emerging 'braided action' theoretical framework. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Human rights defenders (HRD) are facing shrinking spaces. The United Nations Human Rights Council (Council) is one of these potentially shrinking spaces. At the Council, there exists significant contestation over HRD and their role in human rights protection. Resolutions on HRD are facing contestation including lengthy debates and record-setting numbers of amendments by opponents of HRD initiatives. This paper uses theories of contestation from international relations to examine how Member States both advocate for and against HRD at the Council. Case study analysis including participant observation and elite-level interviews are used to examine strategies used by Member States. The paper finds that both advocates and proponents use a multitude of strategies aimed at defending or defeating the validity and application of HRD resolutions. This type of contestation matters for HRD because it eventually impacts the ability of defenders to promote and protect human rights on the ground. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Derechos en Acción is the property of Universidad Nacional de La Plata and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Human rights defenders (HRDs) are subjected to serious human rights violations through legal and extralegal actions. Notably, most of the abuses against them remain unpunished, perpetuating a vicious cycle of violence against them. There is room for doubt that international human rights law has failed to provide efficient protection for HRDs, and this article considers the international refugee regime as an alternative system of protection. In this sense the article first discusses the intersection between the terms 'refugee' and 'human rights defender' to establish that defenders fall within the protection of the 1951 Refugee Convention. Following an inductive reasoning, the article considers the most well-trodden defects of the refugee regime and the reluctance of HRDs to adopt refugee status; it concludes that this alternative may not be suitable for defenders. Besides a doctrinal approach, the article employs a socio-legal approach, which is enhanced by interviews with HRDs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on the case of Ríos Vivos Antioquia, a social and environmental movement that fights against the construction of Hidroituango —the largest dam in Colombia— which has produced serious environmental and social impacts on the population surrounding the project. This article analyzes the internationalization of the struggle by this movement through different strategies aimed at defending the Human Rights of its community. For that purpose, this research uses documents produced by the movement and reports of some NGOs as well as interviews with members of RVAM and external collaborators to know their main strategies in some depth. This paper concludes that the strategies of internationalization used by this movement have resulted in the strengthening of the social struggle and the empowerment of the population in that region, which has been particularly affected by the violence in Colombia. Recibido: 19 abril 2020 Aceptado: 06 noviembre 2020

How do people engaged in risky forms of activism understand and manage their mental and emotional wellbeing? What factors shape these responses? How is this significant for the sustainability of activism and human rights movements around the world? Drawing on a study with 407 participants who experienced high risks in human rights practice in Colombia, Mexico, Egypt, Kenya, and Indonesia, this article argues that cultures of human rights practice shape the way that mental and emotional wellbeing is understood and practiced. Gendered 'feeling rules' that valorize bravery, commitment, sacrifice, and selflessness complicate conversations about mental and emotional wellbeing, triggering feelings of guilt and self-indulgence in relation to self-care. Discussions about mental and emotional wellbeing are sensitive, culturally mediated, and laden with social and political implications. Some leaders are concerned that revealing their fears and vulnerabilities will lead to movement demobilisation. Mental health issues are thus made invisible. Participants in this study tended to rely on private rather than collective coping strategies; relatively few human rights groups and organisations adopted wellbeing practices. Crucially, however, activists affirm that their human rights practice enables them to experience and attain individual and collective wellbeing. This article discusses the maintenance of practices for self- and collective care that can sustain people engaged in activism in the face of high risks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Brasileira de Estudos Politicos is the property of Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais (Revista Brasileira de Estudos Politicos) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article analyses the human rights dimension of security as a prerequisite for designing a comprehensive cybersecurity framework. As a result of "securitisation" of this field, there has been a prevailing image of the need to sacrifice freedoms for the objective of national security - with the right to privacy being among the most contested rights in cyberspace. compromised accounts, phishing, internet blocking, filtering, censorship practices, information gathering, excessive electronic surveillance with facial software, data collection and profiling - these are some of the practices with potential for infringing on this right. But risks in cyberspace are not experienced evenly by everyone. Human rights defenders, journalist, activist, minority and marginalised groups are particularly at risk. They have been intentionally on a larger scale and with far-reaching consequences not only for their digital but often physical and psychosocial security. The conclusion will reason that there is a need for more safeguards as countervailing measures against possible human rights violations. Efficient translation of human rights standards into cyberspace realm needs to be ensured together with greater regulation and accountability. Beyond creating adequate legal and regulatory protection, building necessary awareness and skills for digital security is a measure of key importance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The gradual increase in the number and intensity of attacks against human rights defenders and, in particular, against land and environment defenders, has brought the issue to the international agenda and has led to the creation of different specific protection mechanisms. Among these mechanisms, this text fixes its attention on the emergence of national mechanisms for the protection of human rights defenders and the environment in Latin America, promoted by the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights itself. The analysis of the mechanism created in Mexico allows us to present its scope and its main characteristics, but also its limitations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]