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Objective: Across three experiments (N = 622), we investigated the effect of the future temporal perspective on wise reasoning within the context of interpersonal conflicts. Method: Studies 1 and 2 applied two heterogeneous measurements of wise reasoning: self‐report and open‐ended measurements. Participants reasoned about their recent interpersonal conflicts from a future (i.e., 1 year from now) or a present perspective. Similarly, Study 3 tested the relationship between various future temporal distances (i.e., 1 week, 1 year, 10 years, 30 years from now) and wise reasoning. Results: The future temporal perspective significantly promoted wise reasoning compared to the present perspective, especially when the focus was 30 years in the future. Moreover, reasoning about a conflict event from a future perspective first might cause a carry‐over effect on reasoning from the present perspective later. Conclusion: Future‐oriented temporal perspective significantly improves wise reasoning. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Previous research showed that suicide risk was associated with the anger trait and the facial expression of anger when advising on life dilemmas. We investigated if suicide risk was associated with the facial expression of anger during rest, a state when individuals often reflect upon their lives. Participants took a 1-min rest before being assessed for suicide risk. We measured 147 participants' frontal-view facial expressions during their rest 1475–3694 times using automated facial expression analysis technology. Participants' suicide risk was significantly positively correlated with their anger and disgust during the rest, which may be related to psychological pain and death-related thoughts among individuals with suicide risk. Therefore, rest for clinical patients should not be seen simply as a "rest" for the mind. Rather, for counselors, rest may open a window to look into patients' inner thoughts that may be important to their lives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract Objective Method Results Conclusion \nHIGHLIGHTS Suicide ideation (SI) is prevalent among college students, and suicide disclosure (SD) is critical for crisis intervention. However, students with SI may worry about stigmatizing responses to their disclosure. To better understand the mechanism of stigmatizing responses to SD, we investigated the effects of a hypothetical classmate’s SD on college students’ emotions and reasoning when providing advice to a distressed classmate.In a randomized controlled experiment, students wrote advice to a hypothetical classmate who recently failed in his pursuit of a romantic relationship with a peer. The experimental/control group also learned he wanted to either commit suicide/quit school. When typing the advice, participants’ facial expressions were recorded and analyzed by Facereader7.1. After advising, participants reported their sadness, joy, fear, anger, surprise, and disgust when advising. Finally, trained coders coded the common themes of their advice and rated the wise reasoning involved. Additionally, two experts in suicide prevention rated the helpfulness of their advice for the classmate.The experimental group showed significantly fewer facial expressions of happiness, reported higher sadness and fear, provided less helpful advice, and mentioned “confronting reality” less during advising. The difference in disgust and wise reasoning was nonsignificant.Learning of a classmate’s SI may increase fear and sadness among recipients and reduce the helpfulness of their advice. Increased psychoeducation for students that focuses on improving emotional regulation (especially facial expressions) during SI may reduce the stigma surrounding SI and prevent perceived burdensomeness among individuals with SI after SD.Hearing a peer’s SI reduced listeners’ happiness and increased sadness and fear.Listeners’ disgust did not change significantly after learning of a classmate’s SI.Learning of a classmate’s SI reduced the helpfulness of listeners’ advice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Previous research suggests that receiving a charity donation could induce gratitude but threaten self‐esteem. We investigated if peer charity donations from typical children benefit or harm the mental health of their left‐behind children (LBC) classmates. We recruited children at a school (i.e., intervened school) that organized peer charity donations every semester and three typical schools (i.e., non‐intervened school) without such intervention in China. Participants completed the gratitude, self‐esteem, depression, and social anxiety scales. A statistical toolbox, "Matchit", randomly selected 420 children aged 9–13 (220 females, 200 males, 213 LBC, 207 non‐LBC); there was no significant difference in left‐behind status, age, gender, or family economic status (all p >.10) between the intervened and non‐intervened groups (210 per group). Structural equation model analyses revealed that gratitude was associated with higher self‐esteem, lower social anxiety, and lower depression. Moreover, the intervention effect on self‐esteem was significantly positive among the LBC recipients and non‐LBC donors. The interaction between intervention and left‐behind status was significant on gratitude and depression. Specifically, the intervention effect was not significant on gratitude or depression among the LBC but was significantly negative on gratitude and depression among the non‐LBC. Peer charity donation may increase self‐esteem among children (recipients or donors) via increased social connection or satisfaction of basic needs, yet decreased gratitude among the donors due to the "moral licensing effect". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The science of wisdom has reached a critical point where researchers from numerous fields propose many distinct wisdom models (for reviews, see: Grossmann I et al i ., 2020; Phan I et al i ., 2021; Zhang I et al i ., 2022). Specifically, Clayton's (1975) views of wisdom are inspired by Erikson's theory of human development across the aging lifespan (Erikson and Erikson, 1959/1997). Although Clayton (1975) contended that Erikson's terminology was too vague, Joan M. Erikson provided a clear definition of "wisdom" after thoroughly examining its historical use (Erikson and Erikson, 1959/1997, p. 11). [Extracted from the article]

Interest in wisdom in the cognitive sciences, psychology, and education has been paralleled by conceptual confusions about its nature and assessment. To clarify these issues and promote consensus in the field, wisdom researchers met in Toronto in July of 2019, resolving disputes through discussion. Guided by a survey of scientists who study wisdom-related constructs, we established a common wisdom model, observing that empirical approaches to wisdom converge on the morally-grounded application of metacognition to reasoning and problem-solving. After outlining the function of relevant metacognitive and moral processes, we critically evaluate existing empirical approaches to measurement and offer recommendations for best practices. In the subsequent sections, we use the common wisdom model to selectively review evidence about the role of individual differences for development and manifestation of wisdom, approaches to wisdom development and training, as well as cultural, subcultural, and social-contextual differences. We conclude by discussing wisdom's conceptual overlap with a host of other constructs and outline unresolved conceptual and methodological challenges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars within the Berlin paradigm have analysed participants' responses to a hypothetical vignette about a friend's suicide ideation. However, no study has yet focused on participants' emotional reactions to this scenario, an important aspect of wisdom performance. We conducted a Thin‐Slice Wisdom study where participants were asked to give advice to a hypothetical friend contemplating suicide. We analysed their emotional profiles using facial expression analysis software (FACET2.1 and FACEREADER7.1). Participants' verbal responses were also transcribed and then scored by 10 raters using the Berlin criteria. Results revealed that the sadder the participants felt, the wiser their performance. Wiser participants may have been better at exploring this sad, but true, existential human dilemma. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives This is the first study on the Mainland Chinese implicit theory of wisdom. To understand the role of culture and social changes in the implicit theory of wisdom, cultural and generational differences were explored. Method Two generations of Mainland Chinese, 50 older adults (age 60–80 years) and 50 younger adults (age 20–30 years), were interviewed individually. Participants first nominated personal acquaintances and historical figures as wisdom exemplars and then gave their own definition of wisdom. Results Compared with the older generation, the younger generation nominated both acquaintance scholars and historical scholars more frequently, but acquaintance classmates & colleagues and historical leaders less frequently. Common themes of all participants' definition of wisdom partially resembled those of Western studies, yet with components that related to Chinese traditions: "Spirituality of disengagement" and "Positive mindset." Moreover, older generation emphasized "Cognitive engagement" more, but "Positive mindset" and "Spirituality of disengagement" less, than the younger generation. Discussion Wisdom aspects of cognitive, practical, and social engagement may be more universal and intergenerational, whereas wisdom aspects of "spirituality" and "mindset" may be more culturally specific and sensitive to social change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Past research has demonstrated differential recognition of emotion on faces of different races. This paper reports the first study to explore differential emotion attribution to neutral faces of different races. Chinese and Caucasian adults viewed a series of Chinese and Caucasian neutral faces and judged their outward facial expression: neutral, positive, or negative. The results showed that both Chinese and Caucasian viewers perceived more Chinese faces than Caucasian faces as neutral. Nevertheless, Chinese viewers attributed positive emotion to Caucasian faces more than to Chinese faces, whereas Caucasian viewers attributed negative emotion to Caucasian faces more than to Chinese faces. Moreover, Chinese viewers attributed negative and neutral emotion to the faces of both races without significant difference in frequency, whereas Caucasian viewers mostly attributed neutral emotion to the faces. These differences between Chinese and Caucasian viewers may be due to differential visual experience, culture, racial stereotype, or expectation of the experiment. We also used eye tracking among the Chinese participants to explore the relationship between face-processing strategy and emotion attribution to neutral faces. The results showed that the interaction between emotion attribution and face race was significant on face-processing strategy, such as fixation proportion on eyes and saccade amplitude. Additionally, pupil size during processing Caucasian faces was larger than during processing Chinese faces. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]